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1 An actual dependence on Gregory of Nyssa has sometimes been ascribed to Hilary. But Gregory was surely too yong for this. He may himself have borrowed from Hilary; But more probably both derived their common element from Eastern writers like Basil of Ancyra.
2 This is certainly the best translation of Tractatus; the word is discussed on a later page.
3 The latest date which I have seen assigned for his birth is 320, by Fechtrup, in Wetzer-Welte's Encyclopaedia. But this is surely inconsistent with his styling Ursacius and Valens, in his first Epistle to Constantine, `ignorant and unprincipled youths.0' This was written about the year 355 before Hilary knew much of the Arian controversy or the combatants, and was ludicrously inappropriate, for Ursacius and Valens were elderly men. He had found the words either in some of Athanasius' writings or in the records of the Council of Sardica, and borrowed them without enquiry. He could not have done so had he been only some thirty-five years of age; at fifty-five they are natural enough.
4 It is impossible to agree with Zingerle (Comment. Wolfflin. p.218) that Hilary was under the necessity of using a Greek and Latin Glossary. Such a passage as Tract. in Ps. cxxxviii. 43, to which he appeals, shows rather the extent than the smallness of Hilary's knowledge of Greek. What he frankly confesses, there as elsewhere, is ignorance of Hebrew. The words of Jerome (Ep. 34, 3 f.) about Hilary's friend, the presbyter Heliodorus, to whom he used to refer for explanations of Origen on the Psalms, are equally incapable of being employed to prove H ilary's defective Greek. Heliodorus knew Hebrew, and Hilary for want of Hebrew found Origen's notes on the Hebrew text difficult to understand, and for this reason, according to Jerome, used to consult his friend; not because he was unfamiliar with Greek.
5 His vocabulary is very poorly treated in the dictionaries; one of the many Signs of the neglect into which he has fallen. There are at least twenty-four words in the Tractatus super Psalmos which are omitted in the last edition of George's' lexicon, and these good Latin words, not technical terms invented for purposes of argument. Among the most interesting is quotiensque for quotienscumque; an unnoticed use is the frequent cum quando for quandoquidem. Of Hilary's other writings there is as yet no trustworthy text; from them the list of new words could at least be doubled.
9 Cf. Tract. in Ps. xiii. I, Trin. I. 38
10 Yet he strangely reproaches his Old Latin Bible with the use of nimis for ualde, Tract. in Ps. cxxxviii. 38. This employment of relative for positive terms had been common in literature for at least a century and a half.
11 E.g. Trin. v. II, vii. 14, ix. 4.
13 Trin. x. 14. This is a very remarkable allusion. Celsus, vii. prae., confidently assumes that all surgical operation must be painful.
16 Tract. in Ps. cxviii. Ain. 16; it is from Plin. N.H. 37, 32.
17 Tract. in Ps. lvii. 3. It suggests virgil, Ovid, Silius, and others.
20 Tract. in Ps. i. 7, lxi. 2, Ixiii. 5, &c. As usual, Hilary does not name his opponents.
21 Hilary's legendary daughter Abra., to whom he is said to have written a letter printed in the editions of his works, is now generally abandoned by the best authorities, e.g. by Fechtrup, the writer, in Wetzer-Welte's Encyclopaedia, of the best short life of Hilary.
24 This is on the assumption, which seems probable, that Irenaeus was not yet translated from the Greek. He certainly influenced Tertullian, and through him Hilary; and his doctrine of the recapitulation of mankind in Christ, reappearing as it does in Hilary, though not in Tertullian, suggests that our writer had made an independent study of Irenaeus. Even if the present wretched translation existed, he would certainly read the Greek.
25 Dr. Bigg's Bampton Lectures upon them are full of hints for the student of Hilary.
27 E.g. Tract. in Ps. cxxix. 4 f.
29 Comm. in Matt. v. I. It may be mentioned that the chapters of the Commentary do not coincide with those of the Gospel.
30 Comm. in Matt. xvi. 4, theotetam quam deitatem Latini nuncupant, xxvi. 5, theotetam quam deitatem nuncupamus. The strange accusative theotetam makes it the more probable that we have here a specimen of the primitive Greek vocabulary of Latin Christendom of which so few examples, e.g. Baptism and Eucharist, have survived. Cyprian had probably the chief share in destroying it; but the subject has never been examined as it deserves.
31 So especially xii. 18. There is similarly a possible allusion to Marcellus' teaching in xi. 9, which, however, may equally well be a reminiscence of some cognate earlier heresy.
32 Maffei's Introduction, §15.
33 xxxi. 3, penes quem erat antequam nasceretur.
34 See Ebert, Litteratur des Mittelalters, I. 139.
35 Syn. 91; regeneratus pridem et in episcopatu aliquantisper manens. The renderings `long ago0' and `for some time0' in this translation seem rather too strong.
36 E.g. Trin. viii. I. The bishop is a prince of the Church.
37 Sacerdos in Hilary, as in all writers till near the end of the fourth century, means `bishop0' always.
38 By Dr. Robertson of King's College, London. This, and Professor Gwatkin's Studies of Arianism, are the best English accounts.
40 The Apologia contra Arianos, p. 100 ff. in Dr. Robertson's translation.
41 Origines du culte chretien, p. 88.
42 Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism, p. 134.
45 There is much more evidence to this effect in Reuter, Augustineische Studien, p. 182 f. It was probably due to jealousy between West and East; cf. the way in which John of Jerusalem ignored the African decision in Pelagius' case. But the West was ignorant, as well as jealous, of the East. Even in his last years, after his sojourn in Asia Minor, Hilary believed that Jerusalem was, as had been prophesied, an uninhabited ruin; Tr. in Ps. cxxiv. ?2, cxxxi. ??18, 23, cxlvi. ?I.
48 This sparing of Marcellus in the cave of a Western like Hilary, may have been a concession to the incapacity of the West, e g. Julius of Tome and the Council of Sardica, to see his error. But this is not so likely as that it was a falling in with the general policy of Athanasius, as was the rare mention or the homoousion; cf. Gwatkin, op. cit. 42. n. Hilary was singularly independent of Western opinion, and his whole aim was to win the East.
49 No such examination seems to have been made as that to which Reuter in his admirable Augustineische Studien has subjected some of the thoughts of St. Augustine.
50 Harnack, Dogmengeschichte, ii. p. 243 n, (ed. 3). Hilary is, `making all allowance for dependence on Athanasius, an independent thinker, who has, indeed, excelled the bishop of Alexandria as a theologian.0'
51 Hort, Two Dissertations, p. 27.
53 Cf. Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism, p. 130.
54 Ib., p. 159. It would not be fair to judge Hilary by the de Synodis alone. The would-be diplomatist, in his eagerness to bring about a reconciliation, is not quite just either to the facts or to his own feelings.
58 Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism, p. 163.
60 Sulp. Sev. ii. 42, iuxta ea, quae Nicaeae erant a patribus conscripta.
61 Sulpicius Severus, Chron. ii. 45, says that he addressed at this time three petitions to the Emperor. This is, of course, not impossible; but it is more likely that he had in his mind the two appeals, that before the exile and the present one, and the invective.
63 Reading habet for habeo, but the text is obscure.
64 It is true that the Nicene Council is not named here, the allusion is obvious. The Conservatives had actually objected to the novelty of the Creed; and the Arians had, as Hilary goes on to say, used the pretext of novelty to destroy the Gospel. The Council of Nicaea was thirty-five years before, and is very accurately described as a `Synod of our fathers.0'
65 Cf. Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism, p. 182.
66 `Bodies lifted up without support, women hanging by the feet without their garments falling about their face.0' The other references which the Benedictine editor gives for this curious statement are evidently borrowed from this of Hilary. From the time of the first Apologists exorcism is, of course, constantly appealed to as an evidence of the truth of Christianity, but usually, in somewhat perfunctory language, and without the assertion that the writer has himself seen what he records. Hilary himself does not profess to be an eye-witness.
67 This is a telling point. Constantius had been notoriously unsuccessful in his Persian Wars.
68 The text is corrupt, but it is not probable that Hilary means that Paulinus was first relegated to Phlygia and then to some pagan frontier district, if such there was. It is quite in Hilary's present vein to assume that because the Montanists were usually called after the province of their origin, in which they were still numerous, therefore all Phrygians were heretics and outside the pale Christendom. If hordeo be read for horreo the passage is improved. Paulinus had either to be satisfied with rations of barley bread, the food of slaves, or else to beg from the heretics. Such treatment is very improbable, when we remember Hilary's own comfort in exile. But passions were excited, and men believed the worst of their opponents. We may compare the falsehoods in Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy, and in Neal's Puritans, which were eagerly believed in and after our own Civil War.
69 Hilary had previously (§ 27) asserted that `the Apostle has taught us to communicate with the tombs of the saints.0' This is an allusion to Rom. xii. 13, with the strange reading `tombs0' for `necessities0' (mneivaiz for creivaiz), which has, in fact, considerable authority in the mss. of the New Testament and in the Latin Christian writers. How far this reading may have been the cause, how far the effect, of the custom of celebrating the Eucharist at the tombs of Martyrs, it is impossible to say. The custom was by this time more than a century old, and one of its purposes was to maintain the sense of unity with the saints of the past. Constantius, by denying their doctrine, had made himself their enemy.
70 Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism, p. 244.
71 Rufinus, Hist. Eccel. i. 30, 31, and, dependent on him, Socrates iii. 10 and Sozomen v. 13.
72 Cf. Dr. Bright, Waymarks, p. 217. n.
74 Op. cit. I. 31. The recantation of Liberius and of the Italian bishops may be read in Hlilary's 12th Fragment.
76 Similarly in iv. 2 he alludes to the first book, meaning that which we call first, though, as we saw, in v. 3 he speaks of our fifth as his second.
77 i.e. in the passage introduced as a connecting link with the books which now precede it, when the whole work was put into its present shape.
78 E.g. ix. 31 to iii. 12, ix. 43 to vii. 7.
81 This heresy is not even mentioned in xii. 6, where the opening was obvious.
82 Dr. Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism, p. 226.
83 Cf. Gore's Dissertations, p. 134.
84 St. Luke xxii. 32, where e0deh/qhn is translated as a passive. Christ is entreated for Peter. There seems to be no parallel in Latin theology.
85 E.g. the cento from the De Trinitate attached to the Invective against Counstantius.
87 Newman, Arians of the Fourth Century, ii. v. 2.
89 E.g. bk. iii. is largely reproduced in ix.; ii. 9 f.==xi. 46
90 E.g. i. 19, ii. 2, iii. I, iv. 2, viii. 53, xi. 46f.
91 Cf. v. I (beginning of column 130 in Migne), x. 4.
93 Cf. Ad Const. ii. 8, in writing which his own words in the De Trinitate must have come into his mind. He had probably borrowed the thought from Origen, contra Celsum, i. 62. Similar apostrophes are in v. 19, vi. I9 f., 33.
96 E.g. in his masterly treatment, from his point of view, of the Old Testament Theophanies, iv. 15 f.
101 Cf Kruger, Lucifer Bischof von Calaris, p. 39.
104 Jerome, Apol. adv. Rufinum, i, 2 says that the total length of the Commentaries on Job and the Psalms was about 40,000 lines, i.e. Virgilian hexameters. The latter, at a tough estimate, must be nearly 35,000 lines in its present state. But Jerome, as we shall see, was not acquainted with so many Homilies as have come down to us; we must deduct about 5,000 lines, and this will leave l0,000 for the Commentary on Job, making it two sevenths of the length of the other. Jerome, however, is not careful in his statements of lengths; he calls the short De Synodis `a very long book0' Ep. v. 2.
105 Tractatus ought to be translated thus. It is the term, and the only term. Used so early as this for the bishop's address to the congregation; in fact, one might almost say that tractare, tractatus in Christian language had no other meaning. It is an anachtonism in the fourth century to render praedicare `preach ;0' cf. Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis, i. 126.
106 E.g. fundamen, Tr. in Ps. cxxviii. 10, germen, cxxxiv. 1, revolubilis, ii. 23 peccamen, ii. 9 fin., and often. The shape of sentences though simple is always good; to take one test word, saepe, which was almost if not quite extinct in common use, occurs fairly often near the end of a period, where it was needed for rhythm, which frequenter would have spoiled. Some Psalms, e.g. xiii., xiv., are treated more rhetorically than others.
107 Psalm li. is the only exception, due, no doubt, to careless transcription. The Homilies on the titles of Psalms ix. and xci. do not count; they are probably spurious, and in any case are incomplete, as the text of the Psalms is not discussed.
108 So Zingerle, Preface, p. xiv, to whom we owe the excellent Vienna Edition of the Homilies, the only part of Hilary's writing which has as yet appeared in a critical text. The writer of the former of these two Homilies, in § 2, says that the title of a Psalm always corresponds to the contents. This is quite contrary to Hilary's teaching, who frequently points out and ingeniously explains what seem to him, to be discrepancies.
109 E.g. in the Instruction or discourse preparatory to the Homilies, and in the introductory sections of that on Ps. 118 (119).
110 E.g. Instr. in Ps., § 12, the fifty days of rejoicing during which Christians must not prostrate themselves in prayer, nor fast.
112 The account of exorcism given on Ps. 64, § 10, suggests Cyptian, Ad. Don. 5, but the subject is such a commonplace that nothing definite can be said.
113 He is here cited by the volume and page of the edition by Lommatzsch. His system of interpretation is admirably described in the fourth of Dr. Bigg's Bampton Lectures, The Christian Platonists of Alexandria.
114 Hil. Tr. in Ps. 13, § 3, his igitur ita grassantibus, sq. = Origen (ed. Lommatzsch) xii. 38.
115 E.g. Instr. in Ps., § 15 = Origen in Eusebius, H. E. vi. 25 (Philocalia 3), Hilary on Ps. 51, §§ 3, 7 = Origen xii. 353, 354, and very often on Ps. 118 (119), e.g. the Introduction = Or. xiii. 67 f. Aleph, § 12 = ib. 70. Beth, § 6 = ib. 71, Caph, §§ 4, 9 = ib. 82, 83, &c
117 Origen xiii. 134, Hilary has omitted this from his Homily on Ps. 134, § 12.
118 Instances of such independence are Ps. 118, Daleth, § 6 (xiii. 74), 119, § 15 (ib. 108), 122, § 2 (ib. 112), 133, § 3 (ib. 131). The references to Origen are in brackets.
119 E.g. Ps. 118, Heth, § 10, 121, § 1; Origen xiii. 80, 111.
121 Origen xiii. 72; Hilary, Ps. 118, Gimel, § 1.
122 Cf. also Ps. 118, Heth, § 7, Koph, § 4, with Origen xiii. 79, 98. Here again the spirit of independence manifests itself towards the end of the work.
123 Cf. Ps. 118, Samech, § 6 Origen xiii. 92.
124 Ps. 143, § 4; Origen xiii. 149.
126 J. F. Gamurrini, S. Hilarii Tractatus de Mysteriis et Hymni, etc., 4to., Rome, 1887. The De Mysteriis occupies pp 3 - 28.
129 ib. p. 21; there is the not uncommon play on the two senses of colligere.
131 It must be confessed that some authorities refuse to regard this work as the De Mysteriis of Hilary. Among these is Ebert, Litteratur des Mittelaiters, p. 142, who admits that the matter might be Hilary's, but denies that the manner and style are his.
132 Comm. in Ep. ad Gal. ii. pref.: Hilarius in hymnorum carmine Gallos indociles vocat. This may mean that Hilary actually used the words `stubborn Gauls0' in one of his hymns. There would be nothing extraordinary in this; the early efforts, and especially those of the Arians which Hilary imitated for a better purpose, often departed widely from the propriety of later compositions, as we shall see in one of those attributed to Hilary himself.
133 It is true that the Fourth Council of Toledo (a.d. 633) in its 13th canon couples Hilary with Ambrose as the writer of hymns in actual use. But these canons are verbose productions, and this may be a mere literary flourish, natural enough in countrymen and contemporaries of Isidore of Seville, who knew, no doubt from Jerome's Viri Illustres, that Hilary was the first Latin hymn writer.
134 Two of the simplest stanzas are as follows:- Extra qualm caper potent Flex quid potuit fidemens humana res tantas penitusmanet Filius in Patre, credulus assequi,rursus quem penes sit Pater ut incorporeo ex Deodignus, qui genitus est profectus fueritFilius in Deum. primogenitus Dei.It is written in stanzas of six lines in the ms.; the metre is the second Asclepiad. Gammurrini, the discoverer, and Fechtrup (in Wetzer Welte's Encyclopaedia) regard it as the work of Hilary. but the weight of opinion is against them.
135 By Gamurrini in Studi e documenti, 1884, p. 83 f.
136 Printed in full by Mai, Patrum Nova Bibliotheca, p. 490. He suspends judgment, and will not say that it is unworthy of Hilary. The Benedictine editor, Coustant, gives a few stanzas as specimens, and summarily rejects it.
137 The four quarters of the universe are ortus, occasus, aquilo, septentrio; one of these last must mean the south. This would point to some German land as the home of the author; in no country of Romance tongue could such an error have been perpetrated. Perire is used for perdere, but this is not unparalleled.
138 In Mai's Patrum Nova Bibliotheca, vol. i., is a short treatise on the Genealogies of Christ. The method of interpretation is the same as Hilary's, but the language is not his; and the terms used of the Virgin in §§ 11, 12, are not as early as the fourth century. In the same volume is an exposition of the beginning of St. John's Gospel in an anti-Arian sense. In spite of some difference of vocabulary, there is no strong reason why this should not be by Hilary; cf. especially, §§ 5-7. Mai also prints in the same volume a short fragment on the Paralytic (St. Matt. ix.2), too brief for a judgment to be formed. In Pitra's Spicilegium Solesmense, vol. i., is a brief discussion on the first chapters of Genesis, dealing chiefly with the Fall. It appears, like the Homilies on the Psalms, to be the report of some extemporary addresses, and is more likely than any of the preceding to be the work of Hilary. It is quite in his style, but the contents are unimportant. But we must remember that the scribes were rarely content to confess that they were ignorant of the name author whom they transcribed; and that, being as ill-furnished with scruples as with imagination, they assigned everything that came to hand to a few fandliar names. Two further works ascribed to Hilary are obviously not his. Pitra, in the volunme of an already cited. has printed considerable remains of a Commentary on the Pauline Epistles, which really belongs to Theodore of Mopsuestia; and a Commentary on the seven Canonical Epistles, recently published in the Spicilegium Casinense, vol iii., is there attributed,with much reason,to his namesake of Arles.
140 It is clear from Hilary's account (Contra Auxentium. §7) that the decision lay with the laymen. Auxentius, in his account of the matter, does not even mention the bishops.
141 This was a gross exaggeration. They cannot have been more than 400, and probably were less and we must remember that the Homoean decision was only obtained by fraud, as Auxentius well knew.
143 There are fifteen in the collection, but the second and third which are as long as the rest together, and are obviously extracts from the same work, are not by Hilary. He expressly (Fragm. i. §6) that he commence with the council of Arles and the exile of Paulinus. These documents narrate at great length events which began six years earlier, and with which Hilary and his province had no direct concern. This proves that the fragments are not a portion of the Liber adversus Ursacium et Valentem. Internal evidence proves not less clearly that they cannot be excerpts from some other work of Hilary. In Fragm. ii. §21 we are told that apparently in the year 349 Athanasius excommunicated Marcellus of Aneyra. It is of course, notorious that he never did so; the mistake is one which Hilary could not possibly have made. None the less, these fragments are both in themselves and in the documents which they embody, one of our most important authorities for the transactions they narrate, and are indisputably contemporary and authentic nor is there any reasonable doubt as to the genuineness of the thirteen. Those of them which reveal the inconstancy of Liberius have been assailed by some Roman Catholic writers, though they are accepted by others. The same suspicion has extended to others among the fragments, because they are found in company with these revelations concerning Liberius. But the doubts have been suggested by the wish to disbelieve.
144 This correspondence which Hilary has preserved (Fragm.xiii-xv)is interesting as shewing how difficult it must have been for the laity to determine who was, and who was not, a heretic, when all parties used the same Scriptural terms in commendation themselves and condemnation of their opponents. It begins with a public letter in which Germinius makes a declaration of faith in Homoeousion terms, without any mention of the reasons which had induced him to depart from the Homoean position. This is followed by a reproachful letter, also intended for publicity, from Valens, Ursacius, and others. They had refused to attend to the rumour of his defection: but now are compelled, by his own published letter, to ask the plain question, whether or not he adheres to `the Catholic Faith set forth and confirmed by the Holy Council at Rimini.0' If he had added to the Homoean formula, which was that the Son is `like the Father,0' the words `in substance0' or `in all things,0' he had fallen into the justly condemned heresy of Basil of Ancyra. They demand an explicit statement that he never had said, and never would say, anything of the kind; and warn him that he is gravely suspected, complaints of his teaching having been made by certain of his clergy to neighbouring bishops, which they trust will be proved groundless. Germinius made no direct reply to this letter, but addressed a manifesto to a number of more sympathetic bishops, containing the scriptural proofs of the divinity of Christ and recalling the fact that the Homoean leaders, before their own victory, had acquiesced in the Homoeousian confession. Any teaching to the contrary is the work, not of God, but of the spirit of this world, and he entreats those whom he addresses to circulate his letter as widely as possible, lest any should fall through ignorance into the snares of the devil. Germinius was assured of safety in writing thus. Valentinian's support of Auxentius had proved that bishops might hold what opinions they would on the great question provided they were not avowed Arians. Germinius had been a leader of the Homoean party, and it is at least possible that his change of front was due to his knowledge that the Emperor, though he would not eject Homoeans, had no sympathy with them and would allow them no influence. In fact, the smaller the share of conscience, the greater the historical interest of Germinius' action as shewing the decline of Homoean influence in the West.
146 Those which have been in constant use in the preparation of this chapter have been an excellent article by Th. Forster in the Theologische studien und Kritiken for 1888, p 645 ff., and two full and valuable papers by Dr. Baltzer on the Theologie and Christology of Hilary in the programm of the Rottweil Gymnasium for 1879 and 1889 respectively. I have unfortunately not had access to Wirthmuller's work, Die Lehre d. hl. Hil. uber die Selbstenausserung Christi, but the citations in Baltzer and Schwane give some clue to its contents. The Introduction to the Benedictine edition is useful, though its value is lessened by an evident desire to make Hilary confirm to the accepted opinions of a later age. Dorners great work on the Doctrine of the person of Christ, in the English translation, with the Dogmengeschichte of Schwane (ed.2, 1895) and that of Harnack(ed 3, 1894) have also been constantly and profitably consulted. Indebttedness to other works is from time to time acknowledged in the notes.
149 St. John v. 44 in Trin. ix. 22
150 Thus the Book of Baruch, regarded as part of Jeremiah, is cited with the same confidence as Isaiah and the other prophets in Trin. v. 39.
151 E.g. Tr. in Ps. cxviii. Aleph. i, cxxviii. 12. cxviii. 8. It must be confessed that Hilary's illustrations of the principle are not always fourtunate.
152 Thus in Trin. xi. 15, in commenting on Ps. xxii. 6, he puts forward two alternative theories of the generation of worms, only one of which can be true, while both may be false. But he uses both, to illustrate two truths concerbning our Lord.
162 Similar arguments are often used: cf. Tr. in Ps. cxlv. I.
166 E.g. Comm. in Matt. xviii. 2; Tr. in Ps. cxix, 20, cxxxiv. 12, cxxxvi. 6, 7: Trin. i.6,.
168 The unhesitating use of the Theophanies of the Old Testament.as direct evidence for the divinity of Christ is noteworthy, Similar to the usual proof. for the distinction of Persons within the 'Trinity, from the altcrnate use of plural and singular, are the arguments in Tr. in Ps. cxviii., Iod, 5, cxvii. 4.
169 It is worth notice that he makes no use of Origen's mystical interpretation of the Canticles. Silence in such a case is itself a criticism.
170 Compare such a passage as Trin. x. 24 with his use of the proof-texts against Arianism.
172 E.g. Tr. in Ps. xci. to, cxviii. Iod, x5, cxxxiv. 1, cxxxv. I.
173 E g. Trin. vii' 13; and cf. the argument which is also Athanasian of vii. 31.
174 Beside the passages menentioned on p. xxx., it only occurs in Instructio Psalmorum §13
175 The translation of the De Trinitate in this volume may give a somewhat false impressionin this respect. For the sake of concicseness the word Person has been often in the English where it is absent, and absent designedly in the Latin. The word occurs Trin. iii . 23 in.,iv .42,v. 10,26,vii. 39,40 and in a few other places.
176 Concorporatio, Comm. in Matt, vi. I ; corporatio, Tr. in Ps, i, 14, ii. 3, and often; corporalitas Deus, Comm, in Matt. iv, 14, Tr. in Ps. li. 16; corporalitas, Comm. in Matt. iv. 14 (twice), Instr. Ps. vi. In the De Trinitate he usually prefers a periphrasis ; - assumpta caro, assumpsit carnem. Corporatio is used of man's dwelling in a body in Trin. xi, 15 and De Mysteriis, ed. Gamurrini, p. 5.
177 It occurrs. in the De Synodis. 69, but in that work Hilary is writing as an advocate in defence of Ianguage used by others, not as the exponent of his own thoughts. It also occurs once or twice in translations from the Greek, probably by another hand than Hilary's; but from his own authorship it is completely absent.
178 Trin. v. to, Syn. 69, `God is One not in Person, but in nature, 0'Trin. iv. 42, `Not by oneness of Person but by unity of substance;0' vi. 35, `the birth of a living Nature from a living Nature0' of God or Christ. is simply a periphrasis. The two natures in the Incarnate Christ are also mentioned, though, as we shall see, Hilary here aIso avoids a precise nomenclature..
179 Tr. in Ps. cxxxi. 6, `The supreme achievement of Christ was to render man, instructed in the knowledge of God, worthy to be God's dwelling-place ;0' cf. ib §23
180 Tr. in Ps. cxviii, Aleph., §I
185 Deus Verbum often; Verbum alone rarely, if ever. Dorner with his iteration of `Logos,0' gives an altogether false impression of Hilary's vocabulary.
187 Doctrine of the Person of Christ, 1. ii. p. 302, English translation. The passages to which he refers are Comm. in Matt. xi. 12; Tr. in Ps. xci. 6 ; Trin. ii. 3. ix. 69. There is a good, though brief, statement of this view in Mason's Faith of the Gospel, p. 56.
188 Trin, xii. 21, `the birth is in the generation and the generation in the birth, 0'
189 Discourses against the Arians, iii. 58ff ; see Robertson's notes in the Athanasius volume of this series. p.426
190 E.g. Syn. 35, 37, 59, Trin. iii. 4, vi. 21, viii . 54
191 Cf. Baltzer, Theologie d. hl. Hil. p, 19 f.
192 Hort, Two Dissertations, p. 21, and cf. p. xvi., above.
193 It constantly appears, though with all due safeguards, in the De Synodis, where sympathy as well as policy impelled him to approximate the language used by his friends. Similarly in Trin. iii. 23, he argues, from the admitted likeness, that there can be no difference. But, as we saw, this part of the De Trinitate is probably an early work, and does not represent Hilary's later thought
196 Cf. Sulp Sev., Chron. ii. 42 for the Eastern suspicion that the West held a trionyma unio ;-one Person under three names, the citations in Westcott's Gospel of St. John, additional note to xiv. 28
197 This was the doctrine of all the earlier theologians, soon to be displaced in the stress of controversy by the opinion that theinferiority concerns the Son only as united with man. See the citations in Wescot's Gospel of St. John, additional note to xiv, 28.
200 Trin. xi. 21 ff., on I Cor. xv, 21 ff.
202 Bardenhewer, Patrologie, p. 377.
203 This is one of Hilary's many reminiscences of Origen. Athanasius brought the father into direct connection with the world ; cf. Harnack, Dogmengesch. ii. 206 (ed.3)
204 Trin. xii. 35 ff. The passage is treated at much greater length in Athanasius' Discourses against the Arians, ii. 18fi where see Robertson's notes.
205 Trin. xii. 45; at the Incarnation Christ is `created in the body,0' and this is connected with His creation for the begining of the ways of God.
206 Westcott, essay on `The Gospel of creation,0' in his edition of St John's Epistles, Where, however Hilary is not mentioned.
208 Trin.ii. 6, xii.4, &c. He is also often named Jesus Christ in this connection, e.g. Trin. iv. 6
209 According to Eusebius' computation, which Hilary would probably accept without dispute, there were 5,228 years from the creation to our Lord's commencement of his mission in the 15th year of Tiberius, a.d. 29.
210 E.g. Trin. iv . 27; Tr. in Ps, lxviii, 19
211 Trin. iii.9 ; cf. St. John xvii. 3.
213 Trin. ii. 27. The sarne conclusion is constantly drawn in the Comm. in Matt.
214 E g. Trin. ix. 4, 14, 51; Tr. in Ps. ii. 11, 25.
216 E.g. Tr. in Ps. cxxxviii. 3.
217 This, in contrast with God, Who is Life, is proved by the fact that certain bodily growths can be removed without our being conscious of the operation ; Trin. vii. 28.
218 Cf. Trin. vii. 23, x 15, 16. Similarly in the Eumenides 637, Aechylus Makes Apollo excuse Orestes' murder of Clytae nnestra on the go and that the mother is not the parent, but only the nurse of the germ. This is contrary to Aristotle's teaching; Aeschylus and Hilary evidently represent a rival current of ancient opinion..
219 Trin. x. 20. In Tr. in Ps. cxviii., Iod, 6, 7, this thought is developed. Man has a double origin. First, he is made after the likeness of God. This is the soul, which is immaterial and has no resemblance and owes no debt, as of effect to cause, to any other nature (i.e. substance) than God. It is not His likeness, but is after His likeness. Secondly, there is the body, cornposed of earthly matter.
220 Trin. ii. 3of., viii. 23f .
221 Trin. x. 16, caro non aliunde originem sumpserat quam Verbo, and ib. 15,18,25. Dorner, I. ii., p.403, n.i points out that this is exactly the teaching of Gregory of Nyssa.
222 This view that the conception by the Holy Ghost means conception by the Son is consistently held by Hilary throughout his writings. It appears in the earliest of them; in Comm. in Matt. ii. 5, Christ is `born of a woman; . . . Made flesh through the Word.0' So in Trin. ii. 24 He is `born of the Virgin and of the Holy Ghost, Himself ministering Himself in this operation.... By His own, that is God's., overshadowing power He sowed for Himself the beginings of His body ordained that His flesh should commence to exist ; 0'and Trin. x 16
223 Trin. x. 16; cf. ib. 17. 1n the Instructio. Pslamorum,§6, he speaks in more usual language;-adventus Domini ex virgine in hominem. procreandi, and also in some other passage. Dorners view (1. ii 403 f. and note 74, p. 533) differs from that here taken. But he is influenced (see especially p. 404) by the desire to save Hilary's consistency rather than to state his Actutal opinion on. And Hilary was too early in the field, too anxiously employed in feeling his way past the pitfalls of heresy, to escape the danger of occasional inconsistency.
224 Trin. iii. I9, perfectum ipsa de suis non imminuta generavit. So ib, ii. 25, uigenitus Deus.... Virginis utero insertus acc rescit. He grew there, but nothing more. In Virginem exactly corresponds to ex Virgine.
225 Trin. xii. 50; it would be a watering of the sense to regard commixtio in this passage as simply equivalent to coitio.
228 He often and emphatically repudiates the use which the Monarchians made of them, e.g. Trin.iv, 4.
229 E.g. Trin. x. 22 in The human soul is clearly intended. Schwane, ii, 268, justly praises Hilary for greater accuracy than his contemporaries in laying stress upon each of the constituent elements of Christ's humanity, and especially upon the soul ; in this respect following Tertullian and Origen
230 In Trin. x. 21 f. is an argument analogous to that of the De Synodis concerning the Godhead. Christ is Man because He is perfectly like man, just as in the Homoeusian argument He is God because He is perfectly like God.
231 E.g. Comm. in Matt. I. ; Tr. in Ps. lxviii. 19.
233 Ib, viii, 45, 47, ix. 14, &c.
234 This `evacuation0' or `exinauition0' is represented in Tr. in Ps. lxvii. 4 by the more precise metaphor of a vessel drained of its liquid contents.
235 Hilary has devoted his Homily on Psalm lxviii. to this subject. In §25 he asks, `How could He exist in the form of God?0' There are many equally emphatic statements throughout his writings.
236 Baltzer and Schwane have been followed in this matter, in opposition to Dorner.
237 Trin. ix. 38 habitus demutatio, and similarly Ib. 14.
240 Trin ix. 14, concursus utriusque formae.
241 It is very characteristic that it lies outside Cyprian's vocabulary and range of ideas.
242 Trin,. ix. 38 in., and especially Ib. 39. The unity of glory departed through His obedience in the Dispensation.
243 Trin. xi. 48; cf. the end of this section and xii. 6.
244 Cf Baltzer, Christologie, p. 10f., Schwane, p. 272 f. Other explanations which have been suggested are quite inadmissible Dorner p. 407, takes the passage cited above about `substance0' too seriously, and wavers bettween the equally impossible interpretations of `countenance0' and `personality.0' Forster (l.c. p. 659) understands the word to mean `mode of existence.0' Wirthmuller, cited by Schwane, p. 273, has the courage to regard `form of God0' and `form of a servant0' as equivalent to Divinity and humanity.
245 Trin. xii. 6, decedere ex Deo in hominem. Perhaps it should be decidere, as in Tr. in Ps. Ixviii. 4.
247 Trin. xi. 48, `emptying Himself0' might have been a single act; `hiding Himself within Himself 0'was a sustained course of conduct.
248 Genus is fairly common, though much rarer than natura; pars occurs in Trin. xi. 14, 15, and cf. ib'. 40. Elementa is, I think, somewhat more frequent.
249 Trin. xi. 40. Natura assumpti corporis nostri natura paterna divintatis invecta. Conversly, Trin. ix, 54, nova natura in Deum illata. But such expressions are rare; hominem ad sumpsit is the normal phrase. In Tr. in Ps. Ixviii 4, he speaks as if the two natures had been forced to coalesce by a Power higher than either. But, as we have seen. in this part of the Homily Hilary's language is destitute of theological exactness.
251 E.g. Trin. ix. Il, 39 x. 16. The expression utriusque,natura persona in Trin. ix. 14 is susceptible of another interpretation.
253 Trin. x. 22, quia totus hominis filius totus Dei filius sit.
254 Cf. Gore's Dissertation's, p. 138 f. But, Hilary, though he shares and even exaggerates the general tendency of his time, has also a strong sense of the danger of Apollinarianism
255 Homo assumptus is constantly used, and similarly homo noster for our manhood, e.g. Trin. ix. 7. This often leads to an awkwardness of which Hilary must hae been fully conscious, though he regarded it as a less evil than the use of an abstract term.
257 Tr. in Ps. ii. 11, from St. John iii. 13.
258 Trin. x. 47 f.; Tr. in Ps. cxxxviii. 3.
260 Trin. x. 24. The purpose of the Old Testament Theophanies, it will be remembered, was the same. God appeared as man, In order to make men familiar with the future reality and so more ready to believe. See Trin. V. 17.
262 Trin. ii. 26 f., iii. 18f. and often, especially in the Comm. in Matt.
266 Comm. in Matt. iii. 2; Trin. x. 45;. The freedom of Christian martyrs from pain is frequently noticed in early writers.
268 Hilary was undoubtedly influenced more than he knew by the Latin words, pati and dolere, the one purely objective, the other subjective. By a line of thought which recalls that of Mozley concerning Miracles he refuses to argue from our experience to that of Christ. That He suffered, in the sense of having wounds, and death inflicted upon Him, is a fact; that He was conscious of suffering is an inference, a supposition (putatur dolere quia patitur, Tr. in Ps. cxxxviii. 3, fallitur ergo humaneastimationis opinio putans hunc dolere quod patitur, Trin. x.47, and one which we are not entitled to make. In fact, the passage last citied states that He has no natura dolendi; so also x, 23, 35, and cf. Tr. in Ps liii. 12. Or as Hilary puts it, Trin. x. 24, He is subject to the nature passionum not to their iniurie.
275 Ib. 23. These instances of His power are used as a direct proof of Christ's incapacity of pain. Hilary is willing to confess that He could feel it, if it be shewn that we can follow Him in these respects.
279 Ib, xxxi. I-7. These were not immature speculations, abandoned by a riper judgment. The explanation of `even unto death0' is repeated, and that concerning the cup implied, in Trin. x. 36, 37
280 Trin. x. 41. Westcott and Hort insert it within brackets. Even if the passage be retained, Hilary has an explanation which agrees with his theory.
282 loc. cit., Tr. in Ps. liii. 7
283 In Tr. in Ps. liii. 7, there is also the moral purpose. He prays humbly. His prayer expresses no need of His own, but is meant to teach us the lesson of meekness.
284 Trin. x. 45. Yet Hilary himself is not always consistent. In the purely homiletical writing of Tr. in Ps. lxviii. 1, he dwells upon Christ's endurance of pain. His argument obliged Him to emphasize the suffering; it was natural, though not logical, that he should sometimes insist also upon the feeling.
285 Harnack, Dogmengesch. ii. 30I n.
286 The words are Forster's, op. cit. p. 662, and are accepted as representing their opinion by Bardenhewer, Patrologie, p. 382, and Blaltzer, Christologie, p. 32.
287 Strom. vi. ,f 71. Bigg, Christian Platonists, p. 71, gives other sources, by which Hilary is less likely to have been influenced, from which he may have derived this teaching. This is not the only coincidence between him and Clement.
288 Trin ii. 2, in vitium vitio coarctamur alieno.
289 Tr. in Ps. Ixviii. 4. The unity is also strongly put in Trin. viii. 13 x. 6I.
290 Trin. x. 34. This was Hilary's deliberate belief. But in earlier life he had written rashly of the Holy Spirit (i.e. God the Son) surrendering His humanity to be tempted, and Of the cry upon the Cross `testifying the departure of God the Word from Him0' (Comm. in Matt.iii, xxxiii. 6). This, if it had represented Hilary's teaching in that treatise would have proved it heretical ; but the whole tenour of the commentary proves that this was simply carelessness. In the Homilies on the Psalms he also writes somewhat loosely on occasion; e.g. liii. 4 fin., where he mentions Christ's former nature, i.e. the Divinity, and ib. 5, where he speaks of `Him Who after being God (ex Deo) had died as man.0' But only malevolence could give an evil interpretation to these passages, delivered as they were for the edification of Hilary's flock, and with no thought of theological accuracy. It is, indeed, quite possible that they were never revised, or even intended, for publication by him.
291 E.g. Trin. ix. 6, and often in the Homilies on the Psalms, as cxxxviii. 13.
295 Trin. x. 63. Similarly in Tr. in Ps. Ixvii. 2l, he speaks of `the passion, the cross, the death, the burial of God.0'
298 Tr. in Ps. cxli. 4. There is no evidence that the text is corrupt, though the words as they stand are rank Appololinarianism and the more significant as dating from the maturity of Hilary's thought. But here, as often, we must remember that the Homilies are familiar addresses.
299 Trin. x. 52. We must remember not only that heretical distinctions had been made, but that Christ is the name of the Son in pretemporal relation to the world (see p. Ixvii.), as well as in the world.
301 Cf. Gore, Dissertations, p. 211. It is in relation to the self emptying that Hilary uses such definite language : Trin. xi. 48, intra suam ipse vacuefactus potestatem.... Se ipsum intra se vacnefaciens Continuit; xii. 6, se evacuavit in sese.
303 Trin. ix 22, A se dividuus
305 Trin. ix. 6, 0n earth Christ is Deus and homo; in glory He is totus Deus and totus homo.
306 E.g. Discourses against the Arians, iii. 53, p.422 of the translation in this series.
307 Bp. Westcott on Cyril of Alexandria in St. John's Gospel (Speaker's Commentary), p. xcv.
308 Dorner, I. ii. 415. The liberty has been taken of putting `Himself0' for `itself0' On the same page Dorner speaks of `ever increasing return of the Logos into equality with Himself.0' This is a contradiction of his own explanation. God has become God-man. He could not again become simply the Logos. The key to Hilary's position is the double nature of Christ. The Godhead and the Manhood are aspects in revelation, abstractions in argument. That which connects them and gives them reality is the one Person, the object of thought and faith.
309 Tr. in Ps. cxviii., Iod, 6, cxxix. 5.
311 Isai. xlv. 12, the Old Latin, translated from the LXX., having the singular. This characteristic piece of exegesis is in Tr. in Ps. cxviii., Iod, 5; cf. ib. 7, 8.
313 Tr. in Ps. cxviii., Koph, 8.
314 Ib. Ii. 16. naturam in se universa carnis adsumpsit, ib. Iiv. 9, universitatis nostrae caro' est factus ; so also Trin. xi. 16 in., and often.
315 This latter is the argument of Trin. viii. 73f.
316 Trin ii. 24; in Him there is the universi generis humani corpus because He is homo factus ex virgine.
318 Comm. in Matt. iv. 12 ; habitatio, as is often the case in late Latin with abstracts, is collective. Hilary also speaks of Christ as gerens nos, Trin x. 25, which recalls the gestans of Tertullian and the portans of Cyprian.
319 Tr. in Ps ii. 16, Ivii. 3, Ixii. 3, and often.
324 Dorner, 1. ii. 417. Dorner overlooks the birth in Baptism.
325 Tr. in Ps. ii. 27, 1iii. 14
330 Ib. 40. habens in sacramento subiectionis esse ac manere cuod non est.
331 Trin. xi. 42, incrementum glorificati in eo Dei
333 Trin. in Ps. lxii. 3; of Comm in Matt.xvi.5.
334 Tr. in. Ps. lvi. 7, liii. 5. we muat remember the importance of names in Hilary's eyes. They are not arbitrary symbols, but belong essentially to the objects which they signify. Had there been no sin, from which man needed to be saved, he would still required raising to his name and nature.
335 Ib. cxviii. , Aleph, 1, cxxx. 6.
339 Cf Harnack, Dogmengesch. ii. 281. But Harnack is unjust in saying that Had not quite made up his own mind.
340 Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism, p. 206 n. `Hilary's belief in the deity of the Holy Spirit is hardly more doubtful than St. John's: yet he nowhere states it in so many words.0'
341 If the word may be admitted for the sake of clearness. Hilary never calls the Spirit a Person.
342 §§23, 25, 30; so also ix. 69 and notably in x. 16. Similarly in Comm in Matt. iii. I, the Spirit means Christ.
343 Trin. Viii. 20, ix. 73 fin., and especially ii. 4. This last is not a reference to the Macedonian heresy, but to the logical result of Arianism.
344 T'rin. i. l7, v. I, 35, vii. 8, 31, viii. 31, 36, x. 6.&c.
345 Balzer, Theologie des hl. Hilarius, p. 51.
347 The work by Tertullian in which the doctrine of the Spirit is most fully brought out; in which, in fact, He is first expressly named God, is the Adversus Praxean. It was written after his secession from the Church, and Hilary, upon whom it had more influence than any other of Tertullian's writings, may have suspected that this teaching was the expression of his Montanism rather than a legitimate deduction from Scripture, and so have been misled by over caution. He may also have been infuenced by such Biblical passages as Rev. xiv. I, where the Spirit is unnamed.
348 E.g. Tr. in Ps. ii. l6, 1I. 23.
350 lb. cxviii., Teth, 4, Ixiv. 5.
355 E.g. ib cxviii., Aleph, 8, lii. 12. Natura infirmitalis is a favourite phrase.
356 E.g. ib. Iii. 9 cxviii., Gimel, 12,Vau, 6.
357 Ib. cxviii. Daleth, 8: cf. He, 16.
359 Ib. Ixviii. 22, based on St. Matt. x. 15.
361 E.g. ib. cxviii., Prolog. 2, Alph, 12, Phe, 8.
362 Tr. in Ps. cxviii., He 12, Nun 20. But in the former passage the perseverance also depends upon the Christian.
364 Tr. in Ps. cxviii., Nun II f.
366 So also the Sin against the Holy Ghost is primarily intellectual, not ethical; Comm. Matt. v. 15, xii. 17.
368 Trin. iv. 21; Tr. in Ps. Ixvi. 2; Comm. in Matt. xviii. 6.
369 Tr. in Ps. cxviii., He, 16.
371 Ib. cxlii. 6, cxviii., Ioa, 2. In regard to the latter passage we must remember once more what importance Hilary attaches to names.
372 Comm. in Matt. sx. 24, originis nostra pecata ; Tr. in ps. cxviii, Tau, 6, scit sub peccati lege se esse natum. Other passages must be cited from quotations in St. Augustine, but Forster, p. 676, has given reason for doubting Hilary's authorship.
373 E.g. Comm, in Matt. x. 24.
374 Tr. in Ps. cxviii., Vau, 4, Lamed, I; cf. Nun, 20.
375 E.g. Trin. ix. 10; Tr. in Ps. cxxix. 9.
386 E.g. Tr. in Ps. liii. 12,13 (translated in this volume) lxiv. 4.
387 Cf. Harnack, ii. 177; Schwane, ii. 271.
389 Cf. p. Ixxxv. fin. In Tr. in Ps. cxviii., Nun, 20, Hilary says `the reward of the consummation attained depends upon the initiative of the will ;0' so also Trin. i. 11.
391 Hilary is commenting on the words, `I know, O Lord, that Thy judgments are right.0'
393 Tr. in ps. cxviii., Iod, 12.
395 Tr. in Ps. cxviii., prolog. 4.
396 Ib. cxxxv. 3; cofessio is paraphrased by professa cognitio. Similar language is used in cxxxvii. 2 f.
397 Ib. ii. 38; cf lii. I2in., cxix. 11(4).
398 It is always confession to God directly. There is no hint of public or ceremonial confession, or of absolution. But Hilary's aabstinence from allusion to the practical system of the Church is so complete that no argurnent can ever be drawn from his silence as to the existence, or the importance in his eyes, of her instiyutions.
399 Tr. in Ps. Ixvi. 2, Ivi. 3.
405 Tr. in Ps. cxviii., Gimel. 5. Hilary never mentions Confirmation.
407 E.g. ib. cxxxi. 23; Trin. viii. 13. The latter is the only passage in Hilary s writings in which the subject is discussed at length: and even here it is not introduced for its own sake.
408 E.g. Tr. in Ps. i. 9 f., cxviii., Koph, 6. Conduct in church was not more exemplary than outside. The most innocent employment which he attributes to many of his people during the reading of the lessons is the casting up of their business accounts, Tr. in Ps. cxxxv. I.
411 Tr. in Ps. cxviii., Aleph, 1.
419 Tr. in Ps. cxxxvii. 16. Cf. Trin. x. 55, where he refuses to believe that it was with real sorrow that our Lord wept over Jerusalem, that godless and murdetous city. His tears were a dispensa-tion.
420 Tr. in ps. xiv. 10, est enirn necessariurn plerumque mendacium, et nonnunquam falsitas utilis est. The latter apparently refers to his second example.
421 Hermas, Mand. iii. 3, confesses to wholesale Iying; he had never heard that it was wrong. But the writer of the Shepherd does not represent his mouthpiece as a model of virtue. It is more significant that Tertullian, Pud. 19, classes breach of trust and lying among slight sins which may happen to anyone any day. This was in his strictest and most censorious period. There are grave difficulties in reconciling some of Cyprian's statements concerning his opponents with one another and with probability, but he has not ventured upon any general extenuation of the vice.
423 Ib. cxxxi. 24, cxxvii. 7, and especially cxviii., Nun, 14.
424 Tr. in Ps. cxviii., Nun, 13, 15. It is in this passage that Hilary gives his views most fully. His aneithesis is between legitima and voluntaria.
425 l.c. Nun, 14, Comm. in Matt, v. 2. In the latter passage there is a piece of practical advice which shews that public fasts were generally recognised. Hilary tells his readers that they must not take literally our Lord's command to anoint themselves when they fast. If they do, they will render themselves conspicuous and ridiculous. The passage, Comm. in Matt. xxvii. 5, 6, on the parables of the Virgins with their lamps and of the Talents cannot be taken, as by Forster, as evidence that Hilary rejected the later doctrine of the supererogatory righteousness of the Saints. He is speaking of the impossibility of contemporaries conveying righteousness to one another in the present life, and his words have no bearing on that doctrine.
428 E.g. ib. lxi. 6, cxviii., He, 12, Nun, 20, Koph, 6.
431 Ib. cxviii, Lamed, 15. Similar passages are fairly numerous; e.g. Comm. in Matt. iv. 26.
433 Comm. in Matt. xii. 17, xxxi. 5.
435 Ib. ix. 8, commenting on Col. ii. 10
436 Tr. in Ps. Ii. 18, Lxiii. 9,
442 Ib. I. 19ff ., translated in volume. For the good, see also ib. lvii. 5, Trin. vi 3.
443 Tr. in Ps. cxviii., Gimel, 12.
446 Trin. viii. 50; Tr. in ps. ii. 28. Cf. Lightfoot on Col. I. 15.
448 Gore, Dissertations, p. 151.
449 Schwane, ii. 271, says, `Though we reject that part of it which attributes a natural impassibility to the body of Christ, yet Hilary's exposition presents one truth more clearly than the earlier Fathers had stated it, by giving to the doctrine of the representative satisfaction of Christ its reasonable explanation as a free service of satisfaction. He conceives rightly of the Lord's whole life on earth, with all its troubles and infirmities, as a sacrifice of free love on the part of the God-Man; it is only his closer definition of this sacrifice that is inaccurate.... Hilary lays especial stress upon the freedom of the Lord s acceptance of death.0' He quotes Trin. x. 11.
450 He had evidently been long familiar with it (Life, i. 155), but the first mention of its use for missionary purposes is in 1862 (ib. I. 137). He began the translation into Arabic at Tunis in 1890, after his resignation of the bishopric of Lahore (ii. 333), but it seems doubtfill whether he was able to make any progress with it at Muscat. His biographer says nothing of the amount actually accomplished.
451 For Bishop French's view of the importance of this doctrine, see his Life, I. 84.
452 Compare Bishop Lightfoot' comprehensive words on Col. I. 20 The reconciliation of mankind implies `a restitution to a state from which they had fallen, or for which they were destined.0'
2 Hosius, bishop of Cordova in Spain, had been sent by Constantine to Alexandria at the outbreak of the Arian controversy. He had presided at the Council of Nicaea in 325, and had taken part in the Council of Sardinica in 343, when the Nicene Creed was reaffirmed. In his extreme old age he was forced with blows to accept this extreme Arian Creed drawn up at the third Council of Sirmium in the summer of 357. This is what is stated by Socrates, and it is corroborated by Athanasius, Hist. Arian, c. 45, where it is added that he anathematized Arianism before dying. Hilary certainly does Hosius an injustice in deeclaring him to be joint-author of the `blasphemous0' creed.
17 Substantia is in this passage used as the equivalent of Person. The word was used by Tertullian in the sense of oujsiva, and this early Latin use of the word is the use which eventually prevailed. The meaning of the word in Hilary is influenced by its philological equivalent in Greek. At the beginning of the fourth century uJpovstasi" was used in the same sense as oujsiva. The latter word meant `reality,0' the former word `the basis of existence.0' Athanasius, however, began the practice of restricting uJpovstasi" to the divine Persons. Hilary consequently here uses substantia in this new sense of the word u'povstasi". The Alexandrine Council of 362 sanctioned as allowable the use of in the sense of Person, and by the end of the century the old usage practically disappeared.
18 The Council at Antioch of 341, generally known as the Dedicaiton Council, assembled for the dedicaiton of the great cathedral church which had been commenced there by the imperor Constantine, who did not live to see its completion. Four creeds were then drawn up, if we reckon a document which was drawn up at Antioch by a continuation of the Council in the following year. The second, and most important, of these creeds became the creed of the Semi-Nicene party. Capable of a wholly orthodox interpretation, it was insufficient ofitself to repel Arianism, but not insufficient to be used as an auxiliary means of opposing it. Hilary throughout ssumes that it is not to be interpreted in an Arian sense, and uses it as an intrduction to Nicene theology.
19 Lamb is Hilary's mistake for Man. He doubtless read the original in a Greek manuscript which had the word written in its abbreviated form , lamb. The Latin word used by Hilary as a substitute for Apostle is , for which word it seems impossible to account.
22 Mount Haemus is the mountain range which at this period formed the boundary between the provinces of Thracia and Moesia Inferior. Haeminontus was grouped with Moesia Inferior under the Vicarius of Thrace.
28 The flesh, without ceasin to be truly flesh, is represented as becoming divine like the Word. That is, the humanity becomes so endowed with power, and knowledge, and hoiness through the unction of the Holy Ghost that its natural properties are "deified." These and similar phrases are freely used byt the Fathers of the fourth century, and may be compared with John I. 14, and 2 Pet. I. 4.
29 Passibility may not be affirmed of the dive nature of Christ which is incapable of any change or limitation within itself. At the same time the Word may be said to have suffered inasmuch as the suffering affected the flesh which He assummed. This subject was afterwards, carefullly developed by St. John of Damascus , III. 4. In c 79, Hilary criticises the Arian statement that the Son "jointly suffered," a word which meant that the divine nature of the Son shared in the sufferings which were endured by His jumanity. this phrase, like the statement of Arius that the Logos was "capable of change" implied that the Son only possessed a secondary divinity.
37 Eleusius is criticised by Socrates II. 40, for disliking any attempt at a repudiation of the "Dedication" creed of 341, although the "Dedication" creed was little better than a repudiation of the Nicene creed. He was, in fact, a semi-Arian. But his vigorous opposition to the extreme form of Arianism and the hopefulness with which Hilary always regarded the semi-Arians, here invest him with a reputation for the "true knowledge of God." In 381 he refused to accept the Nicene creed or take part in the Council of Constantinople.
44 Propricias, or sharing one's own. the word proprietas is not here used in a technical sense. In its technical sense proprietas or signifies the special property of each Person on the Godhead, and the owrd is used to secure the distinctions of the three Persons and exclude any Sabellian misunderstanding.
48 Impiare se is used by Plautus, Rua. 1, 3, 8, in the sense of . the sentence probably refers to the misuse of the word by Paul of Samosata.
54 Mehtuselah's age was a favourite problem with the early Church. See Aug. de Civ. Dei, xv. 13, and de pexx. orig. ii. 23, where it is said to be one of those points on which a Christian can afford to be ignorant. According to the septuagint, Methuselah lived for fourteen years after the deluge, so that more than `eitht souls0'' survived, and 1 Pet. iii. 20 appreared to be incorrect. According to the Hebrew and Vullgate there is not difficulty, as Methuselah is represented as dying before the deluge.
4 Reading mens finita and naturae finitatim for the infinita and infinitatem of the Benedictine Edition.
5 Ps. cxxxviii. (cxxxix.) 7-10.
7 Cf. Hilary's explanation of this passsage in Book ii. §§ 19, 20.
10 xxiii. 22, according to the LXX., .
13 The letter of Arius to Alexander; Book iv., §§ 12, 13.
14 Acts iv. 32: in this and the following passages unum is read.
30 Reading nativitas et nomen. The clause above, which is bracketed in Magne, appears to be gloss.
46 Prov. viii. 22, according to the LXX.
47 Here, as often in early writers, the Sapiential books are included under this name.
4 Reading a se, instead of alter.
5 This is merely a verbal paradox, to illustrate the inadequancy of language to treat of of God. God is ex hypothesi author of all things, and contains all things in Himself. But the negative term `immortal0' excludes death, and its concomitant of disease, pain, & c., from God's sphere.
6 St. Matt. iii. 17; xvii. 5. Again in § 23 Hilary says that these words were often repeated.
11 Ib. xvii. 10. the words which follow, "and Whatsoever the Father hath He Hath given to the Son," printed in the editions as a Scriptural citation, are evidently a gloss which has crept into the tect. The words do not occure in Scripture, but are used by Hilary in § 10 of this Book.
20 The citation which is interpolated in § 8, where see the note, and cf. St.Matt. xi. 25.
27 The healing of the blind man, St. John ix. 1 ff., is treated as a special case distinct from more ordinary cases of blindness.
30 I.e. how to reconcile the Unity of God with the Divinity of Christ. To say that the Word is God might seem to contradict the Unity by asserting the existence of a second God.
31 Reading a cognitione temportis.
40 Col. ii. 9. the argument of §§ 28-20 is not easy. They begin with the possible objection to All things made through Him, that this would include the Father among the Son's creations. The answer is found in the following words, Without Him was not anything made. These show that the Son was not alone in His work; the Father is co-existent. But they raise another difficulty. What if the Father were the sole agent in creation, the Son only His inseparable Companion, yet taking no share in the work? The answer is found in the preceding words, All things were made through Him, amplified and explained by St. Paul when He says that it was through Him and in Him. In Him, because when the Son, the future Creator, was born, the world was potentially created; in Him also because He is Life, and thus the condition of all existence. Again, the truth of the words, All things were made through Him, is shewn by the manner of His birth. It was instantaneous, and He was born endowed with all His powers. We may say therefore that He was the author of His own existence; All things were made through Him, with the necessary exception of the Father.
44 St. Matt. xvii. 5. See the note to § 8.
62 qui Patre et filio auctoribus confitendus est; A comparison with dum et usum et auctorem eius ingnorant in § 4 makes this appear the probable translation. It might, of course, mean confess Him on the evidence of Father and Son.
79 1 Cor. ii. 12, cited in § 29.
12 This is an argument against the objection that God, if Christ is His Son, must have suffered loss. If God is His Father and the sole source of His existence, Christ must have come into being by separation from the Father; i.e. the Father must have suffered diminution and lost His completeness. The answer is that a woman-and a fortiori the Virgin, who was the only human parent Christ-suffers no loss of bolily completeness through becoming a mother. There is no allusion to the belief in the perpetual virginity of the Mother of our Lord.
20 Substitutio; this word seems, except in technical senses of the law, to be very late and very rare. The only meaning, and that one ont attested in the dictionaries, which will suit this passage, seems to be that of the jackdaw dressed in peacock's feathers.
8 Omitting solus innascibilis et, which are out of place here.
21 Ps. cxxxix. 6-9 (cxxxviii. 7-10).
34 This Epistle of Arius to Alexander is translated substantially as in Newman's Arians of the Fourth Century, ch. 11., § 5, though there are differences of some importance between Hilary's Latin version and the Greek in Athanasius de Synodis, § 16, from which Newman's version is made.
48 The parenthesis which follows: "Now angel of God has two senses, that of Him Who is, and that of Him Whose He is" intertupts the sense and seems quite out of place. The same distinction in the case of the word Spirit, in Book II. § 32 may be compared.
68 Dei naturalis: cf. Book ix. § 29.
72 His human nature also: cf. next §, and Book xi. § 18.
76 I.e. We cannot say Thy God of the Father.
79 Ps. lxxi. (lxxii.) 9, 10.[*?*?]
1 Deut. vi. 4; St. Mark xii. 29.
3 From the beginning of the Arian Creed, Book iv. § 12.
4 The first three books are regarded as preliminary. the direct refutation began with Book iv.
6 i.e. His freedom of action is proved by His satisfaction with the result.
9 Book iv. § 12. the latter expression is cited inaccurately.
11 Omitting et benedicendo et transferrendo et nuncupando.
13 This act is used as the evidence of Moses' righteousness.
30 Deut. xxxii. 43 (Rom. xv. 10).
31 Isai. xi. 10 (Rom. xv. 12).
2 Reading quarto instead of promo; but cf. v. § 3.
3 The Epistola Arii ad Alexandrum, repeated from Book iv. §§ 12. 13, where se the notes. The only difference in the text is that this copy omits alone true, at the beginning.
4 E.g. i. § 10, iv. § 2; reading non semel.
9 Psalm lxxxi. (lxxxii.) 6.[*?*?]
15 St. John xvii. 5; cf. xiii. 32, xvi. 14, xvii. 1.
30 Reading nesciretur; cf. St. John vii. 28 in § 28.
34 Nativitas here, as normally in Hilary, means the eternal generation.
36 Firstly, the Father's witness is given in §§ 23-27; secondly, the Son's, §§ 28-31; thirdly, that of the Apostles, §§ 32-46.
41 St. Hilary takes them as an allusion to the I am (qui est) of Exodus iii. 14.
51 1 John v. 20, the long interpolation, which resembles a creed, is only found twice elsewhere (Codex Toletanus and the so-called Speculum of Augustine), and, though evidently from the Greek, never in that language.
57 Yet His own (proprius) is on the whole characteristic of the Old Latin mss., still in existence. This passage is important as indicating the independence of scribes. Hilary seems to take it for granted that each will modify at his discretion the text from which he is copying.
58 St. Matt. iii. 17, again an allusion to Exod. iii. 14.
60 St. Matt. xvi. 16; cf. Exod. iii. 14.
1 The Epistola Arii ad Alexandrum; see Books iv. 12, vi. 5.
13 Psalm lxxxi. (lxxxii.) 6.[*?*?]
14 I.e. These are the elements of which His Person is composed by the eternal generation.
17 St. John x. 30, xvi. 15, xiv. 11.
39 Personalis occurs here for the first time; persona is found in iii. 23, v. 26.
6 St. John x. 30; xiv. 7, 9, 10, 11.
20 If in the Sacrament we hold real communion with the Father and the Son, the union of Father and Son on which it is based must be also real, and not a mere concord of will.
34 Ps. ii. 8, cf. St. Matt. iii. 17, & c.
46 Hilary's interpretation of this passage is not strictly Trinitarian. his view is that there are two Divine Persons at work, the Father and the Son, and that Both are embraced under the common name of `Spirit.0' Compare ii. 30, and the exegesis of St. John iv. 24, which follows.
62 Phil. ii. 6, 7. The sense in which Hilary understands non rapinam arbitratus est, is to be seen in his explanation, non sibi rapiens esse se aequalem Deo (see just below).
3 Subsistentis Christi = subsistentia distincti Christi (see footnote in the Benedictine Edition). God the Father dwelt in Christ. But the Dweller must be personally distinct from Christ, in Whom He dwelt: and as the only distinction between the Father and Christ is that of Begetter and Begotten, therefore the words `God dwelt in Christ0' prove the generation of Christ.
8 St. Mark x. 18 (cf. St. Matt. xix. 17, St. Luke xviii. 19). The Greek is ou0dei\j a0gaqo\j, ei\ mh\ ei\j o9 qeo/j, "save one, even God" (R.V.). The application of this text by the Arians depends upon the omission of the article o9.
12 St. Mark xiii. 32; cf. St. Matt. xxiv. 36.
13 Alluding to St. John xvii. 3, quoted in c. 2.
15 The three periods referred to in these three sentences are 1) before the Incarnation: we can assign only to His Godhead the words Christ uses in reference to this period, because He was not yet man. 2) The Incarnation: we must distinguish whether He is speaking of Himself as man or as God. 3) After the Resurrectin, when His manhood remains, but is perfected in the Godhead.
18 Phil. ii. 10, 11. the Greek is `to the glory of God the Father0' (R.V.). There is also another reading in Hilary's text in this place, `in gloria0' instead of `in gloria;0' but the latter is demanded by the context. See c. 42.
27 St. Mark x. 18; cf. St. Matt. xix. 17; St. Luke xviii. 19, and note on c. 2 of this book.
31 St. Matt. xv. 24; cf. x. 6.
32 Cf. Rom. viii. 3, "What the law could not do:" and Gal. iii. 11ff., "No man is justified by the law in the sight of God....The law is not of faith."
35 i.e. including personal distinction from the Father, cf. c. 1, and note.
37 i.e. such as Sabellius had taught by extending the unity of nature into a unity of person. There is a unity of nature in the Godhead, but a union of Persons.
39 St. Matt. xvii. 5, the occasion of the Transfiguration. But the context shews that Hilary is referring to the voice heard at the baptism, where all the three Evangelists (St. Matt. iii. 17, St. Mark i. 11, St. Luke iii. 22), according to type commonly received text agree in omitting the words, "Hear ye Him."
40 St. John v. 44. The usual text of the Greek is , "the glory that cometh from the only God" (R.V.).
41 At the close of this chaper, Hilary speaks as if these words were, "if another shall com in His (i.e. the Father's) name," through the Latin "si alius venerit in nomine suo," is ambiguous and the Greek, "," quite excludes this translation.
45 following the punctuation of the older Editions, and placing the full stop after, instead of before, the sentence "cum Filius ita honorandus ut Pater sit."
46 St. John xi. 4, "through him" = through Lazarus. The Greek is , "thereby" (R.V.).
47 St. Mark xii. 29-31; cf. Matt. xxii. 36-40.
62 i.e. He does not mean whatsoever the Father hath the created world; nor is the giving and receiving to be understood in a material sense, cf. c. 72.
63 St. John xvi. 15. The "He" is the Holy Ghost; see the context.
66 1 Cor. viii. 6; see above, c. 32.
70 Phil. ii. 11. The Greek is , to the glory of God the Father (R.V.): see note on c. 8.
73 Ib. 18. the Jews sought the more to kill Him, because He not only broke the Sabbath, but also called God His own Father, making Himself equal with God.
78 that both Father and Son work implies that They are two distinct Persons and forbids us to suppose a union of Father and Son, which gerges them into one Person.
91 The unity of the Father and the Son does not mean that the Son's body was derived from the Father, as in human conception the father is in the son; but the Son Who derived His incorporeal nature from the Father at the generation, afterwards assumed a human body for the Incarnation. Thus Hilary clears himself of any Patripassian or Marcellian construction which might be put on his words.
93 Ib. x. 38: cf. xiv. 10, 11.
100 Rom. viii. 3. Here Hilary's de pecccato peccatum...condemnans must mean `by means of sin.0' In Latin of this date de is often instrumental.
101 St. John xiv. 31. The words `but that the world...even so I do,0' are generally connected with the previous sentence, and the last sentence, `arise, let us go hence,0' is regared as the breaking off of the discourse. But the words, `But that the world,0' & c., do not stand in very clear connection with the previous sentence, and the view here suggested has much to be said for it.
103 St. Matt. xxiv. 36; St. Mark xiii. 32.
104 Christ was conscious, e.g., of the sinfulness of man.
119 St. John xvi. 30. The Greek is , `that any one should ask thee0' (R.V.).
125 St. John x. 38; cf. xiv. 11.
132 Ib. 14. "He shall glorify Me, for He shall take of Mine, and shall declare it unto you".
133 St. John vi. 38. Hilary means that by the mention of two wills, our Lord teaches the personal distinction of the Father and the Son: cf. cc. 49, 50.
137 This last paragraph is omitted from many mss., though contained in several of high authority. It offera different explanation from that which Hilary has adopted in the rest of the book (see especially c. 59), where me maintains that Christ avoided revealing what He really knew, by saying that He did not know. the time adopted here is the same as that in the passage found by Erasmus and inserted by him in Book x. c. 8. This is one of several interpolations made in later, though still early, times to correct or supplement Hilary's teaching; cf. x. 8, with the note.
3 i.e. the Arians, who maintained that Jesus was created (creatura) and not God.
4 Reading "exsulantibus" with the Benedictine Edition (Paris, 1693); Migne (Paris, 1844), "exultantibus".
5 i.e. The generation of the second Person from the first Person of the Trinity.
8 The Arians accused the Catholics of a Sabellian denial of the Trinity and a Patripassian view of the Incarnation, i.e. that the unborn God became man.
11 "Of that day and that hour knoweth no one, not even the Angels of Heaven, neither the Son, but the Father only."St. Matt. xxiv. 36; cf. St. Mark xiii. 32.
12 Hilary is granting for the moment that the Son really was ignorant of the day and hour; this he says, could be not argument for the inequality of the Son: it would serve, however, to disprove the Sabellian identificaiton of the Son and the Father by shewing that this knowledge was the possession of the Father only. Erasmus, inserted here a passage which he found in a ms.;--"and this whews us that the saying of the Word referred to the mystery of human perfection: that He, Who bore our infirminities, should take upon Himself also the infirmity of human ignorance, and that He should say He knew not the day, just as He knew not where they had laid Lazarus, or who it was when the woman touched the hem of His garment: being infirm in knowledge as He was infirm in weeping, in the endurance of weariness, hunger, and thirst, He did not disdain even the error of ignorance: especially when we consider how, when He rose from the dead, and was about to ascend up to, and above, the heavens, the Apostles approached Him as no longer ignorant, but knowing, and determining this Hes day, and put exactly the same question to Him of which He was silent during the dispensation of His humanity: that it might be made plain by their repeated question, that they understood His statement, `I know not0', of an ignorance which He took upon Himself, not essential to His nature". The passage is utterly inconsistent with Hilary's teaching both here and in ix. 58 f., and is an obvious and clumsy interpolation.
13 Throughout the whole of this discussion of Christ's sufferings. Hilary distinguishes the feeling of pain (dolere, dolor) from the physical cause of pain, i.e. the cutting and piercing of the body (pati, passio). christ's body suffered (pati) but He could not feel pain (dolere): see c. 23.
23 St. John ii. 19; St. Matt. xxvi. 16, xxvii. 40; St. Mark xiv. 58.
24 Omitting `suo;0' or retaining it `His (i.e. the Word's) Holy Spirit.0'
26 1 Cor. xv. 47. One copy reads de terra terenus, of the earth, earth.
27 Luke i. 35. "The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee, and the power of the Most High shall overshadow thee."
30 Apollinaris argued that if Christ were perfect God and perfect, there would be two Christs, the Son of God by nature and the Son of God by adoption. Hence He taught that Christ was partly God and partly man; that He received from the Virgin His body and the lower, irrational which is the condition of bodily life; while His rational Spirit was Divine. On this theory the `whole man0', as Hilary says, was not born of the Virgin. Hilary denies the threefold division. The soul in every case, Christ's included, is, he says, the immediate work of God.
31 i.e. the infinity nature of God, and the finite nature of man.
32 Form since the time of Aristotle meant the qualities which constituted the distinctive essence of a thing.
33 erasmus mentions an insertion in one ms. here, which explains what Hilary implies throughout the chapter: `weak as ours from sin,0' i.e. weakness is the proper penalty for sin: pain is only a secondary and adventitious effect of the weakness of human nature brought on by sin. Christ then atoned completely for sin, by suffering, without feeling pain.
34 St. John xi. 15, `Lazarus is dead. And I am glad for your sakes, that I was not there, to the intent that ye may believe0'.
36 St. Matt. xxi. 19 and St. Mark xi. 3.
45 St. Mark xv. 34.; St. Matt. xxvii. 46.
46 St. Matt. xxvi. 64; cf. xvi. 27.
49 i.e. the thief on the cross.
50 In biblical an Patristic Latin chaos had acquired the sense of ; crf. ronsch, Itala u. Vulgata, p. 250.
51 Reading `susceptis elementis0'.
52 St. Matt. xxvi. 38; St. Mark xiv. 34.
53 Usque ad mortem; up to,as far as death. The Latin gives more colour to this interpretation of Hilary than the English translation `even unto death0'.
54 St. Matt. xxvi. 31; St. Mark xiv. 27; cf. St. John xvi. 32.
55 St. Matt. xxvi. 32; St. Mark xiv. 28; cf. xvi. 7.
57 St. Matt. xxvi. 39; St. Mark xiv. 36; St. Luke xxii. 42.
58 i.e. the possivility that the disciples may not endure the temptation of the cup: that it might abide with them instead of passing away. See the explanation in the next chapter.
59 St. Matt. xxvi. 40, 41; St. Mark xiv. 37, 38; cf. St. Luke xxii. 45, 46.
62 St. Matt. xxvi. 42. The Greek is : -`My Father, if this cup cannot pass away except I drink of it, Thy will be done0'.
63 Reading `non nisi finito0'.
65 this is a mistranslation of St. Luke xxii. 32, being taken as passive.
66 St. Luke xxii. 43, 44. The Greek is , `as it were drops of blood0'.
67 The Greek is . `His sweat became as it were great drops of blood0' (R.V.): see supra.
68 i.e. all sects with Docetic tenets, who would not allow Christ to have had a real human body, but only to have appeared in bodily shape, like a ghost.
69 St. John xvii. 11, 12. Hilary omits after `keeping them in Thy Name,0' the words `which Thou hast given Me, that they may be one even as We are One.0'
71 St. Mark xiii. 31. In the Greek the same word is used in both cases, but Hilary uses transire in the first, praeterire in the second instance.
75 i.e. St. Luke xxvi. 31, 32, as quoted above, c. 38.
80 Isai. liii. 4, 5. Hilary translates from the Septuagint. The Hebrew and the Vulgate differ, cf. the English Version, "Surely He hath borne our griefs" (instead of "our sins").
81 2 Cor. v. 20, 21. The Greek is , `on behalf of Christ0'.
82 i.e. flesh in the bad sense, "the flesh of sin".
85 Allusion to St. Matt. xxvii. 52, "many bodies of the saints that had fallen asleep were raised."
87 Apollinaris' heresy that in Christ the place of the ordinary human soul was supplied by the Logos, the second Person in the Trinity.
88 This doctrine was held by Marcellus of Ancyra (Sozomen, H.E. II. 33), and Photinus: cp. also what Sozomen (VII. 7) says of Hebion.
89 This doctrine was held by Marcellus of Ancyra (Sozomen, H.E. II. 33), and Photinus: cp. also what Sozomen (VII. 7) says of Hebion.
90 The preaching of Sabellius, cf. I. 16, protensio sit potius quam descensio, `an extension rather than a descent.0'
91 i.e. it realizes the plan by which the second Person of the Trinity chose to take a human form, but refuses to separate the Divine from the human in Jesus.
92 Reading partitur for Mss. patitur.
98 St. Matt. xxiii. 37; St. Luke xiii. 34.
99 The human soul in Jesus alone could feel grief and weep yet it was the divine Spirit which sent forth the prophets: for the human soul began to exist only in conjuction with His human body.
101 Ib. 4. The Greek is , through it.
110 Hilary is playing on the mystery of the two natures in one Person. We cannot say the God-nature was buried: nor that the human nature brought itself back to life: yet Jesus Christ died, was buried, and rose again.
123 Deut. xxx. 12. the context is the assurance of Moses, that "the law is not hidden from thee, neither is it far off," but "the word is very nigh unto thee, in thy mouth, and in thy heart."
124 Deut. xxx. 13. E.V. Who shall go over the sea for us?
2 The text is very corrupt here, but the meaning seems to be that, while we have the authority of the Bible to speak of God, if we do not attach its full meaning to the word (e.g. Psalm lxxxii. 6, "I have said, `Ye are Gods0',"), yet if we use the name in its proper significance it is blasphemous to call Christ God. The reading of the earlier editions and some mss., `duos dici irriligiosum est, et Deum non intelligi,0' is probably a gloss to soften the difficulty.
3 Reading `unus est, si filius sit, si Deus sit.0'
4 Cf. Col. i. 15, and Phil. ii. 6.
5 i.e. the occasions when Christ was speaking of His humanity and those when He was referring to His divine nature.
9 I.e. the Incarnation is the Mystery of godliness, not the infirmity of necessity.
11 Ps. xlv. 7. The general reading is, "Therefore God, thy God, & c." (R.V.).
26 St. Matt. i. 21; St. Luke i. 31.
28 By `Spirit0' Hilary means God considered as a spiritual (as opposed to a material) Being: cf. in the previous chapter, "to the prophets Christ the Lord is `Spirit.0' "
32 Ps. ii. 7. the last words occur in neither in St. Matt. (iii. 17), nor St. Mark (i. 11), nor St. Luke (iii. 22): but there is evidence of the existence of such a reading. See Tischendorf, Nov. Test. Graec., on St. Matt. iii. 17, and St. Luke iii. 22.
34 Reading `quam0' instead of qua.
45 St. Matt. x. 22; cf. St. Mark xiii. 13.
46 Phil. iii. 19, 20. The Greek paraphrased `expectation0' is , `citizenship0' (R.V.), or `commonwealth0' (marg.).
51 Cf. St. Matt. xxvi. 39, 42; St. Mark xiv. 36; St. Luke xxii. 42.
56 Ib. xvi. 11 "The prince of this world hath been judged."
62 Ib. 53-55. the reading `strife0' instead of `victory0' arose from the confusion of (=strife) and (=victory) in the original Greek.
75 The humanity is eternal, although He is no longer man.
76 St. John xiii. 31, 32. There is another reading in the text of Hilary, glorificabit, "shall glorify Him in Hemself," and though it is not well supported by ms. authority, and in ix. 41 all the mss. agree in the perfect honorificavit, the future is favoured by the last two sentences of this chapter. the variation between honoured and glorified shews the confusion of texts which preceded the Vulgate and caused it to be welcomed.
78 Isai. ix. 6 in the LXX and Old Latin.
9 Hos. xiii. 4, according to LXX.
11 Acts xiii. 22; cf. Ps. lxxxix. 20.
38 Is. xlv. 11 (LXX. but altered from the 3rd person to the 2nd.).
39 Reading per id ipsum ea neque propter opera.
49 Deputantis, conj. edd. Benedict.
1 Ps, lxxxviii. (lxxxix.) 20ff.[*?*?*]
2 Ib. xvii. (xviii.), 45.[*?*?*]
4 Ps. lxxvii. (lxxviii.), 1.[*?*?]
8 Impius, which is elsewhere in the Homily traslated ungodly, is here rendered undutiful, in order to preserve to some extent the sense of undutiful towards parents in which Hilary, with true Roman appreciation of the patria potestas, uses it in this passage.
24 Ps. xvii. (xviii.) 42.[*?*?]
26 This proves that the Homily in its original form consisted of two parts.
1 Acts xiii. 22 (cp. 1 Sam. xiii. 14).
10 Diapsalmus, see Suicer, s.v. and Dict. of Bible. Selah.
13 Ps. xxxix. (xi.) 7.[*?*?*?]
6 Dionys., De div. nom.., c.1.
8 Reading o$per de ou0k e0duna/meqa for o$per de\ ou0n e0duna/meqa. Cod. Reg. 3379 gives kai\ o$ or0 duna/meqa..
10 ta/ te th=j qeologi/aj, ta/ te th=j oi0konomi/aj.
11 Dionys., De div. nom. c. I; Greg. Naz., Orat. 34 and 37.
13 u9posta/sesi, hypostases, persons.
14 mia= de\ sunqe/tw n9posta/sei.
16 Dionys., De div. nom., c. 2.
18 Supr. c. 1; cf. Greg. Naz., Orat. 34.
20 The readings vary between a0gnwsi/aj and a0gnoi/aj.
22 Reading proai/resin; a variant is troph/n.
26 The Greek is tw au0toma/tw to the automatic ; prehaps=to the accidental, or, to chance.
27 Or, Whose was the disposing of them in order?
28 Or, Whose are the preserving of them, and the keeping of them in accordance with the principles under which they were first placed?
29 para to\ au0to/maton; or, quite other than the spontaneous, or, than chance.
30 Athan., De Incarn. Verbi, near the beginning. Greg. Naz., Orat. 34.
31 Various reading, It is evident that the divine (to\ Qei=on) is incorporeal.
32 Text a=trepton. Most mss. read septo/n. So, too, Greg. Naz., Orat. 34, from which these words are taken. An old interpretation is `venerabile ese.0'' But in the opinion of Combetis, Gregory's text is corrupt, and a!trepton should be read, which reading is also supported by various authorities, including three Cod. Reg. : cf. also De Trinit. in Cyril.
35 Text, swqh/setai : various reading, sunqh/setai.
38 The reference is to the Pythagorean and Aristolian ideas of the heavens as being like the body of Deity, something uncorrupt, different from the four elements, and therefore called a fifth body, or element (stoixei=on). In his Meteor. i. 3, De Caelo i. 3, &c., Aristotle speaks of the Ether as extending from the heaven of the fixed stars down to the moon, as of a nature specially adapted for circular motion, as the first element in rank, but as the fifth, "if we enumerate beginning with the elements directly known by the senses....the subsequently so-called tteutttov otolxelov, quinta essentia." The other elements, he taught, had the upward motion, or the downward: the earth having the attribute of heaviness, and its natural place in the world being the lowest; fire being the light element, and "its place the sphere next adjoining the sphere of the ether" See Ueberweg's History of Philosophy, Vol. I. p. 167, Morris's translation. and the chapter on the De Coelo in Grote's Aristotle, Vol II. pp. 389, &c.
40 Or, such as are said to exist in the case of God, or in relation to God. The Greek is, o$sa peri0 Qeou=, h= peri\ Qeo=n ei\nai le/getai.
42 Greg. Naz., Orat. 32, 34. The Greek is, oi0keio/teron de\ ma=llon e0k th=j a9pa/ntwn a0faire/sewj poiei=sqai to\n lo/gon.It may be given thus:-It is more in accordance with the nature of the cae rather to discourse of Him in the way of abstracting from him all that belongs to us.
44 Or, above being ; u9pe\r ou0si/an.
45 Or, above being ; u9pe\r ou0si/an.
46 Or, but only the things which relate to His nature. The Greek is, o$sa de\ le/gomen e0pi\ Qeou= katafantikw=j, o! th\n fu/sin, a0lla\ ta\ peri\ th\n fu/sin dhloi=.
47 Or, the things that relate to his nature.
48 Various reading, but that He is one.
53 See Thomas Aquin. I. quaest. II, Art. 4; also cf. Book iv., c. 21 beneath. The question of the unity of the Deity is similarly dealt with by those of the Fathers who wrote against the Marcionites and the Manichaeans, and by Athenagoras.
54 Or, infinite; a0peri/grapton.
58 Cf. Dionys., De div. nom., c. 5, 13.
59 a#logon; without Word, or, without Reason.
60 Greg. Nyss., Catech., c. I.
61 In R. 2427 is added, `who is the Son.0'
62 dih/rhtai, i.e. distinguished from the Father. Objection is taken to the use of such a verb as suggestive f division. It is often employed, however, by Greg. Naz. (e.g. Orat. 34) to express the distinction of persons. In many passages of Gregory and other Fathers the noun diai/resij is used to express the distinction of persons. In many passages of Gregory and other Fathers the noun oiaipeois is used to express the distinction f one thing from another: and in this sense it is opposed both to the Sabellian congusion and the Arian division.
63 Reading u9po/stasin. Varios reading, u#parcin, existence.
64 The Greek theologians, founding on the primary sense of the Greek term Pneu=ma, and on certain passages of Scripture in which the word seemed to retain that sense more or less (especially Psalm xxxiii. 6. in the Vulgate rendering, verbo Dei coeli formati sunt: et spiritu oris ejus omnis virtus eorum), spoke of the Holy Ghost as proceeding from the Father like the breath of His mouth in the utterance or emission of His Word. See ch. 15 of this Book, where we have the sentence, ou0demi/a ga\r o9rmh\ a!neu pneu/matoj. Compare also such passages as these-Greg. Naz., Orat. i. 3: Cyril. Alex., Thes., assert. 34, De Trin. dial. 2, p 425, and 7, pp. 634, 640; Basil, Contra Eunom., B.V. and DeSpiritu Sancto, ch.18; Greg. Scholar., Contra Latin., de process. Spiritus Sancti, i. 4. where we have the statement ou#tw kai\ to\ a!gion Pneu=ma w$sper o9rmh\ kai ki/nhsij, e0ndote/ra th=j u9perfuou=j e0keinhj ou0si/aj, so the Holy Spirit is like an impulse and movement within that supernatural essence.
66 Text faneru=sa: various reading, fe/rousa (cf. Cyril, De Trinitate.)
68 Text, a0kou/santej: variant, ajkouvonte" (so in Cyril)
69 So Cyril speaks frequently of the Holy spirit is proceeding from the Father and being (einai) and abiding (me/nein) in the Son; as also of the Spirit as being of the Son and having His nature in Him (e0c au0tou= kai\ e0mpefukw\j). The idea seems to have been that as the Son is in the bosom of the Father so the Spirit is in the bosom of the Son. The spirit was compared again to the energy, the natural, living energy, of the Son (e0ne/rgeia fusikh\ kai\ zwsa, to\ e0nerge\j tou= i0o=), Cyril, Dial 7 ad Hermiam. such terms as proboleu\j e0kfantorikou= pneu/matoj, the Producer, or, Emitter of the revealing Spirit, and the e#kfansij or e!llamyij, the revealing, the forth-shewing, were also used to express the procession ot the one eternal Person from the Other as like the emission or forth-shewing, were also used to express the procession of the one eternal Person from the Other as like the emission or forth-shewing or light from light.
71 Text, pro\j pa=san pro/qesin : variant qe/lhsin in almost all the codices.
73 Greg. Orat. 38, and elsewhere.
77 Text, diame/nei : variant, me/nei
81 Basil, De Spir. Sancto, ad Amphil. c. 18.
84 Or, penetrating, e0pibateu/ousan.
87 u9perqeon, u9pera/gaqo/, u9perplh/rh.
88 Greg. Naz., Orat. 13, n. 32.
89 An argument much used against the Arians, the Macedonians, and the Sabellians. See e.g. Athan, ad Serap. Epist. I and 2; Basilm Conta Eunom., bk. iii., and De spiritu sancto, ch. 10, 12; Greg. Naz., Orat. 34
92 probole/a. The term probolh/, rendered prolatio by Tertullian and Hilary, was rejected as unsuitable to the idea of the Divine procession, e.g. by Athanasius, who in his Expos. Fidei denies that the Word is a9po/r0r9oia, efflux, or tmh=sij, segmen, or probolh/, emissio or prolatio,; and by Jerome, Adv. Ruf., Apol. 2, his reason being that the word had been used by Gnostics in speaking of the emanations of Aeons, Greg. Naz., however, Orat. 13, 35, speaks of the Father as gennh/twr and proboleu/j, and of the Spirit as pro/blhma.
96 The Word enhypostatic, o9 Lo/goj e0nupo/statoj.
98 the Arians admitted that the Son is in the Father, in the sense in which all created things are in God. Basil (De Spiritu Sancto, ch. 25, Orat. in Princip. evang. Joan.) takes the preposition su/n, in, to express the idea of the su/nafeia, or conjuction of the two. The Scholiast on the present passages calls attention to the two prepositions with and in as denoting the Son's eternal existance and His union with the Father, as the shining is with the light, and comes from it without separation. Basil, De Spir. Sancto, ch. 26, holds it better to say that the Spirit is one with (sunei=nai) the Father and the Son than that He is in (e0nei=nai) the Father and the Son.
100 Cyril, Thesaurus, assert. 4 and 5.
104 Text, a0no/moion pantelw=j, varint, a0no/moion pantelw=j kat' ou0si/an, cf. also Cyrill.
105 Greg. Naz., Orat. 29 and 35.
106 On this distinction between generation and creation, compare Athan., Contra Arianos, Or. 2, 3 ; Basil, Contra Eunom., bk. iv; Cyril, Thes., assert. 3. &c.
108 Cyril, Thes., assert. 7 and 18.
110 Cyril, Thes., assert. 5, 6, and 16; Greg., Orat. 35.
111 a0rreu/stwj genna= kai\ ekto\j sunduasmou=. This argument is repeatedly made in refutation both of Gnostic ideas of emanation and Arian misrepresentation of the orthodox doctrine. Cf. Athan., De Synodis; Epiph., Haeres. 69.; Hilary, De Trin. iii. iv.; Greg. Naz., Orat. 45.
114 Text, mhd' o#lwj. Variant in many codices is mhdamw=j, as in the previous sentence.
115 Greg. Naz., Orat. bk. i., Cont. Eun., p. 66; Cyril, Thes., assert. 5.
117 e0nupo/staton; enhypostatic. See Suicer, Thesaurus, sub voce.
118 Greg. Naz., Orat. 23, 37, and 39.
120 Athan, Contra Arian., Orat. 2; Basil, Contra Eunom. iv.; Greg. Naz., Orat. 35.
123 Greg. Naz., Orat. 36 and 37.
124 Man. Dialog. contr. Arian.
125 Cyril, Thes., assert. i, p. 12.
128 Cf. Basil, Contra Eunom, v.; Athan., Contra Arian., ii.; Cyril, Thes., assert. 32; Epiphan., Haeres. 73, &c.
129 Ephes. iii. 14 and 15: Cyril. Thes., assert. 32: Dionys., De divin. nom., c. I.
130 In the first Book of his Contra Arianos Athanasius refers to Christ's word in St. John xiv. 28. He remarks that He does not say "the Father is better (krei/sswn) than I,"" lest it should be inferred that the Son is not eaual to the Father in Dieine nature, but of another nature; but "the Father is greater (mei/zwn) than I," that is to say, not in dignity or age, but as being begotten of the Father. And further, that by the word "greater" He indicates the peculiar property of the substance (ph=j ou0si/aj th\n i0dio/thta). This declaration of our Lord's was understood in the same way by Basil, Gregory Nazianzenus, Cyril and others of the Greek Fathers, and by Hilary among the Larin Fathers. In the ixth and xth Books of his De Trinitate Hilary refers to this, and says that the Father is called `greater0' propter auctoritatem, meaning by auctoritas not power, but what the Greeks understand by ai0tio/thj, causation, principle or authorship of being. So also Soebadius says that the Father is rightly called `greater,0' because He alone is without an author cf His being. But Latin theologians usually spoke of the Father as `greater,0' not because He is Father, but because the Son was made Man. To this effect also Athanasius expresses himself in his De Hum. carne suscepta, while Gregory Nazianzenus speaks otherwise in his Orat. 36.
133 Greg. Naz., Orat. 37; Athan., Contr. Arian., bk. i.
135 See Cyril, Ad Herm., dial. 2; Irenaeus. iv. 14, v. 6, and John of Damascus, himself in his Dial. Contr. Manich.
136 Greg. Naz., Orat. 13, 31 and 37.
138 te/leia u0po/stasij; a perfect hyposlasis.
143 Text ou0 ga\r e!k tunos' e0c e9autou= ga\r to= ei\nai e!xei, ou0de/ ti tw=n o#saper e!xei e0c e9te/rou e!xei' Another reading is, ou0 ga\r e!k tinoj to\ einai e!xei, ou0de\ ti tw=n osa e!xei, i.e. or He does not derive His being nor any one of His qualities from any one.
144 See Greg. Naz., Orat. 29, 35; Thomas Aquin., I. Quaest. 35, art I.
146 See Athan., Contra Arian., Orat. 3; Greg. Naz., Orat. 35. So Augustine (Contr. max. iii. 14, De Trin. xv.). Epiphanius (Anchor.), and Gregory of Nyssa (Epist. ad Ablab.) teach that the Spirit proceeds, and is not begotten, because He is both of the Father and the Son, while the Son is only of the Father.
147 Reading, dia\ to ei\nai to\n Pate/ra a variant is, dia\ to\ ei\nai au0to\/ Pate\ra, as also in Cyrilli, De Trinitate.
151 See Athan., Contra Arian., Orat. 5.
152 Greg. Naz., Orat. 13 and 29: Athan., Orat. Contr. Arian.
153 The Greek is o#qen ou0de\ le/gomen to\ ei\doj e0c u9posta/sewn, a0ll' e0n u9posta/sesin. See Basil., Orat. Contr. Sabell., Ar. et Eunom.
154 See Greg. Naz., Orat. I and 37.
155 Greg. Naz., Orat. 29, 34 and 40.
158 ph\n th=j gnw/mhj su/hpnoian; co-operation of judgment, or, disposition.
159 Greg. Naz., Orat. 40. The Greek is singular and difficult: to\ e!n e!calma th=j kinh/sew"; the one forthleaping of the motion, or movement. Origen speaks of h9 a0p' au9tou= ki/nhsij (I. 436 A.). In Athanasius (I. 253 C.) ki/nhsij has the metaphorical sense of indignation.
160 Greg. Naz., Orat. 37: Greg. Nyss., Epist. ad Ablab. et Orat. 32.
163 ei0j e$n ai!tion. so elsewhere it is put, w#sper mi/a a0rxh/, kata\ tou=to ei[ j Qeo/j. The three Persons or Subsistences are yet One God, because of the one Principle of Being whence Son and spirit derive. So the Father is said to be the e#nwsij e0c ou[ kai\ pro\j o$n a!nagetai ta\ e9ch=j.
164 The Greek runs thus: -kai\ th\n e0n a0llh/laij perixw/rhsin e!xousi di/xa pa/shj sunaloifh=j kai\ sumfu/rsewj. The term perixwrhsij, circumincessio, immanentia, was meant to express the peculiarity of the relations of the Three Divine Persons or Subsistences-their Indwelling in each other, the fact that; while they are distinct they yet are in one another, the Coinherence which implies their equal and identical Godhead. "In the Trinity," says Bishop Bull (Defence of the Nicene Creed, bk. iv. ch. iv., secs. 13, 14), "the circumincession is most proper and perfect, forasmuch as the Persons mutually contain Each Other, and all the three have an immeasureable whereabouts (immensum ubi, as the Schoolmen express it), so that wherever one Person is there the other two exist; in otherwords They are all everywhere...This outcome of the circumincession of the Persons in the Trinity is so far from introducing Sabellianism, that it is of great use, as Petavius has also observed, for confuting that heresy. For, in order to that mutual existence (in each other) which is descerned in the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, it is absolutely necessary that there should be different in reality, and not in mode of conception only; for that which is simply one is not said to exist in itself, or to interpenetrate itsef... Lastly, this is to be especially considered-tht this circumincession of the Divine Persons is indeed a very great mystery, which we ought rather religiously to adore than curiously to pry into. No similitude can be devised which shall be in every respect apt to illustrate it; no language avails worthily to set it forth, seeing that it is an union which far transcends all ohter unions."
165 Greg., Orat. 29; Dionys., De div. nom., c. 2.
167 Greg. Naz., Orat. 19 and 29.
168 Text, ai!tiom: variant, a0nai/tion, causeless.
170 e0k tou= Ui9ou de\ to\ Pneu=ma ou0 le/gomen. See also ch. xii., kai\ Ui9ou= Pneu=ma ou0x w9j e0c au0tou=, and at the close of the Epist. ad Jordan, Pneu=ma Ui9ou= mh e0c Ui9ou=.
174 The Greek runs:-h@ sxe/sin tina\ pro\j ti\ twn a0ntidiastellome/nwn, h# ti\ tw=n parepomenwn th| fu\sei, h@ e0ne/rgeian.
175 Rendered in the Septuagint Version, 9Egw/ ei0mi o9 w!n.Some of the Fathers made much of the fact that it is not the neuter form to\ o!n.
178 Dionys., De div. nom. c. 2, 3 and 4. this sentence and the next are absent in some mss., and are rather more obscurely stated than usual with John of Damascus.
179 In his Cratylus Plato gives this etymology, and Eusebius quotes it in his Prep. Evangel. i. Clement of Alexandria refers to it more than once in his Strom., bk. iv., and in his Protrept., where he says-Sidera qevou" ejk tou' qevein, deos a currendo nominarunt.
182 kata\ th\n qelhtikh\n au0tou= a!xronon e!nnoian. See Thomas Aquin., I., II. Quaest. 17, Art. I, where he says, est actus rationis, praesupposito tamen actu voluntatis.
183 This sentence is absent in some mss., being added at the end of the chapter with the mark sxo/l.
184 Dionys., De div. nom., c. 5.
185 pare/pontai th= fu/sei; follow the nature, are consequenta of the nature, or accompany it.
186 Greg. Naz., Orat. 45; cf. also Epist. ad. Evagr., and Greg. Nyss., Epist. ad Ablab.; Dionys., De div. nom., c.2; Basil, Epist. 43 ad Greg. fratr.
187 Dionys., De div. nom., c. 2; Greg. Naz., Orat. 37 and 45; Nyss. Epist. ad. Ablab.
189 Text, a!nqrwpoj, which is absent in some codices and in Dionys., De div. nom., from which these words are taken.
190 Greg. Naz., Orat. 24:Dionys., De div. nom., c.2.
191 Dionys., De div. nom., c. I.;De Cael. Hier., c. 15.
193 Text, pa/nta to\n a!nqrwpon: variant, a!panta.
194 Dionys., De div. nom., c. I.
195 Athan., Orat. 2, Cont. Arian.; Cyril, Thes., assert. 13.
196 Text reads, w9j u0pa/rxioj: surely a misprint for w9j u9pera/rxij.
197 This chapter is not found in the oldest copies, but only in a few of the latest date. In Cod. Reg. 3109 it comes in after bk. iv. c. 9, and in Cod. Reg. 3451, after bk. ii. c. 2.
199 Dioyns., De div. nom., c. I
200 Text, ei0 de\ kai\ tw=n o!ntwn ai0 gnwseij, to\ #perou/sion pw=j gnwqh/setai; a variant, ei0 de\ ai9 fu/sei: a!gnwstoi, au0to\ u9perou/sion pw=j gnwqhsetai. If the natures are unknown how can the superessential itself be known?
201 Or, super-substantial, u9perou/sioj.
202 a9nou/sioj, non-substantial, without substance.
204 Dionys., De div. nom., c. 5.
205 Text, a0paralei/prwj: variant, a0paralla/ktwj, unchangeably, an adverb used by the Greeks in connection with the equality of the divine persons.
206 proboleu/j, Lat. productor, Emitter.
208 qe/khsij, cf. Cyril, Th., assert. 7; Athan., Contr. Arian. 4 ; Greg. Nyss., Contr. Eunom., p. 345.
209 h9 monh\ du/namij tou Patro\j, h prokatartikh\ th=j tw=n pa/ntwn poih/sewj. The h9 prokatartikh/ is understood by some to mean the primordial or immediate Cause, by others to be better rendered as the primordial Power or Energy. Basil in his De Spiritu Sancto speaks of the Father as the primordial Cause (prokatartikh; aijtiva) in the creation of the world.
210 Arist., Physic, bk. iv. 4.
211 Text, oi[on o9 a0h\r perie/cei, to= de= sw=ma perie/xetai' ou0x o!loj de o9 perie/xwn a9h/r, &c. Variant, oi[on o9 a0h\r perie/xei to/de sw=ma, ou0x o!loj, &c.
212 a!5loj w!n. Greg. Naz., Orat. 34, Greg. Nyss., De anim. et resurr., &c. speak of God as nowhere and as everythere.
224 me/son tou= a0gennh/ tou kai\ tou= gennhtoy=, kai di' Ui0ou= tw= Patri\ sunpto/henon.
226 proforiko/j is absent in mss. but added by a second hand in one codex.
227 ou0siw/dhj te/ e0sti kai\e0nupo/statoj. Against the Sabellian doctrine, the views of Paul of Samosata., &c.
229 Text, to\ a!u>\lon: in one codex there is added as emendation or explanation, to; a0plouj/, to\ a0su/nqeton.
230 Greg. Naz., Orat. I, 13 and 40.
231 Dioyns., De div. nom., c. 5.
232 Text, kaqw\j e!xei fu/sewj: in the margin of the manuscript is w9j e!xousi.
3 Arist., De Coelo, bk. i. text 100.
4 St. Matt. xii. 32; St. Luke vii. 34.
6 Basil, De Struct., hom. 2; Greg. Naz., Orat. 44.
8 ai0w/nioj, `eternal0'. but also `secular,0' `aeonian,0' `age-long.0'
9 Variant, kai\ a0pe/ranton dhloi=. In Regg. ai0w=noj is absent.
10 See his Contr. Cels., iv. Cf. Justin Martyr. Apol. i; Basil, Hex., hom. 3; Greg. Nyss., Orat. Catech. 26, &c
11 Greg., Naz., Orat. 38, 42; Dionys., De Eccl. Hier., ch. 4.
15 Text, xa/riti. R. 2930, kata\ xarin.
16 a!neu lo0gou proforikou: without word of utterance.
19 Text, a0ci/oij. R. 2930, a0gi/oij.
20 Theodoret, Epist. de div. decr., ch. 8.
21 e0n nohtoi=j kai\ to/poij. Cf. i. 17.
22 See Greg. Naz., Orat. 34. And cf. Cyril, Thesaur. 31, p. 266; Epiph., Haeres. 64.
23 Dionys., De Coel. Hier., ch. 3; Greg. Naz., Orat. 34.
24 Dionys., De Coel. Hier., ch. 9; Greg., Orat. 34.
26 Text, trofhn. Variant, trnfh/n, cf. Dionys., De Coel. Hier., ch. 7.
27 Dionys., De Coel. Hier., ch. 6.
28 But cf. August., Enchir., ch. 8; Greg. Naz., Orat. 34; Greg. Nyss, Contra Eunom., Orat. I; Chrysost., De incomprehens., hom. 3, &c.
29 See Epiph., Haeres. 6, n. 4 and 5; Basil, Hex. i; Chrysost., 2 Hom. in Gen.; Theodor., Qaest. 3 in Gen.
31 prwtosta/thj. Cf. Chrysost., Epist. ad Ephes., hom. 4, &c.
32 Text, e0dwrh/sato. R. 1986, e0xari/sato
33 See Iren., bk. iv. c. 48, &c.
34 Greg. Nyss., Orat. Catech., cp. 6.
36 See Greg. Naz., Orat. 19, 38; Chrysost., In S. Babyl. Or. 2; Basil, in Jesaiam, ch. I, &c.
40 Vide lambl., De Myst., ch. II, sect. 4.
42 Nemes., De Nat. Hom., ch. I.
44 Cf. Chrysost., In Genes., hom. 4; Basil, Hex. hom. 3, &c.
49 Basil, Hom. I in Hexaemeron.
50 The Peripatetics. See Nemes., ch. 5.
51 Basil, Hom. 3, in Hexaemeron.
54 Chrysost., Hom.14 and 17, ad Hebr.
61 Basil Hom. I and 3, in Hexaemeron.
65 Cf. August., Retract. ii. 2.
66 Basil, Hom. 13, in Hexaemeron.
68 Text, w0j to/. N. kai\ to\ a0napalin.
72 Basil, Hom. I and 3, in Hexaemeron.
74 Text, u0per. Variant, u0po, but this does not agree with the view of the author or the ancients.
76 Basil, Hom. 2, in Hexaemeron.
78 Basil, Hom. 2, in Hexaemeron.
79 Text, e0cousi/an: variant. e0cousi/aj.
80 Variant here also, e0cousi/aj.
81 Basil, Hom. 6, in Hexaemeron.
82 Text, o0 Dhmiourgo/j. Variant, o0 dhmiorgh/saj.
84 Basil, Hom. 6, in Hexaemeron.
85 Text, sugkrou/sewj. Variants, sugkra/sewj and sugkri/sewj.
86 Basil, Hom. 6, in Hexaemeron.
87 Nemes., de Nat. Hom., ch. 34.
88 Text, poioume/nh. Variant, poiou/menon.
89 Basil, Hom. 6, in Hexaemeron.
90 Text, qa/naton dhlou=nta basi/lewn. Variant, qana/tw/ basi/ lewn: also qanaton, h@ a0na/deicin shmai/nousi basi/lewi.
93 Text, dianadoqh=nai: variants, diadoqh=nai and doqh=nai.
94 Sever. Gabal., De opif. mundi, III.
97 Vide Porph., de antro Nymph.
98 Text, di/j. R. 4 has deu/teron.
100 Sever. Gabal., Hom. I in Hexaem.
101 Nemes., De Nat. Hom. i., ch. 5.
102 These are absent in edit. Veron.
103 This paragraph is absent i almost all the copies.
105 See Easil, Hexaem., Hom. 3.
106 Text, u0fh/plwtai. Variant, e0fh/plwtai.
107 Basil, Hom. 2 in Hexaem.; Sever. gaval., Orat. de opific. mundi.
110 Test, sunh/xqhsan. R. 2927 has die/sthsan : Edit. Veron. Reg. 3362 has o!qen sune/sthsan : Colb. iI has o/qen sune/sth.
112 For potamo\j de\ o0 gluku\ u!dwr e!xwn e0sti/, reading po/timon kai\ gluku\ u!dwr e!xwn.
115 Sever. Gabal., Orat. 4, De opific. mundi: Basil, Hom. 8.
116 This chapter is wanting in certain copies, Reg. 7, Colb. I, R. 2930. In Cod. Hil. it is given after the chapter On Creation.
124 In this John does not follow Basil in his De Paradiso.
131 Method, Cont. Orig. apud Epiph. Haeres. 64.
132 Only Cod. Reg. 3451 has this paragraph.
133 Greg. Nyss., De opif. Hom., ch. 2.
134 See the treatise of Anastas. II. Antiochen., on the Hexaemeron, bk. vii.
135 'Edem, Edem, in the text. Basil, Hom de Parad.
136 See 2 Kings xix. 12; Isai. xxxvii. 12; Ezek. xxvii. 23.
137 See Chrysost., In Gen. Hom. 16, Theodor., Quaest. 27, &c.
139 Text, rh\n e!fesin lixnote\roij. Variant rh\n ai!sqhsin, &c.
140 Greg. Naz., Orat. 38 and 42: Method., ap Epiph. Haeres. 64.
146 Nemes., de Nat. Hom., ch. I.
148 Greg. Naz., Orat. 38 and 42.
151 eqaumastw/qh h0 gnw=si/j sou e0c e0mo=, toute0stin, e0k th=j e0mh=j katoskeuh=j. Basil, Gregory Naz., Anastasius II., Antiochenus and ohters render it so , following the LXX. version, and not the Hebrew text.
155 th\n nohth\n ou0si/an rational being
156 thn aisqhth/n; material being, being perceptible by sense.
157 Greg. Naz., Orat. 38 and 42.
160 Cf. Chrysostom, Hom. in Gen. 9; Anastasius, Hom. in Hex. 7; Clem. Alex., Strom. II.; Basil, Hom. de hom. Struct. I; Greg. Nyss., De opif. hom., ch. 16; Iren., Haer. v. 8, &c.
161 Cf. Greg. Naz., Orat. 31; Jerome, Epist. 82; August., De Genesi, x. 28, &c.
162 e0n mikrw= me/gan, is read in Nazianz. Hom. 38 and 42: so also in Nicetas, who says that `the world is small in comparison with man, for whose sake all was made.0' But Combefis emended it.
163 The text read, tw= mege/qei filotimou/menos' to\ de\ i!na pa/sxwn u0pomimnh/skhtai, kai\ paideu/htai zw=on. On the basis of varios manuscripts and the works of Gregory of Nazianzum, it is corrected so-i!na pa/sxh, kai\ pa/sxwn, u0pommimnh/skhtai, kai\ paideu/h tai tw= mege/qei filotimou/menon.
164 Greg. Naz., Orat. 38 and 42.
165 Reading, ou0x w0j en0 th= fu/sei, for a0ll0 ou0k e0n th fu/sei.
166 Athan. llib. de inob. contr. Apoll.
167 The Fathers objected to Aristotle's definition of the soul as the e0ntele/xeia prw/th sw/matoj fusikou= o0rganikou= taking it to imply that the soul had no independent existence but was dissolved with the body. Cicero explains it otherwise, Tusc. Quaest., bk. I.
169 Supplying the words, tw= u!dati, yuxro\n ga\r kai\ u0gro/n' ai[ma, a0nalogou=.
170 tomh\, kai\ p0eu=sij. kai\ metabolh/.
171 Nemes., ae Nat. Hom., ch. I.
173 Nemes., ae Nat. Hom., ch. I.
174 paqhtiko\n kai\ o0rektiko/n.
176 The following three paragraphs, as found in manuscripts and the old translation, are placed at the end of ch. 32, "Concerning Anger," but do not suit the context there.
177 Supplying the word futiko/n from Nemesius.
179 Reading, ou0k a@n eu!roi tij i0di/aj h0dona/j.
180 Nemes., ch. 18: Chrys., Hom. in Joan., 74.
181 See Chrysostom, Hom. in Joannem, 74; Cicero, De fin. bon. et mal., I.
183 Text, xwrou/saj. Variant, paraxwrou/saj.
188 Nemesius and certain manuscripts give these species of fear in a different order, viz., dread, consternation, panic, anxiety, shame, disgrace.
190 tou= peri\ kardi/an ai!matoj, the blood about the heart.
194 See Aristotle, De anima, III. c.7.
198 chro/n is added in some mss. but wrongly: for it is what is percived by touch alone that is here spoken of, whereas, below, we are told that dryness is recognised also by sight; so also in Nemesius.
200 Greg. Nyss., De opif. Hom., ch. 13.
201 Text, ai!tion. R. 2930, a0ggei=on.
203 kai\ noh/sewj is wanting in some mss., nor is it found in Nemesius, who borrowed his description from Origen.
204 Text, swthri/a. Variant, swrei/a, a heaping up, "coacervatio." Faber has "confirmatio," which is nearer swthri/a, conservatio, which is found in Nemesius, &c.
206 to\ fantastiko/n, the faculty of fantasy.
208 Max. ad Marin. et ad Incert. p.98.
210 Max. Dial. cum Pyrrh. et Epist. I ad Marin.
211 Thomas Aquinas (I-2, Quaest. 4, a. I and 2) lays down the position in accordance with John of Damascus, that there is no "counsel" in God quatenus est appetitus inquisitivus, but that there is quantum ad certitudinem judicii. Basil (Hexaem. Hom. I), arguing against the ancient philosophers who taught that the world was made a0proaire/twj, affirms "counsel" in God in the latter sense.
213 Text, o9 de\ Qeo\j pa/nta ei0dw\j a9plw=j, ou0 bouleu/etai. Various reading is, o9 de\ Qeo\j pa/nta ai9dw\j a9plw=j bou/letai.
215 dio\ ou0de\ gnwmiko\n ei\xe qe\lhma.
217 u. infr., lib. iii. ch. 14.
219 Text, qelhto/n, as given by Faber. Variant, qelhtiko/n.
220 to\ gnwmiko\n qe/lhma, the will of individual opinion, or, the dispositional will.
221 Or, acting by opinion, or disposition.
222 Anast. Sin. in Odhg., from Greg. Nyss., p. 44; Clem. Alex. ap. Max., p. 151
223 The Greek e0nergei/a being a term with a large connotation is explained as meaning in different cases operation (operatio), action (actio), and act (actus). Nemesius defines actio a operatio rationalis, actus as perfectio potentiae.
224 Cf. Anast. Sin. in !Odhgo/j, p 43; John of Dam., Dialect. c. 30; Greg. Nyss., in Maximus, II., p. 155.
225 pra/ceij. So pra=cij is defined as e0nergeia logikh/ in the following chapter.
226 ta\ pa/qh. Cf. Instit. Elem., c. 9; Greg. Nyss., Cont. Eunom., v. p. 170.
228 Greg. Nyss. ap. Max., p. 155.
229 Cf. Greg. Nyss., in Maxim.; Nemes., ch. 29.
235 rou= au0tecousi/ou. See also III. 34.
237 Text, tafron. Variant, ra/fon.
238 Text, pra/cewj. mss. pra/cewn, as in Nemesius.
243 This is supplied by Combefis from Nemesius.
245 This sentence is omitted in Basil and some mss.
246 Nemesius speaks of this at greater length.
253 The words pa/nta e0painei=n are wanting in Cod. R. 2 and in Nemes., ch. 44.
256 There is a hiatus here in Edit. Vernon. and in Cod. R. 2927. Various readings are found in other mss., some with no ssense and ohters evidently supplied by librarians. It is best supplied from Nemesius, ch. 44, th=j de\ sugxwrh\sew= polla\ ei!dh, "but there are many forms of concession."
264 Cf. Nemes., c. 27; also Cicero's statement on Providence in the Academ. Quest.
265 See the reference in Migne.
267 See Chrysostom, Hom. I, in Epist. ad. Ephes., and Hom. 18, in Epist. ad Hebraeos.
269 These words are wanting in two mss.
270 This last sentence is absent in one Codex.
272 Chrys., Hom. 12 in Epist. ad. Ephes.
273 Cf. Maximus, Vita, n. 8; Just. Martyr, Apol. I; Tatian, Or. ad. ad Graecos; Prigen, Ep. ad Rom. I; Jerome, on Exek. c. xxiv., &c.
275 Cf. Clem. Alex., Strom., bk. vi.; Jerome, on Ep. ad Gal., ch. I; Greg. Naz, Carmen de virt. hum.
276 Cf. Clem. Alex., Quis dives salvetar; Greg. Naz., Orat. 31; Chrysost., Hom. 45 in Joann., Hom. in Ep. ad Hebr. xii. 2, Hom. 15 in Ep. ad Rom.; Cyril, De ador. in Spir. et ver., p. 25; Petavius, Dogm., vol. i., bk. ix. c. 4, &c.
277 Cf. ingra,bk. iii. ch. 14.
278 o0 prognw/sthj Qeo/j. See Athanas., in Psalm I; Chrysost. in Hom. 18 in Gen.; Greg. Nyss., De opif. hom.; Athanas., Minor, Quest. 50 ad Antioch.; Thomas Aquinas I., Quaest. 98, Art. 2.
279 Greg. Nyss., De opif., ch. 20.
280 Text, eu0fraino/menoj. Variant , semnuno/menoj.
282 a0dokimoj; in Cod. R.2 a0doki/maston.
283 This paranthesis is absent in almost all codices and in the translations of Faber, &c.
284 Cf. Greg. Naz., Orat. 38 and 42; Cyril Alex., Cont. Anthrop., I. 8; Anast. II Antioch., Hexaem. vi; Chrysost., Hom. 10 in Ep. ad Rom., Hom. 5 in Ep. ad Epes., &c.BOOK III.
1 Gen. iii. 7; cf. Greg. Naz., Orat. 38 and 42; Greg. Nyss., Orat. Catech. c. 8.
2 Text, parei=den. Variant, periei=den.
5 e0pistasi/a, care, or dominion.
9 Greg. Naz., Orat. 12 and 38.
10 Text, pa/lhn. Variant, pla/sin, cf. "plasmationem" (Faber).
11 Text, parei/de. Variant, periei=den.
12 Greg. Nyss., Orat. Cathec., ch. 20 et seqq.
15 "Condescends to His servants" is absent in some mss..
18 Athan., De salut. adv. Christi.
19 Text, tou= Lo/lou. Variant, tou= Qeou= Lo/lou: so Dei Verbi (Faber).
26 "Of thee" is wanting in some mss.
30 Greg. Naz., Orat. 38 and 42.
31 Cf. Athan., Ep. ad Serap., De Spiritu Sancto; Greg. Nyss., Contr. Apoll. 6, 25; Rufinus, Exp. Symb.; Tertullian, De Carne Christi and Contr. Prax.; Hilary, De Trin. II. 26.
33 Cyril, Apolog. 5 and 8 anathem.
34 Cf. Greg. Naz., I Ep. ad Cledon; Cyril, I Ep. ad Nestor.; Theodor., ep. ad Joan. Antioch., &c.
37 rhn oi0konomi/an, the oeconomy, the Incarnation.
38 Cod. R. 2428 adds here some statements taken from the Dissertation against the Nestorians.
39 kata\ Monofusitw=n: these words are absent in mss.
40 Cf. Eulogius and also Polemon in the Collect. Contr. Severianos.
41 Max. Epist. ad Joan. cubic. p. 279.
44 Cf. Niceph. Call., Hist. xviii. 46.
45 Eulog. apud Max., t. ii. p. 145.
46 Cf. Sever., Ep. 2 ad Joannem.
47 Anast. Siniata, in 9Odhgw=, ch. 9; Leontius, contr. Nest. et Entych.
48 Greg. Naz., Ep. ad Cled., I.
49 to\n au0to\n e0pide/xontai lo\gon th=j fu/sewj; perhaps-all admit the same account of the nature,-all can be dealt with in the same way in respect of nature.
50 Leontius, Contr. Sev. et Eutych. Max. loc. cit., p. 277.
51 Reading w!sper e0pi\ a0to/mou, &c. These words are omitted in Cod. S. Hil. Reg. 10, Colb. 3, and N.
52 h! su/gkrasin, h@ a0na/krasin. The mss. omit the latter.
53 The word Eu0ruxh/j. however, is omitted by the best copies.
55 Greg. Naz., Hom. 5. See also John's Dialect., 65.
56 Leo papa, Epist. 10, ch. 4.
57 kata\ to\n a0ntido/sewj tro/pon, in the way of a communication of properties.
58 dia= th=n ei0j a!llhla tw=n merw=h perixw/rhsin. See Leont., De Sect., 7, Contr. Nest. et Eutych., I.
59 Leo papa, epist. 10, ch. 4.
62 Cf. Athan., De Salut. adv. Christi; Greg. Naz., Orat. 38; Greg. Nyss., Contr. Apoll.; Leont., Contr. Nestor. et Eutych., bk. I; Thomas Aquinas, III., quaest. 16, art. 4, 5.
63 ei@doj, form, class, species.
66 a0ei\ a0naiti/wj e0k Patro/j.
69 Baruch iii. 38: these words are absent in many mss.
70 Leont., Resp. ad argum. Sever.
71 For kai\ th= ai0tiarh= kai\ u0i>\kh=, kai\ th= ai0tiath= kai\ e0kporeuth= we get kai\ th= ai0tiatikh=, kai\ poreuth' in Cod. Colb. I, Cod. Reg. 3, and so Faber also.
73 Leont., Resp. ad argum. Sever.
74 See Leont., Act. 7. De Sect., with reference to one of the arguments of the Nestorians; also Greg. Naz., Orat. 36; Max., Ep. I ad Joan. Cubic.
75 Infr. ch. vii.: Basil, Epist. 40 and Bk. De Spir. Sanct ch. 17
76 ei\doj, form, class, species.
77 These words are gound only in Cod. Reg. 2927.
78 The words ou=si/a paqhth/ and pe/ponqe are omitted in some editions.
79 Against Arias, Apollinaris, and the Severians.
81 Dion., De div. nom., ch. 2.
82 Athan., De salut. adv. Christ: Greg. Naz., Epist. I ad Cled. et Orat. I: Cyril, in John viii.
83 Cf. Greg. Naz., Orat. I, &c.
85 perixwrei=tai u0po tou krei/ttonoj.
87 ou su/noikoj. It is proposed to read au0tou= su/noikoj, or w0j su/noikoj.
89 Athan., De salut. adv. Christ.
91 Text, u0pemfai/nontej. Variant, e0mfai/nomen.
92 a0parxh\n tou= h0mere/rou fura/matoj.
93 su/nqeton genesqai th\n proteron a0plh=n ou\san tou= Lo/gou u0po/sttasin, su/nqeton de\ e0k du/o telei\wn fu/sewn.
94 Text, kai\ xro/nw kuh/sewj. Various readings, kai tro/pw kuh/sewj: kai\ xro/nw kai\ kuh/sewj.
95 Cf. Ruf., Expos. symb.; Epiph., in the epilogue to his De Haer.; Joan. Scyth., Epist. Dionys. 4.
96 Mariaj is absent in most mss.
97 Expositio fidei a Patribus Nicaenis contra Paul. Samos. III. p. conc. Ephes.
98 Commonit. ad Eulog. et Epist. 2 ad Succes.; cf. supr. ch. vi. et infr. ch. xi.
99 o!loj me\n ou\u e0sti Qeo\j te\leioj, ou0x o!lon de\ Oeo/j
105 the following is added in R. 2927: e0n pa=si me\n h\n, kai\ u0pe\r ta\ pa/nta, kai e0n th ga/stri th=j Qeomh/toroj, a0ll' e0n tau0th te, e0nerge/a th=j sarkw/sewj. This is assuredly and interpolation.
107 Leontius de sectis, Act. 3.
108 Directed against the Severians. See Leont., De Sect., Act. 7; Greg. Naz., Orat. 37.
109 upo\ to\ sunexe\j po\son a0na=gontai ai0 tou= Kuri/ou fu/deij, h@ i0po to\ diwrisme/non.
110 Text, a0na/gontai. Variants, a0nafe/rointo and diafe/rointo.
112 Cyril, De Anath. 8 cont. Theod.
113 The Apollinarians attacked the orthodox as a0nqrwpola/trai, man-worshippers, and as making the Trinity a Quaternity by their doctrine of two perfect natures in Christ. see greg. Naz., Ep. I ad Cied.; Athanas., Ep. ad Epictet.; Anastas. Anitioch., De Operationibus; Cyril, Contr. Nestor. et Eutych. I.; John of Dam., Dialect. 29.
114 See Migne on the position of this section.
115 Another allegation of the Severian party is in view here. see Leont., De Sect., Act. 7, Contr. Nestor. et Eutych. I.; John of Dam., Dialect. 29.
117 Dam., Epist. ad Jord. Archim.
118 Text, bla/sfhmon. Variant, blasfhmi/an.
119 Text, bla/sfhmon. Variant, blasfhmi/an.
121 These words which refer to the Holy Spirit are absent in R. 2930 and in I Cor. viii., but are present in other Codices and in Basil, De Spirit. Sancto, and in Greg. Nazianz., Orat. 39, and further in the Damascene himself Parallel, and elsewhere, and could not be omitted here.
125 Orat. 42. at the beginning.
126 Epist. ad Petrum Fullonem; Theoph., Ad Arn. 5930.
127 See Niceph. Call., Hist. xviii. 51.
128 Conc. Chal., Act. I, at the end.
129 In Cod. S. Hil. is written above the line h! qehla/tou o0rgh=j pau/sei, which explains the author's meaning.
130 Niceph. Call., Hist. xviii. 51, speaks of this Hymn and also the fw=j i0laro/n as coming from the Apostles themselves. The writer of the Life of Basil supposed to be Amphilochius of Iconium, declares that the Trisagium was recited by Basil at Nicaea.
131 h@ yilh= qewri/a katanoei=tai.
132 This division is absent in some copies and is not restored in the old translation, but is not superfluous.
134 tou= sidh/rou is absent in some codices and also in the old translation.
135 th\n oi0konomi0an, the incarnation.
139 Cyril, Defens. II., Anath. cont. Thoed.
140 o0 Qeo\j morfou=rai, h!toi ou0sioutai to\ a0llo/trion. Gregory of Nazianzum in his Carmen used the term ou0siou=sqai of the word after the assumption of our nature. See also Dionys., De div. nom., ch. 2 ; Ep. ad Carmen, 4 ; &c.
141 Dion., De div. nom., ch. 8.
142 See especially Greg. Naz., Ep. I ad Cled.; Theod., Haer. fab., v. 18.
143 Greg. Naz., Epist. I. ad Cledon.
150 xristoto/koj, as opposed to qeoto/koj.
151 Cyril, ad Monachos, Epist. I.
152 w0j e0phreazome/nhn is absent in Vegelinus.
154 qeofo/roj, Deigerus. See Greg. Naz., Ep. 2, ad Cied. Basil, De Spir. Sanc., ch. 5, &c.
155 Cyril, cont. Nest., bk. I.
156 a0ei/ is absent in Vegelinus.
157 oi0konomi/aj lo/gw, by reason of the incarnation.
158 Reading gino/mena, for which Cod. R. 2930 gives u9ph=rxon.
159 Leo, Epist. 10, ad Flavian.
162 oi0konomi/aj. incarnation.
163 Max., Dial. cum Pyrrho ; Anast. in 9Odhgo/j, ch. 6, p. 40.
164 to\ me/n a0plw=j qe\leinm qe/lhsij, h!toi h0 qelhtikh\ du/namij.
166 qe/lhton, willed, the thing willed.
167 qe/lhma gnwmiko/n. dispositional volition, will of judgment.
168 qelhtiko/n, volitive. volitivum. volitive, is the Scholastic translation qelhtiko/n.
172 qelhtiko/j, endowed with volition.
176 kai\ kata\ tou=to oi0 Pate/rej to\ h0me/teron e0n e0autw= tupw=sai au0to=n e!fhsan qe/lhma: and according to this the Fathers said that He typified, moulded, had the form of our will in Himself.
177 Greg. Nyss., Cont. Apollin and others, Act. 10, sext. syn.
178 Max., Agatho pap. Epist. Syn. in VI Syn., Act. 4.
181 St. Matt. xxvii. 33 and 34; St. John xix. 28 and 29
182 e0mpaqh/j, passible, sensible, possessed of sensibility.
184 In N. is added: kai\ ei\ e\n th= h0me/ra to= pa/qouj le/gei 9 Pa/ter, ei0 dunato\n, parelqe/tw to\ poth/rion touto a0p0 e0mou=. Plh\n ou0x w0j e0gw\ qe/lw, a0ll 9 w0j su/. 'Idou= du/o qelh/seij, qei>\kh\ a!ma kai\ a0nqrwpi/nh.
187 tw=n u0po\ xei=ra ga\r tau=ta.
188 Orat. 36, some distance from the beginning.
190 w0j suntrexou/shj tq e!xei th=j proxeiri/sewj, the choice, or decision, being synchronous with the moral disposition.
192 prw=ton me\n, o!ti ai0 sunqe/seij tw=n e0n u9posta/sei o!ntwn, kai\ ou0 tw=n e0te/rw lo/gw, kai\ ou0 iudi/w qewroume/nwn ei0si/.
196 Basil, on Ps. xliv., or rather on Isiah vii.
198 Fusikai\ men ga/r ei0sin ai9 a0retai/; cf. Cicero, De leg. I.
204 Dan. ii. 15. peri\ ti/noj d0ch=lqen h0 gnw/mh h9 a0naidh\j au!th. In our A.V., Why is the decree so hasty from the king?
205 Text, kata\ ei!kosi o0ktw;: Variants, kata\ koinou=, kata\ polu/, secunda multa (old trans.), and secundum plurima (Faber). Maximus gave 28 meanings of gnw/mh.
206 Cf. Anast., De operationibus, I.; Joan. Scyth, Con. Sever. VIII., &c.
207 Supr. bk. ii.: Max., Dial. cum Pyrrh.
208 Orat. 37, near the beginning.
209 Anast. Antioch., De operationibus.
210 kai\ au0to\ to\ a0potelou/menon; cf. Max., ad Marin. II.
211 Max. tom. ii., Dogmat. ad Marin., p. 124.
214 See Act. 10 sextae synodi.
215 Text, qehgo/rouj. Variant, qeofo/rouj.
216 Orat. de natura et hyp. Also in Basil. 43.
225 Maxim., lib. De duab. vol. et Dial. cum Pyrrh.
226 St. Luke viii. 54; Max., Dial. cum Pyrrh.
229 Text, h9 de\ kata\ fu/sin e0ne/rgeia. Variant, ei0 de/.
231 Thes., xxxii., ch. 2; Act. 10, sextae Synodi.
232 The Monotheletes made much of the case of the raising of the daughter of Jairus. See Cyril, In Joan., p. 351; Max., Dial. cum Pyrrh., Epist. ad Nicand., epist. ad Mon. Sicil.; Scholiast in Collect. cont. Severum, ch. 20.
233 oi\kouomw=j, in incarnate form.
235 ou0 ga\r a0f' e9autou\ pro\j ta\ fusika\ pa0qh th\n o9rmh\n e0poiei=to ou0d' au0th\n e0k tw=n luph w=n a9formh\n kai\ parai/thsin.
236 The term is morfh/, as in Phil. ii. 6, 7.
237 Dion., ch. 2, De div. nom. et Epist. 4.
239 See the reply of Maximus in the Dialogue cum Pyrrh.
241 Max., Opusc. Polem., pp. 31, 32.
245 Chrysost., Hom. in s. Thom.
247 Cyril, in Joan., bk. viii.
248 This is directed to another argument of the Severians. Cf. Leont., De Sect., 7, Contr. Nest. et Eutych., I.
249 Epist. 2 ad Serap., towards the end; Collect., as above, c. 19.
252 Orat. 4, not far from the beginning.
253 Cf. Greg. Naz., Orat. 38, 39, 42, 51; Niceph., C.P. adv. Ep. Euseb., c. 50; Euthym., Panopl., II. 7.
255 Id., Orat. 39; Max. bk. De duabus voluntatibus.
262 Against the Apollinarians and the Monotheletes. Cf. Max., ut supra, II. p. 151.
263 Greg. Naz., Carm. sen. adv. Apollin., Epist. ad Cled., and elsewhere.
264 See also ch. 6 above, and Gregory's lines against the Apollinarians.
266 Gen. xlvi. 27, ap. LXX.; Acts vii. 14.
267 Is. xl. 5; St. Luke iii. 6.
270 See Cyril, In Joann., ch. x.
271 St. Matt. xxvi. 39; St. Luke xxii. 22.
273 Max., Dial. cum Pyrrh.; Greg. Naz., Ep. 1, ad Cledon.
274 Dionys., Epist. 4, ad Caium.
275 See Severus, Ep. 3, ad Joann. Hegum.; Anastas., Sinait. Hodegus, p. 240
278 Perhaps from Joann. Scythop., bk. viii.; cf. Niceph., C.P. Antirrh., III. 59.
279 Max., Dogm. ad Marin., p. 43.
281 Cf. Greg. Nyss., Contr. Apoll.; Leont., De Sect., Act. 10; Anastas., Hodegus, 13. &c.
282 Cf. Athanas., De Salut., Adventu Christi.
284 Photius, Cod. 230; Eulog., bk. x., Ep. 35; Sophron., Ep. ad Serg.; Leont., De Sect., Act. 10.
285 Cf. Sophron., Ep. ad. Serg., who refers to the Duliani ('Doulianoi/); the opinions of Felix and Elipandas, condemned at the Synod of Frankfort; and Thomas Aquinas, III., Quoest. 20, Art. 1.
290 Athanas., Contr. Arian., bk. iv.; Greg. Naz., Ep. I. ad Cled., and Orat. 20; Cyril, Contr. Nest., bk. iii.; Greg. Nyss., Contr. Apoll., II. 28, &c.
291 Text has peiqomai: surely it should be peiqo/menoi.
295 S. Athanas., De salutari adventu Christi, contra Apollinarem towards the end.
296 St. Matt., Greg. Naz, Orat. 36
299 Greg, Naz., Orat. 42; Chyrs., Hom. 63 in Joan.
301 Chyrs. In Cat. In St. Matt. xxvi
304 Greg., Orat. 36; Cyril, De recta fide; Athanas., Contr. Arian., bk. Iv.
306 Max. ad Marin. In solut. I dubit. Theod.
307 Greg. Naz., Orat. 36; Athanas., De Salut. Adv. Christi
310 Athan., De salut. Adv. Christi
311 Is. liii. 9 ; St. John i. 29.
314 Cf. Epiph., Hoeres. 69; Greg. Nyss., Contr. Eunom., II. p. 55.
316 Leont. De sect., Act. 10, and Dial.cont.Aphthartodoc.
317 Anast Sinait., Hodegus, p. 295
319 Anast. Sinait., Hodegus, p. 293.
322 Cf. Ruf., Expos. Symbol. Apost.; Cassian, Contr. Nestor, bk. vi.; Cyril, Calech. 14.
325 Is. Lxi. I; St. Luke iv. 19.
327 Iren., iv. 45; Greg. Naz., Orat. 42.
2 Theodor., Dial. 2; Greg. Naz., Orat. 49, Ep. 1 ad Cled.
4 Athan. Jun., p. 45, ad Ant.; Basil, De Spiritu Sancto, ch. 6
5 Against the Apollinarians, &c. Cf. Greg. Naz., Ep. Ad Cled., 11.
6 Athan., bk. I., cont. Apoll. Epist. Ad Adelph. Epiphan. Ancor.?. 51.
7 A simile much used by the Fathers: cf. Supr., bk. iii., ch. 8.
8 Greg. Naz., Orat. 37; Fulg., De fid.ad Petrum; Thomas Aquinas, III., quaest. 3, Art. 6.
10 h9 i0diothj, Latin, proprietas, the propriety, that which is distinctive of each.
11 Text, kai\ ou\k eksta\j th=j u9i>\kh=j i0dio'thtoj. R. I has, kai\ ou0k e0ce/sth=j oi0kei/aj, and the old trans. is "et non secessit a propria proprietate."
14 Athan., De Incarn. ; Cyril, In Joan., bk. I.
17 See Soophr., Ep.ad Serg.; Origen, IIeri\ a0rxw=n, II. 6; Ruf., Expos.Symb., &c.
18 Origen, IIepi\ a0pxw=/, bk. Ii., ch. 6.
21 kaq' #/Ewsi/ oi0ko/omikh/n, in the union of the Incarnation.
25 Some copies omit the last five words.
30 See the Scholiast on Gregory Nyssenus in Cod. Reg. 3451.
31 Vid. Apud Greg, Nyss., bk. iii., contr. Eunom
39 See Clem. Alex., Strom., bk. I; Basil, Ep. Ad Amphiloch. 2; Irenaeus, i. 8; Theodor., Haer. fab. C. 12; Euseb., Hist. Eccles., vii. 9; Trullan Canon 95; Tertull., De Bapt., c 1, &c.
42 See Basil, De Spir, Sanct., c. 28, and Ep. 39; Jerome, Contr. Lucif.; Theodor., Haer. III. 4; Socrates, Hist. C. 23; Sozomen, Hist. VI. 26
43 Auct., Quaest. Ad. Antioch.
44 Basil., De Bapt., bk. I. Ch. 12.
50 Text, e0p1 a0fqarsi/an. Variant, e0p1 a0fqarsi/a; old interpretation, `in incorruption.0'
58 Text, kaqai/retai. Variant in many Codices is e0ka/qai/reto. On one margin is, h0 e0keka/qarto.
60 pi/stij ga\r ui0oqerei=n oi\de.
61 Text, fwtismo/j, illumination. In R. 2626 is added, kai\ a0giasmo/j, which Faber translates, "et illuminatio et sanctificatio." In R. 2924, a0giasmo/j is read instead of fwtismo/j.
64 Greg. Naz., Orat. 40; Athan. ad Serap. De Spir. Sancto.
69 Greg., Orat. 40; Basil. Hom. de Bapt.; Chrys. in Matt. Hom. 10, and others.
82 Text, propa/toroj a0marti/a. Variant, propar. 'Ada\m a0mart.
83 Text, h0noi/xqhsan. Variant, h0noi/ghsan.
84 Cyril, Hier. catech. i. 14.
85 Text, dia\ staurou=. Variant, di/ au0tou=.
91 Cf. Cyril, Contr. Jul., bk. vi.
92 Text, o9 Torgoqa=j, o9 swth/rioj. Variant, o9 stauro/j.
93 o9 qeopa/twr Dabi/d. Cf. Dionysiaster, Ep. 8.
97 Text, propa/toroj a0marti/a. Variant, propar. 'Ada\m a0mart.
98 Text, h0noi/xqhsan. Variant, h0noi/ghsan.
99 Cyril, Hier. catech. i. 14.
100 Text, dia\ staurou=. Variant, di/ au0tou=.
106 Cf. Cyril, Contr. Jul., bk. vi.
107 Text, o9 Torgoqa=j, o9 swth/rioj. Variant, o9 stauro/j.
108 o9 qeopa/twr Dabi/d. Cf. Dionysiaster, Ep. 8.
111 Text, Swth=roj. Variant, stauro/j.
115 Text, Xristou=. Variant, staurou=.
118 Auct., Quaest. ad Antioch., 9, 63.
122 Text, ou0k ei0dui/a. Variant, ei0dw/j.
125 Text, tou=to. Variants, tou=ton and tou/tw.
126 Basil, De Spir. Sanct., c. 27; Alcuin, De Trin. ii. 5; Wal. Strabo. De reb. eccles, c. 4; Hon. August., Gemma Animae. c. 950.
129 Zach. iii. 8, vi. 12; St. Luke i. 78.
132 Text, o@n paraba/nra e0cw/risen, a0pe/nanti/ te tou= paradei/sou th=j trufh=j katw/kisen. Variants, o@n paraba/nta, th=j trfh=j e0cwrisen, and o@nn paraba/nta, tou= paradei/sou th=j trufh=j e0cw/risen, a0pe/nanti/ te tou= paradei/sou katwkisen.
137 Text, fai/netai. Variant, fqa/nei. The old translation gives occupat.
139 Basil, De Spiritu Sancto, ch. 27.
140 Greg. Naz., Orat. 42: Dion. De div. nom., ch. 3.
144 Variant, fu/sei kai\ klhrono/moi th=j au0tou= genw/meqa xa/ritoj, kai au0iou uioi, kai\ sugklhrono/moi.
145 Text, klhronomn/swmen. Variant, klhronomh/santej.
146 Chrys. in Matt., Hom. 83; St. John iii. 3.
149 St. Matt. xxvi. 26; Liturg. S. Jacobi.
150 St. Matt. xxvi. 27, 28; St. Mark xiv. 22-24; St. Luke xxii. 19, 20; 1 Cor. xi. 24-26
155 Text, kai\ ta\ th=j...kaqara\ kai\ a0mw/mhta ai#mata e9mata e9autw=. Variant, kai\ e0k tw=n th=j...kaqarw=n kai/ a0mwmh/twn ai0ma/twn e9autw.
157 Iren., bk. iv., ch. 35; Gulg., Ad Monim., bk. ii., ch. 6; Chrys., De prod. Jedae; Greg. Nyss., Catech., &c.
159 Nyss., Orat., Catech., ch. 37.
160 Clem., Constit., bk. viii.; Justin Martyr., Apol. i.; Iren., v.2.
161 Greg. Nyss., Orat. Catech., c. 37.
163 ou0 is absent in some mss.
164 The Greek is o9 th=j proqe/sewj oi\noj, the bread of the prothesis. It is rendered panis propositionis in the old translations. These phrases designate the Shewbread in the LXX. and the Vulgate. The pro/qesij is explained as a smaller table placed on the right side of the altar, on which the priests make ready the bread and the cup for consecration. See the note in Migne.
165 See Niceph., C.P., Aniirr. ii. 3.
167 zwh\n ai0w/nion is added in many mss.
168 Cyril Hierosol., Cat. Mystag. 5; Chrys. Hom. 3 in Epist. ad Ephes.; Trull. can. 101
170 See Cyril Alex. on Isiah vi.
175 Text, ei0ko/nizon. Variant, ei0koni/zousi.
181 Anastas., Hodegus, ch. 23.
184 Text, nohtw= dia\ mo/nhj th=j Qe/aj\ nohtwj is wanting in some Reg. 2928 having dia\ mo/nhj th=j Qei/aj e9nw/sew:.
185 In Reg. 2428 is added kai\ 'Iwsh\f tou= mnh/storoj.
191 Cf. Julius Afric., Ep. ad Aristidem, cited in Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. i. 7.
194 Text, th\n a!gian Qeoto/kon. Vatiant, th\n apgian !Annan.
196 R. 2926 adds "Ethan", the name being taken from Julius Africanus.
199 Greg. Nyss., Orat. in nativ. Dom.: Eustath. in Hexaem.
201 th/j probatikh=j, the Sheep-gate.
203 Is. vii. 14; St. Matt. i. 23.
204 1 Cor. iii. 19; Job v. 13.
214 In R. 2926 is added, o!per au0th= proei/rhken o9 Qeodo/xoj Sumew\n, to\n Ku/rion e0nagkalisa/menoj.
216 Gal. iv. 7: Rom. viii. 17.
222 Basil, Orat. in 40 Martyr.
223 Levit. xxvi. 12: 2 Cor. vi. 16
237 Text, prstoi/. Variant, pi/stei in Reg. 1.
238 Almost all read to\n pro/dromon 'Iwa/nnhn, w0j profh/thn, &c.
245 Some Mss. have the title "Concerning the adoration of the august and holy images," or "Concerning the holy and sacred images," or "Concerning holy images."
246 Cf. Petavius, Theol. Dogm. xv. ch. 12.
248 Basil, De Spir. Sancto, ch. 18.
250 Ibid. xxv. 40: Heb. viii. 5.
254 St. John i. 14; Tit. iii. 4.
256 Basil, in 40 Mart: also De Spir. Sancto, ch. 27.
257 Cf. August., contr. Donatist., bk. iv.
258 Evagr., Hist. iv., ch. 27.
259 Procop., De Bellis, ii. ch. 12.
263 This chapter is wanting in Cod. R. 3547.
275 Cyril Hieros., Cat. 4; Epiphan., De pond. et mens.
280 R. 2428 reads kai\ h0 'Ioudi\q, kai\ h0 'Esqh/r: so also in Cod. S. Hil., but Epiphanius does not mention the book of Judith, nor does the text require it.
281 R. 2428 reads kai\ e0pistolai\ du/o du/o dia\ Klh/mentoj, probably an interpolation.
282 Trull., Can. 2; Euseb., hist. Eccles. vi., ch., ch. 23, &c.
290 th\n a0nekfoi/thton i!drusin.
291 Cyril, Thes., bk. xxxiv., p. 341.
293 Greg. Naz., Orat. 36, and other Greeks.
297 Text, meta/. Various reading, kata/.
298 Text, plhrou\mena. Variant, plhroume/nhj.
313 Or, inhabitation, mutual indwelling.
319 Vide supr., bk. iii., ch. 21, 22, 23.
325 Text, meta\ ton ei\nai Qeo/j. Variant, mei=nai.
326 oikeiwsij kai anaqora/ Variant, mei/ai
336 Chrysost., Hom. I in Epist., ad Rom., and others.
338 Text, cariti. Reg 1. ouneqel.
355 Epist, apologetica ad Acacium Melitinar Episcopum
356 Against Platonists, Gnostics, and Manicheans.
357 Damasc. Dial. Cont. Manich.
359 Basil, Homil. Quod Deus non sit auct. Malorum.
364 Text, oisemqaton. Variant ousemqaton
365 Text, twn yar ekousiwn kakwn ta\ akou/sia, &c. R. 2930 has tw/ akousiwn ta ekousia
368 nikhth/j is sometimes absent
370 Athan., Cont. omnes haeret
371 Damasc., Dial. Cont. Manich.
372 Text, apotemnomenoj. Variants, apotemnomenoj and apotemnomenoj.
373 Text kakonsqai. Variant, kakonceisqai.
374 Basil, Hom. Deum non esse cause. Mal.
375 Text, parazromh. Variant, para. roph, cf. Infra.
377 Basil Hom. Deum non csse cause. Mal.
378 Jer., Contr. Pelag. Bk. Iii.
379 Demasc., Dialog contra Manich
385 Text, kata\ anakrasin. The old translation is `secundum anacrasin, 0'i.e. `contractionem, refusionem per laevitatem voluptatis:0' Faber has `secundum contradictionem per suadelam voluptatis.0' The author's meaning is that owing to the conjunction of mind with body, the law of sin is mixed with all the members.
396 Ex. xxiv. 18 : Ex. xxxiv. 28.
402 Epiph, Hares. 30, n. 32, et Haer;. N. 82 seqq : Athan, Hom circum, et sabb
421 Greg, Naz., De opif., hom. 16
424 Text, aparacapakton old. Trans. "in intrasmutationem."
425 Vid supr., bk. Ii. Ch. 30.
426 Text auqquata == increases. We have read auchmata.
428 Cf. Chrys., Hom. 28 on Genesis.
440 Simeou Thess., De initiat., ch. 33.
443 Just. Martyr., Dial cum Tryph., p. 241.
449 Text Battaritiqi as in mss.; The desert in which the Israelites dwelt is called "per antonomasiam" Madbara, from the Hebrew 72712
451 Greg., Naz., Orat. 40. Athan., De Sab. Et circ.
456 Iren., bk. V. ch. 25; Greg. Naz., Orat. 47.
460 Chrys., Hom. 4 in Epist. 2 Thess.
463 Cyril of Jerusalem, Cat. 15
464 Iren., Cyril Hieros., Catech. 15 : Greg. Naz loc.cit.
466 Text has perasi yeuqouj, instead of the received text, terasi yeuqouj, cf. Infr.
468 Jerome on Daniel, ch. vii.
469 Chrys., Hom. 3 in 2 Thess.
470 Text, ariosunhn Old trans. "justitiam," but Faber has "bonitatem."
477 Epost. In Ancor. N. 89 ; Method., Contr. Orig.
478 Is. xxii. 13 : 1 Cor. xv. 32.
480 Ex. iii.6 : St. Matt. xxii. 3
501 Nyss., loc. Citat.; Epiph., Haeres. Vi. 4.
506 See Migne's Preface to John's Dial., Contr. Manichaeos.
507 In R. 2924 is read: e0n tw=| Kuri/w h9mw=n, w|\ pre/pei pa=sa do/ca, timh\, kai\ prosku/nhsij, nu=n kai\ a0ei\, kai\ ei0j tou/j ai0w=naj tw=n ai0w/nwn. 0Amh/n., In 2928: o#ti au0tw|= pre/pei do/ca, timh\ kai\ prosku/nhsij, nu=n kai\ a0ei\, &c.
