Orthodox Church Fathers: Patristic Christian Theology Classics Search Engine
1 [Written, according to Neander, about a.d. 208.]
4 i.e., in Adrumetum (Oehler).
6 i.e., Etruscans, who were supposed to be of Lydian origin.
8 A Roman knight and mime-writer.
11 Caput vindicantis. But some read capite: "which avenges itself with its head."
12 See Virg., AEn., iii. 415 (Oehler).
14 See Adv. Herm., c. xxv. ad fin. (Oehler).
15 As being "the ears of an ass."
16 Mundus. Oehler's pointing is disregarded.
17 Mundus. Oehler's pointing is disregarded.
18 Mundus. Oehler's pointing is disregarded.
19 Metatio nostra, i.e., the world.
20 i.e., blind. Cf. Milton, P. L. iii. 35, with the preceding and subsequent context.
21 Alluding to the Sibylline oracles, in which we read (l. iii.), Kai Samoj ammoj esh, kai Dhloj adhloj and again (l. iv.), Dhloj ouk eti dhloj, adhla de panta tou Dhlou (Oehler).
22 See Apolog., c. xi. med.; ad Nat., l. i. c. ix. med.; Plato, Timaeus, pp. 24, 25 (Oehler).
23 Oehler's apt conjecture, "et solum sua dabat," is substituted for the unintelligible "et solus audiebat" of the mss., which Rig. skilfully but indffectually tries to explain.
24 The "camp" of Cambyses, said by Herod, (iii.26) to have been swallowed up in the Libyan Syrtes (Salm. in Oehler). It was one detachment of his army. Milton tells similar tales of the "Serbonian bog." P.L., ii. 591-594.
27 "Alias versura compensati redit;" unless we may read "reddit," and take "versura" as a nominative: "the turn of compensation at some other time restores."
28 This rendering, which makes the earth the subject, appears to give at least an intelligible sense to this hopelessly corrupt passage. Oehler's pointing is disregarded; and his rendering not strictly adhered to, as being too forced. If for Oehler's conjectural "se demum intellegens" we might read "se debere demum intellegens," or simply "se debere intellegens," a good sense might be made, thus: "understanding at last" (or, simply, "understanding") "that it was her duty to cultivate all (parts of her surface)."
29 Comp. Gen. xi. 26-xii. 5 with Acts vii. 2-4, 15, 45, and xiii. 17-19.
31 Oehler understands this of Clodius Albinus, and the Augusti mentioned above to be Severus and his two sons Antonius and Geta. But see Kaye, pp. 36-39 (ed. 3, 1845).
32 Reflecti: perhaps a play upon the word = to turn back, or (mentally) to reflect.
34 i.e., a place which he was to work, as condemned criminals worked mines. Comp., de Pu., c. xxii. sub init.; and see Gen. ii. 25 (in LXX. iii. 1), iii. 7, 21-24.
35 Alexander Polyhistor, who dedicated his books on the affairs of the Phrygians and Egyptians to his mother (Rig. in Oehler).
36 The Egyptian Liber, or Bacchus. See de Cor., c. vii. (Rig. in Oehler).
37 Male senescentia. Rig. (as quoted by Oehler) seems to interpret, "which entail a feeble old age." Oehler himself seems to take it to mean "pursuits which are growing very old, and toiling to no purpose."
38 Or, as some take it, with wax (Oehler).
41 Axillenj: from a privative, and seilo<\|dq_, the lip. See Oehler.
42 The Centaur Chiron, namely.
43 Deianira, of whom he had begotten Pyrrhus (Oehler).
44 See the note on this word in de Idol., c. xviii.
45 Hom., Od., svi. 294 (Oehler).
46 Jos. Mercer, quoted by Oehler, appears to take the meaning to be,"to his clandestine Lydian concubine;" but that rendering does not seem necessary.
47 Viraginis; but perhaps = virginis. See the Vulg. in Gen. ii. 23.
49 Or, "which are now attributed to Novius." Novius was a writer of that kind of farce called "Atellanae favulae;" and one of his farces - or one attributed to him in Tertullian's day - was called "The Fullers."
50 i.e., cynical; comp. de Pa., c. ii. ad init.
51 i.e., Domitian, called by Juv. calvum Neronem, Sat. iv, 38.
53 Comp. de Idol., c. viii. med.
54 i.e., one who affects Tyrian - dresses in Tyrian purple.
55 Empedocles (Salm. in Oehler).
56 I have adopted Oehler's suggestion, and inserted these words.
57 i.e., of Cloacina or Cluacina (= "the Purifier," a name of Venue; comp. White and Riddle), which Tertullian either purposely connects with "cloaca," a sewer (with which, indeed, it may be really connected, as coming derivatively from the same root), and takes to mean "the nymphs of the sewers" apparently.
58 The nymphs above named (Oehler).
59 i.e., are worn by his votaries.
60 i.e., Christianity. Cf. 1 Cor. ii. 6, 7.
63 Of course the meaning is, "on the doffing of which a man congratulates himself more," etc.; but Tertullian as it were personifies the act of doffing, and represents it as congratulating the doffer; and I have scrupulously retained all his extravagances, believing them (in the present treatise at least) to be intentional.
65 "Inhumano;" or, perhaps, "involving superhuman effort."
66 Oehler attempts to defend the common reading, "humerum velans exponit vel includit;" but the correction of Salmasius and Lud. de la Cerda which he quotes, "vel exponit," is followed in preference. If Oehler's reading be retained, we may render: "a covering for the shoulder, it exposes or encloses it at will."
67 i.e., the "shoeing" appropriate to the mantle will consist at most of sandals; "shoes" being (as has been said) suited to the gown.
68 "Erat." - Oehler, who refers to "errat" as the general reading, and (if adopted) renders: "This sentiment errs (Or wanders) in all directions;" making olim = passim.
69 Reckoning the 1000 sesterces at their pre-Augustan value, £8, 17s. 1d.
70 "Promulsis" - a tray on which the first course ("promulsis" or "antecoena") was served, otherwise called "promulsidare."
71 As Pliny (quoted by Oehler) tells us was the case.
73 Reckoning the 1000 sesterces at the post-Augustan value, £7, 16s. 3d.
74 Wordsworth's Greece, p. 263. London, 1839.
75 See vol. i. p. 160, this series.
76 But it was assuming a questionable point (See Kaye, p. 49) to give it this name in the title, and I have retained it untranslated.
77 See note on p. 160 of vol. i., this series.
78 See his valuable and exhaustive treatise, the Vestiarium Christianum, especially pp. 73, 125, 233, 490. Also, for the Gallicanum, p. 204 and Appendix E., with pp. 210, 424. For the Graecum, pp. xii. (note), xv. 73, 127, 233.
1 [Written about a.d. 202. See Kaye, p. 56.]
1 Comp. Heb. viii. 11; Jer. xxxi. 34 (in the LXX. it is xxxviii. 34).
3 Comp. Gen. iii. 16, in Eng. ver. and in LXX.
5 Resignatrix. Comp. the phrase "a fountain sealed" in Cant. iv. 12.
6 "Suasisti" is the reading of the mss.; "persuasisti," a conjectural emendation adopted by Rig.
10 Comp. with this chapter, de Idol., c. ix.; de Or., c. xxii.; de Cult. Fem., l. ii. c. x.; de Virg. Vel., c. vii.
12 Curiositatem. Comp. de Idol., c. ix., and Acts xix. 19.
13 Quo oculorum exordia producuntur. Comp. ii. 5.
14 "Jam," i.e., without going any farther. Comp. c. iv. et seqq.
15 Sicut. But Pam. and Rig. read "sive."
21 See Matt. xxii. 30; Mark xii. 25; Luke xx. 35, 36; and comp. Gal. iii. 28.
24 See Gen. v. 21, 25, 28, 29.
25 "Nomine;" perhaps = "account."
35 Mundum muliebrem. Comp. Liv. xxxiv. 7.
37 Jam hinc; comp. ad. Ux., i. 1 ad init. and ad fin., and 8 ad fin.
39 De suo. Comp. de Bapt., c. xvii. sub fin.
40 Peloris. Comp. Hor., ii. 4, 32, and Macleane's note there.
42 Smaragdi. Comp. Rev. iv. 3.
47 i.e., the treatise de Spectaculis.
49 "Affici" - a rare use rather of "afficere," but found in Cic.
50 Or perhaps "is fed" thereby; for the word is "vescitur."
51 "Conditio" - a rare use again.
54 "Saltus et insulae," i.e., as much as would purchase them.
3 See 1 Cor. iii. 16, 17, vi. 19, 20.
5 Cultus et ornatus. For the distinction between them, see b. i. c. iv.
9 Substantia. Comp. Heb. xi. 1, esti de pisti <\dq_elpizomenwn upostasi<\|dq_
11 Matt. v. 17. Comp. de Or., c. xxii. mid.; de Pa., c. vi. mid.; de Paen., c. iii. sub fin.
12 The second "non," or else the first, must apparently be omitted.
13 Matt. v. 28. See de Idol., c. ii.; de Pa., c. vi.; de Paen., c. iii.
14 "Qui," Oehler; "quae," Rig.
15 Comp. de Paen. c. iii. (latter half).
17 Lev. xix. 18; Matt. xix. 19, xxii. 39; Mark xii. 31; Luke x. 27; Rom. xiii. 9; Gal. v. 14; Jas. ii. 8.
18 Comp. 1 Cor. x. 24, xiii. 5; Phil. ii. 4.
27 "Salutem contumelia redemit;" the "insult" being the denial of her as his wife.
29 Angelis Dei. Comp. the opening sentence of the book.
31 See Gal. vi. 13 and 1 Cor. iii. 21, v. 6.
35 Comp. 2 Cor. xi. 18, xii. 10; Phil. iii. 3, 4.
36 Non adjuvare, sed etiam impedire, debet.
43 Urgent. Comp. de Paen., c. xi.
44 "Fuligine," lit. "soot." Comp. b. i. c. ii.
52 Jam capillos: so Oehler and Rig. But the others read patriam capillo: "they change their country by the instrumentality of their hair."
57 Comp. Ps. xxv. 7 (in LXX. xxiv. 7).
61 Mensuram. See Matt. vi. 27.
63 "Alieni:" perhaps here = "alien," i.e., "heathen," as in other places.
66 See 1 Cor. xi. 2-16; and comp. de Or., c. xxii., and the treatise de Virg. Vel.
67 Comp. ad Ux., b. ii. c. iii.
68 Ambitu (habitu is a conjectural emendation noticed by Oehler) capitis.
70 Comp. 1 Cor. xv. 50 with 1 Thess. v. 23.
71 Or, "within the limits of the flesh and the spirit."
77 Comp. de Pa., c. xv. ad fin.
82 De suo. Comp. de Bapt., c. xvii. (sub. fin.), de Cult. Fem., b. i. c. v. (med.).
85 Mundo; kosmw. See 1 Cor. vii. 31.
94 1 Cor. x. 11, ei <\dq_ou<\|dq_ ta telh twn aiwnwn kathnthsen.
96 In extimatione temporali. See Eph. i. 4 and 1 Pet. i. 20.
100 Comp. i. cc. ii. iii. v. vii. viii.
105 kosumbou. Isa. iii. 18 (in LXX.).
125 Comp. Gen. xxxviii. 12-30.
128 Comp. John v. 34; 1 Cor. iv. 3.
129 Comp. 1 Sam. xvi. 7; Jer. xvii. 10; Luke xvi. 15.
130 See Phil. iv. 5, 8; Rom. xii. 17; 2 Cor. viii. 21.
131 See Matt. v. 16; and comp. de Idol., c. xv. ad init.
133 Matt. v. 15; Mark iv. 21; Luke viii. 16, xi. 33.
139 See also Pusey's reply to Dr. Farrar.
140 Credibility, etc. iv. pp. 460-462.
1 [Written, possibly, as early as a.d. 204.]
3 John xvi. 12, 13. See de Monog., c. ii.
11 Comp. John v. 44 and xii. 43.
15 The allusion is perhaps to 1 Cor. xiv. 35.
24 [i.e., Ebion, founder of the Ebionites.]
34 1 Cor. xiv. 34, 35; 1 Tim. ii. 11, 12.
36 See 1 Cor. vii. 5. Comp. ad Ux., l. i. c. viii.; de Ex. Cast., c. i.
37 So Oehler and others. But one ms. reads "concupiscentiae fructum" for "concupiscentiam fructus;" which would make the sense somewhat plainer, and hence is perhaps less likely to be the genuine reading.
38 Gen. ii. 25, iii. 7 (in LXX. iii. 1, iii. 7).
41 Gen. xxiv. 64, 65. Comp. de Or., c. xxii. ad fin.
42 Oehler's "immutare" appears certainly to be a misprint for "immature."
43 Vertunt: or perhaps "change the style of." But comp. (with Oehler) de Cult. Fem., l. ii. c. vi.
44 i.e., without appealing to any further proof.
45 As distinguished from the "on account of the angels" of c. xi.
46 i.e., for the sake of the brethren, who (after all) are men, as the heathens are (Oehler, after Rig.).
47 i.e., as Rig. quoted by Oehler explains it, in inducing the heathens to practise it.
52 So Oehler, with Rig., seems to understand "publicato bono suo." But it may be doubted whether the use of the singular "bono," and the sense in which "publicare" and "bonum" have previously occurred in this treatise, do not warrant the rendering, "and elated by the public announcement of their good deed" - in self-devotion. Comp. "omnis publicatio virginis bonae" in c. iii., and similar phrases. Perhaps the two meanings may be intentionally implied.
53 Matt. x. 26. Again apparently a double meaning, in the word "revelabitus" = "unveiled," which (of course) is the strict sense of "revealed," i.e., "re-veiled."
54 Comp. the note above on "publicato bono suo."
55 Comp. Ps. cxlvii. (in LXX. and Vulg. cxlvi.) 6; Luke i. 52.
56 See 1 Cor. xi. 14, above quoted.
60 The Christian Life, vol. iii. p. 64.
61 Tertullian speaks of the heathen as "decimated by abortions." See ad Uxor., p. 41, infra.
62 Lippincotts, Philadelphia, 1868.
1 [Written circa a.d. 207. Tertullian survived his wife; and we cannot date these books earlier than about the time of his writing the De Pallio, in the opinion of some.]
5 Posteritati; or, with Mr. Dodgson, "our future."s1.v4.a1.w4.b1.f7 Deputantur.
6 Doldium; alluding to certain laws respecting a widow's power of receiving "in its entirety" her deceased husband's property.
10 Nulla ... neminem - two negatives.
11 See Matt. xxii. 23-33; Mark xii. 18-27; Luke xx. 27-40.
12 Jam hinc. See beginning of chapter.
17 "Fas," strictly divine law, opp. to "jus," human law; thus "lawful," as opp. to "legal."
18 Plurifariam matrimoniis uti. The neut. pl. "matrimonia" is sometimes used for "wives." Comp. c. v. ad fin. and de Paen., c. xii. ad fin.
19 Sermo, i.e., probably the personal Word. Comp. de Or., c. i. ad init.
20 Rom. ii. 28, 29; Phil. iii. 3; Col. ii. 11.
21 Saeculi. The meaning here seems clearly to be, as in the text, "the Jewish age" or dispensation; as in the passages referred to - 1 Cor. x. 11, where it is ta telh twn aiwnwn; and Heb. ix. 26, where again it is twn aiwnwn, the Jewish and all preceding ages being intended.
22 "Jam hinc," i.e., apparently from the time of Christ's advent.
25 Matt. x. 23; perhaps confused with xxiii. 34.
26 Comp. de Idol., c. xxiii., and the note there on "se negant."
27 i.e., in martyrdom, on the ground of that open confession.
30 Laqueum = broxon (1 Cor. vii. 35), "a noose," "lasso" ("snare," Eng. ver.). "Laqueo trahuntur inviti" (Bengel).
33 Adulamur: "we fawn upon," or "caress," or "flatter." Comp. de Paen., c. vi. sub init.: "flatter their own sweetness."
34 "Firmum," opp. to "infirmam" above. In the passage there referred to (Matt. xxvi. 41) the word is proqumon.
35 Tuemur. Mr. Dodgson renders, "guard not."
37 i.e., apparently second marriages: "disjunctis a matrimonio" can scarcely include such as were never "juncti;" and comp. the "praemissis maritis" below.
38 Comp. Phil. iv. 3; 2 Tim. ii. 19; Mal. iii. 16; and similar passages.
39 1 John i. 1; Luke xxiv. 39; John xx. 17.
47 Comp. Phil. iv. 19; 1 Tim. vi. 8.
48 Comp. 1 Cor. vii. 35, exp. in Eng. ver.
50 Comp. c. iv. above "praemissis maritis;" "when their husbands have preceded them (to glory)."
52 Phil. i. 23; comp. de Pa., c. ix. ad fin.
55 "Parricidiis." So Oehler seems to understand it.
56 Luke xxi. 23; Matt. xxiv. 19.
58 "Expiasse" - a rare but Ciceronian use of the word.
62 Saeculi. Comp. 1 Cor. x. 11; but the Greek there is, ta telh twn aiwnwn. By the "blindness," Tertullian may refer to Gen. xix. 11.
63 Or, "short" (Eng. ver.); 1 Cor. vii. 29. o kairo <\dq_ounestalmeno<\|dq_, "in collecto."
64 ""Matrimonia", " neut. pl. again for the fem., the abstract for the concrete. See c. ii., "to multiply wives," and the note there. In the Greek (1 Cor. vii. 29) it is <\dq_gunaika<\|dq_: but the ensuing chapter shows that Tertullian refers the passage to women as well.
65 Comp. de Pa., xiii., and Matt. xix. 12. Comp. too, de Ex. Cast., c. i.
67 Oehler marks this as a question.
69 Comp. Rev. xii. 9, and de Bapt., 1.
71 Gehennae; comp. de Paen., c. xii. ad init.
72 i.e., eternal life; comp. "consecutio aeternitatis," de Bapt., c. ii..
73 1 Cor. xv. 53; 2 Cor. v. 4.
76 "Matrimonio," or "by matrimony." Comp. 1 Cor. vii. 27: dedesai gunaiki\ mh zhtei lusin lelusai apo gunaiko\ mh zhtei gunaika. Tertullian's rendering, it will be seen, is not verbatim.
77 "Matrimonio," or "by matrimony." Comp. 1 Cor. vii. 27: dedesai gunaiki\ mh zhtei lusin lelusai apo gunaiko\ mh zhtei gunaika. Tertullian's rendering, it will be seen, is not verbatim.
79 Or, "been able" - valuminus. But comp. c. vi.
80 See c. iii., "quod autem necessitas praestat, depretiat ipsa," etc.
84 Comp. de Cor., c. i., "et de martyrii candida melius coronatus, " and Oehler's note.
88 So Oehler reads, with Rhenanus and the mss. The other edd. have the plural in each case, as the LXX. in the passage referred to (Isa. i. 17, 18).
89 So Oehler reads, with Rhenanus and the mss. The other edd. have the plural in each case, as the LXX. in the passage referred to (Isa. i. 17, 18).
90 Desideraveris. Oehler reads "desideres."
94 A verse said to be Menander's, quoted by St. Paul, 1 Cor. xv. 33; quoted again, but somewhat differently rendered, by Tertullian in b. i. c. iii.
95 i.e., here "female companions."
98 i.e., if I be called before you; comp. c. i.
1 Potissimum; Gr. "monon," 1 Cor. vii. 39.
3 Ps. lxix. 23 (according to the "Great Bible" version, ed. 1539. This is the translation found in the "Book of Common Prayer"). Comp. Rom. xiv. 13.
6 Exerte. Comp. the use of "exertus" in de Bapt., cc. xii. and xviii.
7 1 Cor. vii. 39, where the monon en Kuriw is on the same footing as <\dq_gunh dedetai ef oson xronon zh o anhr auth<\|dq_: comp. c. ix. and Rom. vii. 1 (kn the Eng. ver. 2).
8 Praevaricationem. Comp. de Paen., c. iii.: "Dissimulator et praevaricator perspicaciae suae (Deus) non est."
9 1 Cor. vii. 12-14, in sense, not verbatim.
13 Comp. 1 Cor. vii. 15, 16, and Phil. iii. 8, in Vulg., for the word "lucrifieri."
14 1 Cor. vii. 17, inexactly given, like the two preceding citations.
15 1 Cor. vii. 39, not verbatim.
16 i.e., St. Paul, who, as inspired by the Holy Spirit, is regarded by Tertullian as merged, so to speak, in the Spirit.
17 "Exemplum," a rarer use of the word, but found in Cic. The reference is to 1 Cor. vii. 7.
19 Districta (? = dis-stricta, "doubly strict").
20 Comp. Phil. iii. 12, and c. vii. ad init.
22 Comp. Jude 7, and above, "an alien and stranger," with the reference there.
23 Comp. de Pa., c. xii. (mid.), and the note there.
25 The translator has ventured to read "die illo" here, instead of Oehler's "de illo."
26 1 Cor. iii. 16, comp. vi. 19.
29 See the last reference, and Acts xx. 28, where the mss. vary between Qeou and Kuriou.
30 De proximo. Comp. de Pa., cc. v. and vii. "Deo de proximo amicus;" "de proximo in Deum peccat."
31 Comp. b. i. c. viii. sub. fin., where Tertullian quotes the same passage, but renders it somewhat differently.
32 Comp. Matt. vi. 24; Luke xvi. 13.
34 For the meaning of "statio," see de Or., c. xix.
39 Comp. de Idol., c. xi. sub fin.
40 "Speculatorem;" also = an executioner. Comp. vi. 27.
41 Comp. Luke i. 38, and de Cult. Fem., b. ii. c. i. ad init.
43 Sanctis - inquis. Comp. St. Paul's antithesis of adikwn and agiwn in 1 Cor. vi. 1.
46 So Oehler understands (apparently) the meaning to be. The translator is inclined to think that, adopting Oehler's reading, we may perhaps take the "Dei" with "aliquid," and the "coenans" absolutely, and render, "From the tavern, no doubt, while supping, she will hear some (strain) of God," in allusion to the former sentence, and to such passages as Ps. cxxxvii. 4 (in the LXX. it is cxxxvi. 4).
47 Comp. Phil. iii. 12, and c. ii. sub fin.
48 Comp. 1 Cor. vii. 16, and 1 Pet. iii. 1.
49 Tertullian here and in other places appears, as the best editors maintain, to use the masculine gender for the feminine.
50 Magnalia. Comp. 2 Cor. xii. 12.
52 Comp. de Or., c. iii. (med.), "angelorum candidati;" and de Bapt., c. x. sub fin., "candidatus remissionis."
53 Oehler refers us to Tac., Ann., xii. 53, and the notes on that passage. (Consult especially Orelli's edition.)
54 The translator inclines to think that Tertullian, desiring to keep up the parallelism of the last-mentioned case, in which (see note 1) the slave's master had to give the "warning," means by "domino" here, not "the Lord," who on his hypothesis is the woman's Master, not the slave's, but the "lord" of the "unbeliever," i.e., the devil: so that the meaning would be (with a bitter irony, especially if we compare the end of the last chapter, where "the Evil One" is said to "procure" these marriages, so far is he from "condemning" them): "Forsooth, they" (i.e., the Christian women) "will deny that a formal warning has been given they by the lord:" (of the unbelievers, i.e., the Evil One) "through an apostle of his!" IF the other interpretation be correct, the reference will be to c. ii. above.
56 Matt. xix. 23, 24; Mark x. 23, 24; Luke xviii. 24, 25; 1 Cor. i. 26, 27.
57 Matt. v. 3; but Tertullian has omitted "spiritu," which he inserts in de Pa., c. xi., where he refers to the same passage. In Luke vi. 20 there is no tw pneumati.
59 Invecta. Comp. de Pa., c. xiii. ad init.
61 Comp. de Or., c. v. ad fin.; de Pa., c. ix. ad fin.; ad Ux., i. c. v. ad init.
62 Gen. ii. 24; Matt. xix. 5; Mark x. i; Eph. v. 31.
68 Eccl. Hist., Book III. cap. xxx.
69 Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, & Co., second edition, enlarged, 1884.
1 [Written, possibly, circa a.d. 204.]
2 Comp. c. iii. and the references there.
4 Comp. 1 Cor. xi. 7, where the Greek is eikwn kai doca.
6 Comp. 1 Cor. vii. 5; and ad Ux., b. i. c. vi.
7 Comp. ad Ux., b. i. c. viii.
10 Job i. 21 (on LXX. and Vulg.).
11 Adulari. Comp. de Paen., c. vi. sub init.; ad Ux., b. i. c. iv. ad init.
13 i.e., eternal life: as in de Bapt., c. ii.; ad Ux., b. i. c. vii. ad init.
20 Or, "to be a believer;" ver. 25.
23 Or, "but no plurality of wives."
29 Repastinationis. Comp. de Cult. Fem., l. ii. c. ix., repastinantes.
31 Ex. xxi. 24; Lev. xxiv. 20; Deut. xix. 21; Matt. v. 38.
32 See Rom. xii. 17; Matt. v. 39; 1 Thess. v. 16.
33 I cannot find any such passage. Oehler refers to Lev. xxi. 14, but neither the Septuagint nor the Vulgate has any such prohibition there.
34 Matt. v. 17, very often referred to by Tertullian.
35 Comp. 1 Tim. iii. 1, 2; Tit. i. 5, 6; and Ellicott's Commentary.
38 See Hab. ii. 4; Rom. i. 17; Gal. iii. 11; Heb. x. 38.
39 Rom. ii. 13; Eph. vi. 9; Col. iii. 25; 1 Pet. i. 17; Deut. x. 17.
45 Sibi, "themselves," i.e., mutually. See 1 Cor. vii. 32-35.
46 Matt. v. 28. See de Idol., cc. ii. xxiii.; de Paen., c. iii.; de Cult. Fem., l. ii. c. ii.; de Pa., c. vi.
47 But compare, or rather, contrast, herewith, ad Ux., l. i. cc. ii. iii.
48 Comp. ad Ux., l. i. c. viii.; c. i. above; and de Virg. Vel., c. x.
49 Comp. ad Ux., l. i. c. v. ad fin.
50 Dimisisti, al. amisisti = "you have lost."
51 Or, "amass" - negotiaberis. See Luke xix. 15.
56 See Lev. xi. 44, 45, xix. 2, xx. 7, LXX. and Vulg.
57 See Ps. xviii. 25, 26, esp. in Vulg. and LXX., where it is xvii. 26, 27.
58 See Eph. iv. 1; Col. i. 10; 1 Thess. ii. 12.
59 See Rom. viii. 5, 6, esp. in Vulg.
60 A Marcionite prophetess, also called Priscilla.
61 Comp. herewith, ad Ux., l. i. c. iv.
63 Comp. 2 Tim. ii. 3, 4; Heb. ii. 10.
64 Or "age" - saeculo. Comp. Ps. xxxix. 12 (in LXX. xxxviii. 13, as in Vulg.) and Heb. xi. 13.
65 Comp. Matt. vi. 34; Jas. iv. 13-15.
67 Aegium (Jos. Scaliger, in Oehler).
68 But Tertullian overlooks the fact that both Ovid and Virgil represent her as more than willing to marry Aeneas. [Why should he note the fables of poets? This testimony of a Carthaginian is historic evidence of the fact.]
69 Comp. Matt. xxii. 29, 30; Mark xii. 24, 25; Luke xx. 34-36.
70 Chap. Vi. Vol. iii. P. 672, this series.
71 Hooker, Eccl. Polity, b. iii. Cap. i. 14.
1 [Written against orthodoxy, say circa a.d. 208. But see Elucidation I.].
3 In aevum; eij ton aiwna (LXX.); in aeternum (Vulg.).
5 Comp. 1 Cor. xi. 2; 2 Thess. ii. 15, iii. 6. Comp. the Gr. text and the Vulg. in locis.
7 John xvi. 12, 13. Tertullian's rendering is not verbatim.
9 See Matt. xix. 12. Comp. de. Pa., c. xiii.; de. Cult. Fem., l. ii. c. ix.
10 See 1 Cor. vii. 1, 7, 37, 40; and comp. de Ex. Cast., c. iv.
13 Comp. ad Ux., l. i. c. iii.; de Cult. Fem., l. ii. c. x. sub fin.; and de Ex. Cast., c. iii., which agrees nearly verbatim with what follows.
14 1 Cor. vii. 7, only the Greek is qelw, not boulomai.
17 There is no such passage in any Epistle of St. John. There is one similar in 1 Pet. i. 15.
22 Septuagies. See Gen. iv. 19-24.
23 Comp. Gen. vii. 7 with 1 Pet. iii. 20 ad fin.
27 Eph. i. 9, 10. The Latin of Tertullian deserves careful comparison with the original Greek of St. Paul.
31 1 Cor. iv. 15, where it is dia tou euaggeliou.
33 This is an error. Comp. Gen. xvi. with Gen. xvii.
34 See Gal. iii. iv. and comp. Rom. iv.
36 See Rom. iv. 11, 12, Gal. iii. 7; and comp. Matt. iii. 9; Joh viii. 39.
39 See Ps. xxxvii. 27 (in LXX. xxxvi. 27); 1 Pet. iii. 11; 3 John 11.
40 Dei de proximo arbitrum. See Num. xii. 6-8; Deut. xxxiv. 10.
45 See Matt. xxii. 23-33; Mark xii. 18-27; Luke xx. 26-38. Comp. ad Ux., l. i.
46 Gen. i. 28. Comp. de Ex. Cast., c. vi.
47 See Ex. xx. 5; and therefore there must be sons begotten from whom to exact them.
49 See Jer. xxxi. 29, 30 (in LXX. xxxviii. 29, 30); Ezek. xviii. 1-4.
50 Matt. xix. 12, often quoted.
53 "Adimit;" but the two mss. extant of this treatise read "admittit" = admits.
54 Lev. xx. 21, not exactly given.
55 Lev. xxii. 13, where there is no command to her to return, in the Eng. ver.: in the LXX. there is.
57 Summus sacerdos et magnus patris. But Oehler notices a conjecture of Jos. Scaliger, "agnus patris," when we must unite "the High Priest and Lamb of the Father."
58 De suo. Comp. de Bapt., c. xvii., ad fin.; de Cult. Fem., l. i. c. v., . ii. c. ix.; de Ex. Cast., c. iii. med.; and for the ref. see Rev. iii. 18.
59 Gal. iii. 27; where it is eij Xriston, however.
61 Matt. viii. 21, 22; Luke ix. 59, 60.
63 See Matt. xi. 9; Luke vii. 26.
65 See Matt. xvi. 13-19. Comp. de Pu., c. xxi.
67 See Luke viii. 1-3; Matt. xxvii. 55, 56.
69 See Matt. xviii. 1-4, xix. 13-15; Mark x. 13-15.
70 Alios post nuptias pueros. The reference seems to be to Matt. xix. 12.
72 See Matt. xvii. 1-8; Mark ix. 2-9; Luke ix. 28-36.
74 See Matt. xi. 19; Luke vii. 34.
76 See Matt. xix. 3-8, where, however, Tertullian's order is reversed. Comp. with this chapter, c. v. above.
77 See Matt. x. 29. Comp. de Ex. Cast., c. i. ad fin.
79 Gen. ii. 23, in reversed order again.
81 Comp. Matt. xix. 8; Mark x. 5.
82 See Matt. xxii. 30; Mark xii. 25; Luke xx. 35, 36.
86 See Matt. v. 42; Luke vi. 30. Comp. de Bapt., c. xviii.
87 1 Cor. vii. 39, not rendered with very strict accuracy.
90 Comp. 1 Cor. iii. 2 with Heb. v. 11-14.
92 See 1 Tim. iii. 1-7; Tit. i. 6-9.
94 Rom. vii. 2, 3, not exactly rendered.
95 Comp. the marginal reading in the Eng. ver., Rom. vii. 6.
96 Comp. Eph. i. 23, and the references there.
97 Acts xvi. 3; see Gal. iii. iv.
104 See Matt. xix. 16-26; Mark x. 17-27; Luke xviii. 18-27.
105 See Deut. xxx. 1, 15, 19, and xi. 26. See, too, de Ex. Cast., c. ii.
107 See Matt. xxiv. 13, and the references there.
110 Matt. xxiv. 19; Luke xxi. 23. Comp. ad Ux., l. i. c. v.
111 Concussione. Comp. Hag. ii. 6, 7; Heb. xii. 26, 27.
115 Comp. ad Ux., l. i. cc. vi. vii.; and de Ex. Cast., c. xiii.
116 See Rom. xiii. 14; Gal. iii. 27.
118 Comp. 1 Cor. xv. 22, en tw Adam.
122 Comp. Bacon, Essays, No. viii., Of Marriage and Single Life.
123 Comp. Ex. Cast., cap. viii. p. 55, supra, with the Monogam., cap. viii. p. 65, supra.
124 Comp. Apparel of Women, ii. cap. ix. p. 23, supra.
1 [Written not earlier than a.d. 208; probably very much later. See Bp. Kaye's very important remarks on this treatise, p. 224.]
2 Comp. 2 Tim. iii. 1-5; Matt. xxiv. 12.
7 [This is irony; a heathen epithet applied to Victor (or his successor), ironically, because he seemed ambitious of superiority over other bishops.]
8 Zephyrinus (de Genoude): Zephyrinus or (his predecessor) Victor. J. B. Lightfoot, Ep. ad Phil., 221, 222, ed. 1, 1868. [See also Robertson, Ch. Hist., p. 121. S.]
9 Matt. xxi. 13; Mark xi. 17; Luke xix. 46; Jer. vii. 11.
11 1 Cor. xiii. 11, one clause omitted.
12 Comp. Gal. i. 14 with 2 Thess. ii. 15.
14 1 Cor. vii. 9, repeatedly quoted.
15 See Matt. xix. 17; Mark x. 18; Luke xviii. 19.
17 Hos. vi. 6; Mic. vi. 8; Matt. ix. 13, xii. 7.
18 Ezek. xviii. 23, 32, xxxiii. 11.
23 Comp. Matt. x. 8; but the reference seems to be to Eph. iv. 32, where the Vulgate reads almost as Tertullian does, "donantes invicem, sicut et Deus in Christo donavit vobis."
28 Comp. Isa. xlv. 21; Rom. iii. 26.
29 Comp. Job v. 18; Deut. xxxii. 39.
31 Jer. xiv. 11, 12, vii. 16, xi. 14.
34 Comp. Ex. xx. 5, xxxiv. 14; Deut. iv. 24, v. 9, vi. 15; Josh. xxiv. 19; Nahum i. 2.
36 Comp. Rom. xv. 5; Ps. vii. 12 (in LXX.).
39 Comp. Matt. x. 28; Luke xii. 4, 5.
41 Or rather incest, as appears by 1 Cor. v. 1.
46 1 John v. 16, not quite verbatim.
48 Job xxxii. 21; Lev. xix. 15, and the references there.
51 There is no passage, so far as I am aware, in Isaiah containing this distinct assertion. We have almost the exact words in Rev. xxi. 4. The reference may be to Isa. xlii. 9; but there the Eng. ver. reads, "are come to pass," and the LXX. have ta ap arxhj idou hkasi.
54 Comp. Matt. xi. 13; Luke xvi. 16.
59 Ps. xix. 7: "perfect," Eng. ver. In LXX. it is xviii. 8.
60 Rom. vii. 12, not literally.
64 See 1 Kings xxi. (in LXX. 3 Kings xx).
68 See Hos. i. 2, 3, iii. 1-3.
69 See Num. xxv. 1-9; 1 Cor. x. 8.
70 See Gen. iii. 6; and comp. 1 John ii. 16.
79 Comp. 1 Cor. vi. 20, and the references there.
86 Comp. Ps. cxix. 105 (in LXX. cxviii. 105).
87 Comp. 1 John i. 5-7, ii. 8; also Rom. xiii. 12, 13; 1 Thess. v. 4, 5.
89 See Ex. iv. 22; Rom. ix. 4.
94 See Ps. lxxviii. 30, 31 (in LXX. it is lxxvii. 30, 31).
95 Or "age" - saeculi. Comp. 1 Cor. ii. 6.
97 Comp. Rom. ix. 10-13; Gen. xxv. 21-24.
99 Oehler refers to Deut. xxiii. 19; but the ref. is not satisfactory.
100 Extraneum. Comp. such phrases as "strange children," Ps. cxliv. 7, 11 (cxliii. 7, 11, in LXX.), and Hos. v. 7; "strange gods," etc.
101 See Luke v. 1, 2; Matt. ix. 10, 11, xi. 19; Mark ii. 15, 16; Luke v. 29, 30.
103 Saeculi. Comp. 1 Cor. ii. 8; 2 Cor. iv. 4.
104 Besides the reference to Luke xv. 23, there may be a reference to Heb. vi. 6.
107 Matt. ix. 12; Mark ix. 17; Luke v. 21.
111 See Matt. viii. 30-34; Mark v. 11-14; Luke viii. 32, 33.
112 Comp. 1 Pet. iii. 21; and Hooker, Eccl. Pol., v. 63. 3.
118 i.e., the "Shepherd" of Hermas. See de Or., c. xvi.
121 Comp. Matt. xxvi. 28, Mark xiv. 24, Luke xxii. 21, with Heb. ix. 11-20.
123 See Acts xv. 30 and xvi. 4.
133 2 Cor. xii. 9, not very exactly rendered.
134 Aevo. Comp. Matt. xii. 32.
136 1 Cor. v. 6, where Tertullian appears to have used doloi, not zumoi.
137 Comp. 2 Thess. iii. 6, 11.
138 1 Cor. i. 14, 15; but the Greek is, eij to emon onoma.
143 1 Cor. iv. 8, inaccurately.
144 1 Cor. viii. 2, inaccurately.
146 1 Cor. iv. 7, with some words omitted.
148 1 Cor. viii. 7, 12, inaccurately.
151 Comp. Rom. i. 1, and the beginnings of his Epp. passim.
156 Comp. Rev. i. 20, ii. 1, 8, 12, 18, iii. 1, 7, 14.
160 2 Cor. vii. 1, not accurately given.
161 2 Cor. xii. 21, again inexactly given.
162 1 Cor. iii. 16, inexactly.
163 Ver. 17, not quite correctly.
174 Comp. 1 Pet. i. 19; and c. vi. above, ad fin.
175 1 Cor. vi. 19, 20, not exactly.
180 1 Cor. vii. 26-28, constantly quoted in previous treatises.
187 1 Thess. ii. 3, omitting the last clause.
193 This exact expression does not occur; but comp. 2 Cor. iii. 6.
194 Comp. the last reference and Rom. viii. 2.
195 Rom. viii. 2, omitting en Xristw Ihsou, and substituting (unless it be a misprint) "te" for me.
202 As he did to the Galatians: see Gal. v. 19-21.
203 Eph. ii. 3, briefly, and not literally.
208 Vers. 5, 6, not accurately.
211 Comp. Acts xvi. 1-3 with Gal. v. 2-6, and similar passages.
213 Isa. lii. 11, quoted in 2 Cor. vi. 17.
215 i.e., the voice of this "blessed man," this true "Asher."
216 Ps. xxvi. 4, 5 (in LXX. xxv. 4, 5).
217 Ps. xxvi. (xxv. in LXX.) 6, not quite exactly.
218 Ps. xviii. 25, 26 (in LXX. Ps. xviii. 26, 27), nearly.
219 Ps. l. (xlix. in LXX.) 16, 18.
228 Comp. Ezek. xxxiii. 11, etc.; and see cc. ii., xxii.
231 See cc. iii. and xi., above.
232 Or, "saith and teacheth that she is a prophet."
235 i.e., of heathen and heretic.
236 See the end of the foregoing chapter.
247 Iniquitas; anomia = "lawlessness."
252 1 John v. 16. But Tertullian has rendered aitein and erwtan by the one word postulare. See Trench, N. T. Synonyms, pp. 169-173. ed. 4, 1858.
253 So Oehler; but it appears that a "non" must have been omitted.
255 1 Cor. ix. 6; but our copies read, tou mh ergazesqai.
258 See Lev. xiii. 12-14 (in LXX.).
262 Comp. Matt. iii. 9; Luke iii. 8.
266 Eph. v. 11. See ch. xviii. above.
268 Comp. Ps. li. 4 (in LXX. Ps. l. 6).
270 Comp. Acts ix. 36-43, xx. 9-12.
271 Comp. Acts iii. 1-11, v. 13-16.
274 Comp. 2 Sam. xii. 1-14, etc.
275 Kaye suggests "apostolica et prophetica" - "apostolic and prophetic evidences;" which is very probable.
279 Matt. xvi. 19 ad init., incorrectly.
299 On Prayer, vol. iii. cap. xvi. p. 686, supra, where he speaks respectfully.
300 Vol. ii. p. 22 (also p. 43), this series.
1 [Written, say, circa a.d. 208.]
3 [Which is a note of time, not unimportant.]
5 Matt. ix. 14, 15; Mark ii. 18-20; Luke v. 33-35.
10 So Oehler punctuates. The reference is to 1 Tim. iv. 1, 2.
11 See Gal. iv. 10; the words kai kairouj Tertullian omits.
13 See Matt. xv. 11; Mark vii. 15.
14 Matt. xi. 19; Luke vii. 34.
17 Comp. Matt. xxii. 37-40, and the parallel passages.
19 Comp. Eph. v. 32 with Gen. ii. 23, 24.
21 The references is to Ps. li. 17 (in LXX. Ps. l. 19).
23 See Gen. ix. 2-5 (in LXX.).
26 Comp. Ps. cxxxvi. 12 (in LXX. cxxxv. 12).
29 Comp. Num. xx. 1-12 with Ps. cvi. 31-33 (in LXX. cv. 31-33).
31 See Ps. lxxviii. 25 (in LXX. lxxvii. 25).
32 Comp. 1 Cor. x. 7 with Ex. xxxii. 6.
35 Comp. Eccles. vi. 7; Prov. xvi. 26. (The LXX. render the latter quotation very differently from the Eng. ver. or the Vulg.)
36 See Isa. vi. 10; John xii. 40; Acts xxviii. 26, 27.
38 See Deut. viii. 3; Matt. iv. 4; Luke iv. 4.
39 See Ps. lxxxvi. 4 (in LXX. lxxxv. 4); Lam. iii. 41 (in LXX. iii. 40).
40 Twice over. See Ex. xxiv. 18 and xxxiv. 28; Deut. ix. 11, 25.
41 See Ex. xxxiii. 18, 19, with xxxiv. 4-9, 29-35.
42 See Matt. xvii. 1-13; Mark ix. 1-13; Luke ix. 28-36.
44 See 1 Kings xvii. 1 (in LXX. 3 Kings ib.).
45 See 1 Kings xix. 1-8. But he took two meals: see vers. 6, 7, 8.
48 Comp. Matt. xvii. 4; Mark ix. 5; Luke ix. 33.
49 See Ps. xl. 28 in LXX. In E. V., "fainteth not."
51 See 2 Kings xviii. xix.; 2 Chron. xxxii.; Isa. xxxvi. xxxvii.
52 See Jonah iii. Comp. de Pa., c. x.
53 See Ezek. xvi. 49; Matt. xi. 23, 24; Luke x. 12-14.
54 See 1 Kings xxi. (in the LXX. it is 3 Kings xx).
55 See 1 Sam. i. 1, 2, 7-20, iii. 20 (in LXX. 1 Kings).
57 See Bel and the Dragon (in LXX.) vers. 31-39. "Pitiable" appears to be Tertullian's rendering of what in the E. V. is rendered "greatly beloved." Rig. (in Oehler) renders: "of how great compassion thou hast attained the favour;" but surely that overlooks the fact that the Latin is "miserabilis es," not "sis."
58 See Luke ii. 36-38. See de Monog., c. viii.
59 Matt. iv. 12; Luke iv. 1, 2; comp. de Bapt., c. xx.
60 See Matt. iv. 3; Luke iv. 3.
62 Comp. Eph. iv. 22, 23; and, for the meaning of sugillationem ("severe handling"), comp. 1 Cor. ix. 27, where St. Paul's word upwpiazw (= "I smite under the eye," Eng. ver. "I keep under") is perhaps exactly equivalent in meaning.
64 See Matt. xvii. 21; Mark ix. 29.
65 See Acts x. 44-46, 1-4 and 30.
69 See 1 Kings xvii. (in LXX. 3 Kings xvii.) 1-6.
71 See Ps. cii. (in LXX. ci.) 9.
72 1 Sam. (in LXX. 1 Kings) i. 11.
79 The reference is to Eph. vi. 18; Col. iv. 2; 1 Thess. v. 17; Luke xviii. 1.
83 See Matt. xxvii. 45-54; Mark xvi. 33-39; Luke xxiii. 44-47.
86 See 1 Sam. (in LXX. 1 Kings) xiv. 24-25.
87 See Dan. ix. 1, 3, 4, 20, 21.
90 See 1 John ii. 18, 29; 2 John 7-10.
92 See the Vulg. iv. 1, 2; 2 Tim. iii. 1; and comp. therewith the Greek in both places.
94 Ps. cxxxiii. (in LXX. and Vulg. cxxxii.).
96 Comp. 1 Cor. v. 3; Col. ii. 5.
98 Comp. Luke xxii. 20; 2 Cor. v. 17, etc.
100 Comp. Matt. xiii. 52 ad fin.
104 Comp. Luke vi. 21 and 25, and Matt. v. 6.
108 See Hor., Od., i. 1, 12, and Macleane's note there.
109 See Isa. lviii. 3, 4, 5, briefly, and more like the LXX. than the Vulg. or the Eng. ver.
110 See Ps. li. (l. in LXX. and Vulg.) 18, 19; see c. iii. above.
111 This seems an oversight; see 1 Sam. (in LXX. and Vulg. 1 Kings) iv. 13.
114 See 1 Kings (in LXX. and Vulg. 3 Kings) xiii.
117 Comp. Gen. xxiii. 2, 3, 4, 31, and xxv. 27-34.
120 Isa. xxii. 13; 1 Cor. xv. 32.
123 Matt. vii. 13, 14; Luke xiii. 24.
124 Mundi: cf. kosmokratoraj, Eph. vi. 12.
125 II. cap. 10, p. 23, supra.
129 Cap. 14. See De Orat., cap. 19, p. 687.
130 The Xerophagiae, cap. 2, p. 103.
131 Scientific Culture, by J. P. Cooke, professor of chemistry, etc. New York, 1884.
132 This is ambiguous, but I merely note it. Heb. iv. 15.
1 [Written, say, circa a.d. 208.]
12 2 Tim. i. 15; see 1 Tim. i. 20.
25 Mark viii. 38; Luke ix. 26.
47 Rom. viii. 32; Gal. iii. 13.
53 Stephanas is perhaps intended. - Tr.
61 See what Gibbon can say to minimize the matter (in cap. xvi. 4, vol. ii. p. 45, New York).
65 In his disgraceful chap. xvi.
1 These two lines, if this be their true sense, seem to refer to Lot's wife. But the grammar and meaning of this introduction are alike obscure.
2 "Metus;" used, as in other places, of godly fear.
3 Lit. "from," i.e., which, urged by a heart which is that of a saint, even though on this occasion it failed, the prophet dared.
5 "Tarshish," Eng. ver.; perhaps Tartessus in Spain. For this question, and the "trustiness" of Joppa (now Jaffa) as a port, see Pusey on Jonah i. 3.
8 Genitus (Oehler); geminus (Migne) = "twin clamour," which is not inapt.
9 Mandare (Oehler). If this be the true reading, the rendering in the text seems to represent the meaning; for "mandare" with an accusative, in the sense of "to bid the tardy coils tighten the girth's noose," seems almost too gross a solecism for even so lax a Latinist as our present writer. Migne, however, reads mundare-to "clear" the tardy coils, i.e., probably from the wash and weed with which the gale was cloying them.
10 Tunc Domini vates ingesta Spiritus infit. Of course it is a gross offence against quantity to make a genitive in "us" short, as the rendering in the text does. But a writer who makes the first syllable in "clamor" and the last syllable of gerunds in do short, would scarcely be likely to hesitate about taking similar liberties with a genitive of the so-called fourth declension. It is possible, it is true, to take "vates" and "Spiritus" as in apposition, and render, "Then the seer-Spirit of the Lord begins to utter words inspired," or "Then the seer-Spirit begins to utter the promptings of the Lord." But these renderings seem to accord less well with the ensuing words.
12 i.e., apparently with shells which had gathered about him as he lay in the deep.
13 This seems to be the sense of Oehler's "Nauta at tum Domino leti venerando timorem Sacrificat grates"-"grates" being in apposition with "timorem." But Migne reads: "Nautaelig; tum Domino laeti venerando timorem Sacrificant grates:"-
"The sailors then do to the reverend Lord
Gladly make grateful sacrifice of fear:"and I do not see that Oehler's reading is much better.
14 Comp. Matt. xii. 38-41; Luke xi. 29,30.
15 These words are not in the original, but are inserted (I confess) to fill up the line, and avoid ending with an incomplete verse. If, however, any one is curious enough to compare the translation, with all its defects, with the Latin, he may be somewhat surprised to find how very little alteration or adaptation is necessary in turning verse into verse.
2 See Gen. ix. 21, 22, x. 8-17.
4 The expression, "sinners against their own souls," in Num. xvi. 38 - where, however, the LXX. have a very different version - may be compared with this; as likewise Prov. viii. 36.
5 Whether the above be the sense of this most obscure triplet I will not presume to determine. It is at least (I hope) intelligible sense. But that the reader may judge for himself whether he can offer any better, I sugjoin the lines, which form a sentence alone, and therefore can be judged of without their context: -"Tempore sed certo Deus omnia prospectulatus,Judicat injustos, patiens ubi criminis aetasCessandi spatium vis nulla coëgerit irae."
6 Comp. Heb. i. 14. It may be as well here to inform the reader once for that prosody as well as syntax is repeatedly set at defiance in these metrical fragments; and hence, of course, arise some of the chief difficulties in dealing with them.
7 "Divinos;" i.e., apparently "superhuman," as everything heavenly is.
8 Of hospitality - bread and salt, etc.
9 "Mensa;" but perhaps "mensae" may be suggested - "the sacred pledges of the board."
10 "Dispungit," which is the only verb in the sentence, and refers both to pia pignora and to amicos. I use "quit" in the sense in which we speak of "quitting a debtor," i.e., giving him his full due; but the two lines are very hard, and present (as in the case of those before quoted) a jumble of words without grammar; "pia pignora mensa Officiisque probis studio dispungit amicos;" which may be somewhat more literally rendered than in our text, thus: "he zealously discharges" (i.e., fulfils) "his sacred pledges" (i.e., the promised hospitality which he had offered them) "with (a generous) board, and discharges" (i.e., fulfils his obligations to) "his friends with honourable courtesies."
11 Altera = alterna. But the statement differs from Gen. xix. 4.
12 "Istam juventam," i.e., the two "juvenes" (ver. 31) within.
13 "Fas" = osion, morally right; distinct from "jus" or "licitum."
14 i.e., Lot's race or family, which had come from "Ur of the Chaldees." See Gen. xi. 26, 27, 28.
15 I use "preventing" in its now unusual sense of "anticipating the arrival of."
16 Shgwr in the LXX., "Zoar" in Eng. ver.
17 "Simul exoritur sol." But both the LXX. and the Eng. ver. say the sun was risen when Lot entered the city.
18 So Oehler and Migne. But perhaps we may alter the pointing slightly, and read: -
"Down pours a novel shower, sulphur mixt
With blazing flames: the ether seethes: the air
Crackles with liquid exust."
19 The story of Phaëthon and his fate is told in Ov., Met., ii. 1-399, which may be compared with the present piece. His two sisters were transformed into white poplars, according to some; alders, according to others. See Virg., Aen., x. 190 sqq., Ec., vi. 62 sqq. His hal-brother (Cycnus or Cygnus) was turned into a swan: and the scene of these transformations is laid by Ovid on the banks of the Eridanus (the Po). But the fable is variously told; and it has been suggested that the groundwork of it is to be found rather in the still-standing of the sun recorded in Joshua.
20 i.e., as she had been before in the case of Eve. See Gen. iii. 1 sqq.
21 I have hazarded the bold conjecture - which I see others (Pamelius at all events) had hazarded before me - that "feritas" is used by our author as - "fertilitas." The word, of course, is very incorrectly formed etymologically; but etymology is not our author's forte apparently. It will also be seen that there is seemingly a gap at this point, or else some enormous mistake, in the mss. An attempt has been made (see Migne) to correct it, but not a very satisfactory one. For the common reading, which gives two lines,
"Occidit illa prior feritas, quam prospiciens Loth
Nullus arat frustra piceas fuligine glebas,"which are evidently entirely unconnected with one another, it is proposed to read,
"Occidit illa prior feritas, quam prospiciens Loth,
Deseruisse pii fertur commercia fratris.
Nullas arat," etc.This use of "fratris" in a wide sense may be justified from Gen. xiii. 8 (to which passage, with its immediate context, there seems to be a reference, whether we adopt the proposed correction or no), and similar passages in Holy Writ. But the transition is still abrupt to the "nullus arat," etc.; and I prefer to leave the passage as it is, without attempting to supply the hiatus.
22 This use of "easely" as a dissyllable is justifiable from Spenser.
23 This seems to be the sense, but the Latin is somewhat strange: "morsest maris illa quieti," i.e., illa (quies) maris quieti mors est. The opening lines of "Jonah" (above) should be compared with this passage and its context.
24 Inque picem dat terrae haerere marinam.
25 "Pressum" (Oehler); "pretium" (Migne): "it will yield a prize, namely, that," etc.
27 Oehler's pointing is disregarded.
28 "De caelo jura tueri;" possibly "to look for laws from heaven."
3 Immensus. See note on the word in the fragment "Concerning the Cursing of the Heathen's Gods."
6 "Errantia;" so called, probably, either because they appear to move as ships pass them, or because they may be said to "wander" by reason of the constant change which they undergo from the action of the sea, and because of the shifting nature of their sands.
8 "God called the dry land Earth:" Gen. i. 10.
9 i.e., "together with;" it begets both sun and moon.
15 As (see above, l. 31) He had all other things.
16 SeeGen. iii. 20, with the LXX., and the marg. in the Eng. ver.
18 The "gladsome court" - "laeta aula" - seems to mean Eden, in which the garden is said to have been planted. See Gen. ii. 8.
19 i.e., eastward. See the last reference.
21 Terit. So Job (xiv. 19), "The waters wear the stones."
22 "Onyx," Eng. ver. See the following piece, l. 277.
23 "Bdellium," Eng. Ver.; anqrac, LXX.
24 Comp. Ps. xxix. 3, especially in "Great Bible" (xxviii. 3 in LXX.)
27 "Numquid poma Deus non omnia nota sacravit?"
29 The writer, supposing it to be night (see 88, 89), seems to mean that the serpent hinted that the fruit would instantly dispel night and restore day. Compare the ensuing lines.
32 "Servitiumque sui studio perferre mariti;" or, perhaps, "and drudge in patience at her husband's beck."
33 "Sententia:" her sentence, or opinion, as to the fruit and its effects.
"That with heart-weariness and mournful breast
Full many sighs may furnish anxious food."
35 The writer makes "cherubim" - or "cherubin" - singular. I have therefore retained his mistake. What the "hot point" - "calidus apex" - is, is not clear. It may be an allusion the "flaming sword" (see Gen. iii. 24); or it may mean the top of the flame.
36 Or, "origins" - "orsis" - because Cain and Abel were original types, as it were, of two separate classes of men.
37 "Perpetuo;" "in process of time," Eng. ver.; meq hmeraj, LXX. in Gen. iv. 3.
38 Quae porsata fuerant. But, as Wordsworth remarks on Gen. iv., we do not read that Caïn's offerings were first-fruits even.
39 Quod propter gelida Cain incanduit ira. If this, which is Oehler's and Migne's reading, be correct, the words gelida and incanduit seem to be intentionally contrasted, unless incandescere be used here in a supposed sense of "growing white," "turning pale." Urere is used in Latin of heat and cold indifferently. Calida would, of course, be a ready emendation; but gelida has the advantage of being far more startling.
1 The reader is requested to bear in mind, in reading this piece, tedious in its elaborate struggles after effect, that the constant repetitions of words and expressions with which his patience will be tried, are due to the original. It was irksome to reproduce them; but fidelity is a translator's first law.
3 Helicon is not named in the original, but it seems to be meant.
4 i.e., in another clime or continent. The writer is (or feigns to be) an African. Helicon, of course, is in Europe.
9 I have endeavoured to give some intelligible sense to these lines; but the absence of syntax in the original, as it now stands, makes it necessary to guess at the meaning as best one may.
11 "But in them nature's copy's not eterne." - Shakespeare, Macbeth, act iii. scene 2.
14 Sermone tenus: i.e., the exertion (so to speak) needed to do such mighty works only extended to the uttering of a speech; no more was requisite. See for a similar allusion to the contrast between the making of other things and the making of man, the Genesis, 30-39.
16 i.e., from the solid mass of earth. See Gen. i. 9, 10.
"Immemor ille Dei temere committere tale!
Non ultra monitum quidquam contingeret."Whether I have hit the sense here I know not. In this and in other passages I have punctuated for myself.
21 These lines, again, are but a guess at the meaning of the original, which is as obscure as defiance of grammar can well make it. The sense seems to be, in brief, that while the vast majority are, immediately on their death, shut up in Hades to await the "decreed age," i.e., the day of judgment, some, like the children raised by Elijah and Elisha, the man who revived on touching Elisha's bones, and the like, are raised to die again. Lower down it will be seen that the writer believes that the saints who came out of their graves after our Lord's resurrection (see Matt. xxvii. 51-54) did not die again.
22 Cf. Ps. xlix. 14 (xlviii. 15 in LXX.).
23 i.e., the dust into which our bodies turn.
24 i.e., the surface or ridge of the furrows.
26 "Some thirty-fold, some sixty-fold, some an hundred-fold." See the parable of the sower.
30 Virtutibus. Perhaps the allusion is to Eph. ii. 2, Matt. xxiv. 29, Luke xxi. 26.
32 Vel quanta est. If this be the right sense, the words are probably inserted, because the conflagration of "the earth and the works that are therein" predicted in 2 Pet. iii. 10, and referred to lower down in this piece, is supposed to have begun, and thud the "depths" of the earth are supposed to be already diminishing.
33 I have ventured to alter one letter of the Latin; and for "quos reddere jussa docebit," read "quos reddere jussa dolebit." If the common reading be retained, the only possible meaning seems to be "whom she will teach to render (to God) His commands," i.e., to render obedience to them; or else, "to render (to God) what they are bidden to render," i.e., an account of themselves; and earth, as their mother, giving them birth our of her womb, is said to teach them to do this. But the emendation, which is at all events simple, seems to give a better sense: "being bidden to render the dead, whom she is keeping, up, earth will grieve at the throes it causes her, but will do it."
36 This passage is imitated from Virgil, Aen., vi. 305 sqq.; Georg., iv. 475 sqq.
37 i.e., "the king." The "Atridae" of Homer are referred to, - Agamemnon "king of men," and Menelaus.
39 Insigni. The allusion seems to be to Ezek. ix. 4, 6, Rev. vii.3 et seqq. xx. 3, 4, and to the inscribed mitre of the Jewish high priest, see Ex. xxviii. 36, xxxix. 30.
40 I have corrected "his" for "hic." If the latter be retained, it would seem to mean "hereon."
41 Cardine, i.e., the hinge as it were upon which the sun turns in his course.
43 Or, "there." The question is, whether a different tree is meant, or the rose just spoken of.
44 This seems to be marshmallows.
45 Here again it is plain that the writer is drawing his description from what we read of the garden of Eden.
46 "Salus," health (probably) in its widest sense, both bodily and mental; or perhaps "safety," "salvation."
47 Reliquam vitam, i.e., apparently his life in all other relations; unless it mean his life after his parents' death, which seems less likely.
48 i.e., "appeals to." So Burke: "I attest the former, I attest the coming generations." This "attesting of its acts" seems to refer to Matt. xxv. 44. It appeals to them in hope of mitigating its doom.
49 This seems to be the sense. The Latin stands thus: "Flammas pro meritis, stagnantia tela tremiscunt."
51 I adopt the correction (suggested in Migne) of justis for justas.
52 This is an extraordinary use for the Latin dative; and even if the meaning be "for (i.e., to suffer) penalty eternal," it is scarcely less so.
54 Or, "in all the years:" but see note 5 on this page.
57 "Artusque sonori," i.e., probably the arms and hands with which (as has been suggested just before) the sufferers beat their unhappy breasts.
58 i.e., the "guerdons" and the "threats."
59 "Ipsa voce," unless it mean "voice and all," i.e., and their voice as well as their palms.
61 Here again a correction suggested in Migne's ed., of "suam lucem" for "sua luce," is adopted.
62 "Qui" is read here, after Migne's suggestion, for "quia;" and Oehler's and Migne's punctuation both are set aside.
64 Or, "assume the functions of the heavenly life."
2 The "tectis" of the edd. I have ventured to alter to "textis," which gives (as in my text) a far better sense.
6 i.e., arms which seemed unequal; for the cross, in which Christ seemed to be vanquished, was the very means of His triumph. See Col. ii. 14, 15.
8 i.e., with the Holy Spirit, the "Pledge" or "Promise" of the Father (see Acts i. 4, 5), "outpoured" upon "the peoples" - both Jewish and Gentile - on the day of Pentecost and many subsequent occasions; see, for instances, Acts x. and xix.
9 The "mirandae virtuitis opus, invisaque facts," I take to be the miracles wrought by the apostles through the might (virtus) of the Spirit, as we read in the Acts. These were objects of "envy" to the Enemy, and to such as - like Simon Magus, of whom we find record - were his servants.
10 i.e., excommunicated, as Marcion was. The "last impiety" (extremum nefas), or "last atrocity" (extremum facinus), - see 218, lower down - seems to mean the introduction of heretical teaching.
11 This use of the ablative, though quite against classical usage, is apparently admissible in late Latinity. It seems to me that the "his" is an ablative here, the men being regarded for the moment as merely instruments, not agents; but it may be a dative = "to these he preaches," etc., i.e., he dictates to them what they afterwards are to teach in public.
12 It must be borne in mind that "Dominus" (the Lord), and "Deus" (God), are kept as distinct terms throughout this piece.
14 i.e., as Marcion is stated by some to have taught, in the fifteenth year of Tiberius; founding his statement upon a perverted reading of Luke iii. 1. It will be remembered that Marcion only used St. Luke's Gospel, and that in a mutilated and corrupted form.
17 "In fossa," i.e., as Fabricius (quoted in Migne's ed.) explains it, "in defossa." It is the past part. of fodio.
18 If this line be correct, - "Speratis pro pace truces homicidia blanda," - though I cannot see the propriety of the "truces" in it, it seems to mean, "Do ye hope or expect that the master you are serving will, instead of the gently peace he promises you, prove a murderer and lead you to death? No, you do not expect it; but so it is."
21 The sentence breaks off abruptly, and the verb which should apparently have gone with "e'en one" is joined to the "ye" in the next line.
"Nec venit in mentem quod vos, a nomine Christi
Seductos, ad Marcionis tulit infima nomen."The rendering in my text, I admit, involves an exceedingly harsh construction of the Latin, but I see not how it is to be avoided; unless either (1) we take nomen absolutely, and "ad Marcionis infima" together, and translate, "A name has carried you to Marcion's lowest depthes;" in which case the question arises, What name is meant? can it be the name "Electi"? Or else (2) we take "tulit" as referring to the "terrible renegade," i.e., the arch-fiend, and "infima" as in apposition with "ad Marcionis nomen," and translate, "He has carried you to the name of Marcion - deepest degradation."
23 i.e., the Gospels and other parts of Holy Scripture.
24 i.e., I take it, the resurrection. Cf. 2 Tim. ii. 17, 18.
25 Whether this be the sense (i.e., "either tell us what it is which displeases you in our God, whether it be His too great patience in bearing with you, or what; or else tell us what is to hinder us from believing your God to be an incredible being") of this passage, I will not venture to determine. The last line in the edd. previous to Oehler's ran: "Aut incredibile quid differt craedere vestrum?" Oehler reads "incredibilem" (sc. Deum), which I have followed; but he suggests, "Aut incredibilem qui differt caedere vestrum?" Which may mean "or else" - i.e., if it were not for his "too great patience" - "why" - "qui" - "does He delay to smite your incredible god?" and thus challenge a contest and prove His own superiority.
26 i.e., the "terrible renegade."
27 The reference here is to Simon Magus; for a brief account of whom, and of the other heretics in this list, down to Hebion inclusive, the reader is referred to the Adv. omn. Haer., above. The words "to roam, to fly," refer to the alleged wanderings of Simon with his paramour Helen, and his reported attempt (at Rome, in the presence of St. Peter) to fly. The tale is doubtful.
"Et aevo
Triginta tribuit caelos, patremque Profundum."But there seems a confusion between Valentine and his aeons and Basilides and his heavens. See the Adv. omn. Haer., above.
29 i.e., the Evil One's, as before.
30 i.e., probably Jerusalem and the temple there.
32 Oehler's "versus" (= "changed the man rises") is set aside for Migne's "verus." Indeed it is probably a misprint.
33 i.e., her own dwelling or "quarters," - the body, to wit, if the reading "sua parte" be correct.
36 I have ventured to alter the "et viventi" of Oehler and Migne into "ut vivendi," which seems to improve the sense.
37 It seems to me that these ideas should all be expressed interrogatively, and I have therefore so expressed them in my text.
"Cernere quid fuerit conversa in pulvere quondam."
Whether the meaning be that, as the soul will be able (as it should seem) to retrace all that she has experienced since she left the body, so the body, when revived, will be able as it were to look back upon all that has happened to her since the soul left her, - something after the manner in which Hamlet traces the imaginary vicissitudes of Caesar's dust, - or whether there be some great error in the Latin, I leave the reader to judge.
40 i.e., apparently remembering that she was so before.
42 I rather incline to read for "haec captiva fuit mortis," "haec cartiva fuat mortis" =
"Is this
To be death's thrall?'""This" is, of course, the flesh.
43 For "Quod cupit his fieri, deest hoc virtute reduci," I venture to read, "Quod capit," etc., taking "capit" as = "capax est." "By these," of course, is by wisdom and art; and "virtue" = "power."
46 Oehler's "visus" seems to be a mistake for "vivus," which is Migne's reading; as in the fragment "De exsecrandis gentium diis," we saw (sub. fin.) "videntem" to be a probable misprint for "viventem." If, however, it is to be retained, it must mean "appearing" (i.e., in presence of God) "wholly," in body as well as soul.
47 i.e., the double gift of a saved soul and a saved body.
49 I have so frequently had to construct my own text (by altering the reading or the punctuation of the Latin) in this book, that, for brevity's sake, I must ask the reader to be content with this statement once for all, and not expect each case to be separately noted.
50 The "foe," as before, is Satan; his "breathing instruments" are the men whom he uses (cf. Shakespeare's "no breather" = no man, in the dialogue between Orland and Jacques, As you Like it, act iii. sc. 2); and they are called "renegades," like the Evil One himself, because they have deserted from their allegiance to God in Christ.
52 Cf. John xv. 2, 4, 5, 6; Rom. xi. 17-20. The writer simply calls them "abruptos homines;" and he seems to mean excommunicated, like Marcion.
53 i.e., those recorded in the Old Testament.
54 I have followed Migne's suggestion here, and transposed one line of the original. The reference seems to be to Isa. lxiv. 4, quoted in 1 Cor. ii.9, where the Greek differs somewhat remarkably from the LXX.
55 Unless some line has dropped out here, the construction, harsh enough in my English, is yet harsher in the Latin. "Accipitur" has no subject of any kind, and one can only guess from what has gone before, and what follows, that it must mean "one Testament."
56 Harsh still. It must refer to the four Gospels - the "coat without seam" - in their quadrate unity; Marcion receiving but one - St. Luke's - and that without St. Luke's name, and also in a mutilated and interpolated form.
57 This seems to be the sense. The allusion is to the fact that Marcion and his sect accepted but ten of St. Paul's Epistles: leaving out entirely those to Timothy and Titus, and all the other books, except his one Gospel.
58 It seems to me that the reference here must evidently be to the Epistle to the Hebrews, which treats specially of the old covenant. If so, we have some indication as to the authorship, if not the date, of the book: for Tertullian himself, though he frequently cites the Epistle, appears to hesitate (to say the least) as to ascribing it to St. Paul.
59 Comp. Isa. vi. 9, 10, with Acts xxviii. 17-29.
60 The reference seems to be to Rom. i. 28; comp., too, Tit. i. 15, 16.
61 The reference is to Gen. ii. 9-14.
62 Fata mortua. This extraordinary expression appears to mean "dead men;" men who, through Adam, are fated, so to speak, to die, and are under the sad fate of being "dead in trespasses and sins." See Eph. ii. 1. As far as quantity is concerned, it might as well be "facta mortua," "dead works," such as we read of in Heb. vi. 1, xi. 14. It is true these works cannot strictly be said to be ever vivified; but a very similar inaccuracy seems to be committed by our author lower down in this same book.
63 I have followed Oehler's "face" for the common "phase;" but what the meaning is I will not venture to decide. It may probably mean one of two things: (a) that Paul wrote by torchlight; (b) that the light which Paul holds forth in his life and writings, is a torch to show the Corinthians and others Christ.
64 i.e., the legal passover, "image" or type of "the true Passover," Christ. See 1 Cor. v. 6-9.
65 Abraham. See Gen. xxii. 1-19.
66 Isaac, a pledge to Abraham of all God's other promises.
67 Forte. I suppose this means out of the ordinary course of nature; but it is a strange word to use.
68 Israel, wasted by the severities of their Egyptian captivity.
69 "Multa;" but "muta" = "mute" has been suggested, and is not inapt.
70 I have given what appears to be a possible sense for these almost unintelligible lines. They run as follows in Oehler: -
"Et reliqui magni reges sanctique prophetae,
Non ignorantes certae promissa salutis,
Ingentemque metu pleni transcendere legem,
Venturam summae virtutis imagine molem,
Inspectam e speculo celebrarunt ordine pascham."
I rather incline to alter them somehow thus : -
"Ingentemque metu plenis transcendere legem,
Venturum in summae virtutis imagine, - solem
Inspectum e speculo, - celebrarunt ordine pascham;"
connecting these three lines with "non ignorantes," and rendering: -
"Not ignorant of the good promises
Of sure salvation; and that One would come,
For such as filled are with godly fear
The law to overstep, a mighty One,
In Highest Virtue's image, - the Sun seen
In mirror: - did in order celebrate
The passover."
That is, in brief, they all, in celebrating the type, looked forward to the Antitype to come.
72 This, again, seems to be the meaning, unless the passage (which is not probable) be corrupt. The flesh, "foul" now with sin, is called the "stained image of the Lord," as having been originally in His image, but being now stained by guilt.
73 Faith is called so, as being the reflection of divine reason.
74 i.e., the praise of Christ Himself. See Matt. xi. 7-15, with the parallel passage, Luke vii. 24-30; comp. also John v. 33-35.
75 i.e., perhaps "render acceptable."
77 i.e., teeth which He contemned, for His people's sake: not that they are to us contemptible.
78 i.e., perhaps permeating, by the influence of His death, the tombs of all the old saints.
79 i.e., undertaking our debts in our stead.
81 It is an idea of the genuine Tertullian, apparently, that Eve was a "virgin" all the time she was with Adam in Paradise. A similar idea appears in the "Genesis" above.
82 Consilio. Comp. 1 Tim. ii. 14, "Adam was not deceived."
83 Called "life's own covering" (i.e., apparently his innocence) in 117, above.
85 Comp. Heb. xii. 2, "Who, for the joy that was set before Him" - "o anti th prokeimenh".
88 "The Lion of the tribe of Juda." Rev. v. 5.
89 Viro. This use of "man" may be justified, to say nothing of other arguments, from Jer. xliv. 19, where "our men" seem plainly = "our husbands." See marg.
90 Virgo: a play on the word in connection with the "viro" and what follows.
92 i.e., Adam's. The constructions, as will be seen, are oddly confused throughout, and I rather suspect some transposition of lines.
95 See 1 Cor. xv. 22 sqq., especially 45, 47.
99 "Os;" lit., "face" or "mouth."
101 This would seem to refer to Lazarus; but it seems to be an assumption that his raising took place on a Sabbath.
103 I have ventured to alter the "Morti," of the edd. into "Forti;" and "causas" (as we have seen) seems, in this late Latin, nearly = "res."
105 This may seem an unusual expression, as it is more common to regard the fruit as gracing the tree, than the tree the fruit. But, in point of fact, the tree, with its graceful form and foliage, may be said to give a grace to the fruit; and so our author puts it here: "decoratos arbore fructus."
106 I read "primum" here for "primus."
107 "Tantum" = "tantum quantum primo fuerat," i.e., with a body as well as a spirit.
108 Pignus: "the promise of the Father" (Acts i. 4); "the earnest of the Spirit" (2 Cor. i. 22; v. 5.). See, too, Eph. i. 13, 14; Rom. viii. 23.
109 The reference is to John iii. 6, but it is not quite correctly given.
112 I read "inerum" - a very rare form - here for "inermem." But there seems a confusion in the text, which here, as elsewhere, is probably corrupt.
113 "Cerae," which seems senseless here, I have changed to "cereris."
114 There seems to be a reference to 2 Pet. i. 17.
115 Here again I have altered the punctuation by a very simple change.
116 See 1 Cor. xv. 54; Isa. xxv. 8 (where the LXX. have a strange reading).
119 The Jewish people leaving Christ, "the fountain of living waters" (Jer. ii. 13; John vii. 37-39), is compared to Hagar leaving the well, which was, we may well believe, close to Abraham's tent.
120 Et tepidis errans ardenti sidere potat. See Gen. xxi. 12-20.
121 See Matt. xix. 27; Mark x. 28; Luke xviii. 28.
123 i.e., apparently the "giants;" see Gen. vi. 4; but there is no mention of them in Enoch's time (Migne).
124 i.e., over the general sinfulness.
125 I suggest "translatus" for "translatum" here.
127 Loosely; 120 years is the number in Gen. vi. 3.
129 Speculo vultus. The two words seem to me to go together, and, unless the second be indeed redundant, to mean perhaps a small hand-mirror, which affords more facilities for minute examination of the face than a larger fixed one.
130 "Sortis;" lit. "lot," here = "the line or family chosen by lot." Compare the similar derivation of "clergy."
132 I have ventured to substitute "Christo" for "Christi;" and thus, for
"Cum Christi populo manifeste multa locutus,"read,
"Cum Christo (populo manifeste) multa locutus."The reference is to the fact, on which such special stress is laid, of the Lord's "speaking to Moses face to face, as a man speaketh with his friend." See especially Num. xii. 5-8, Deut. xxxiv. 9-12, with Deut. xviii. 17-19, Acts iii. 22, 23, vii. 37.
133 The Latin in Oehler and Migne is thus:
"Accepram legem per paucos fudit in orbem;"and the reference seems to me to be to Ex. xxxii. 15-20, though the use of "orbem" for "ground" is perhaps strange; but "humum" would have been against the metre, if that argument be of any weight in the case of a writer so prolific of false quantities. Possibly the lines may mean that "he diffused through some few" - i.e., through the Jews, "few" as compared with the total inhabitants of the orb - "the Law which he had received;" but then the following line seems rather to favour the former view, because the tables of the Law - called briefly "the Law" - broken by Moses so soon after he had received them, were typical of the inefficacy of all Moses' own toils, which, after all, ended in disappointment, as he was forbidden, on account of a sin committed in the very last of the forty years, to lead the people into "the land," as 'he had fondly hoped to do. Only I suspect some error in "per paucos;" unless it be lawful to supply "dies," and take it to mean "received during but few days," i.e., "within few days," "only a few days before," and "accepted" or "kept" by the People "during but a few days." Would it be lawful to conjecture "perpaucis" as one word, with "ante diebus" to be understood?
134 i.e., the sign of the cross. See Tertullian, adv. Marc., l. iii. c. xviii. sub. fin.; also adv. Jud., c. x. med.
135 i.e., all the acts and the experiences of Moses.
137 See Ex. xxiii. 20-23; and comp. adv. Marc., l. iii. c. xvi.
138 Legitima, i.e., reverent of law.
"Acer in hostem.
Non virtute sua trtelam acquirere genti."I have ventured to read "suae," and connect it with "genti;" and thus have obtained what seems to me a probable sense. See Judg. viii. 22, 23.
142 I read "firmandus" for "firmatus."
144 I have again ventured a correction, "coarescere" for "coalescere." It makes at least some sense out of an otherwise (to me) unintelligible passage, the "palm" being taken as the well-known symbol of bloom and triumph. So David in Ps. xcii. 12 (xci. 13 in LXX.), "The righteous shall flourish like the palm-tree." To "dry" here is, of course, neuter, and means to "wither."
145 I have changed "eadem" - which must agree with "nocte," and hance give a false sense; for it was not, of course, on "the same night," but on the next, that his second sign was given - into "eodem," to agree with "liquore," which gives a true one, as the "moisture," of course, was the same, - dew, namely.
146 Equite. It appears to be used loosely for "men of war" generally.
147 Which is taken, from its form, as a sign of the cross; see below.
148 Refers to the "when" in 99, above.
149 Lychno. The "faces" are probably the wicks.
150 "Scilicet hoc testamen erat virtutis image."
151 The text as it stands is, in Oehler: -
... "Hic Baal Christi victoria signo
Extemplo refugam devicit femina ligno;"which I would read: -
... "Hunc Jael, Christi victorioe signo,
Extemplo," etc.
152 For "hic" I would incline to read "huic."
155 i.e., to his unshorn Nazarite locks.
157 See 1 Sam. xxviii. (in LXX. 1 Kings) 11-19.
159 "Ex utero:" a curious expression for a man; but so it is.
160 i.e., emulous of David's virtues.
161 Comp. especially 2 Chron. xxix. xxx. xxxi.
162 Our author is quite correct in his order. A comparison of dates as given in the Scripture history shows us that his reforms preceded his war with Sennacherib.
163 The "tactus" of the Latin is without sense, unless indeed it refer to his being twice "touched" by an angel. See 1 Kings (in LXX. 3 Kings) xix. 1-8. I have therefore substituted "raptus," there being no mention of the angel in the Latin.
164 "Aras" should probably be "aram."
165 See 2 Kings (in LXX. 4 Kings) i. 9-12.
166 For "transgressas et avia fecit," I read "transgressus avia fecit," taking "transgressus" as a subst.
169 Our author has somewhat mistaken Elisha's mission apparently; for as there is a significant difference in the meaning of their respective names, so there is in their works: Elijah's miracles being rather miracles of judgment, it has been remarked; Elisha's, of mercy.
170 The reference is to a famine in Elisha's days, which - 2 Kings (in LXX. 4 Kings) viii. i. - was to last seven years; whereas that for which Elijah prayed, as we learn in Jas. v. 17., lasted three and six months. But it is not said that Elisha prayed for that famine.
171 We only read of one leprosy which Elisha cleansed - Naaman's. He inflicted leprosy on Gehazi, which was "to cleave to him and to his seed for ever."
172 Praestata viam vitae atque probata per ipsam est. I suspect we should read "via," quantity being of no importance with our author, and take "praetestata" as passive: "The way of life was testified before, and proved, through him."
173 This seems to be the meaning, and the reference will then be to Jer. xxxiv. 8-22 (in LXX. xli. 8-22); but the punctuation both in Oehler and Migne makes nonsense, and I have therefore altered it.
174 See the apocryphal "Susanna."
175 For "servatisque palam cunctis in pace quievit," which the edd. give, I suggest "servatusque," etc., and take "palam" for governing "cunctis."
176 Ignibus et multa consumpta volumina vatum. Multa must, apparently, be an error for some word signifying "mould" or the like; unless, with the disregard of construction and quantity observable in this author, it be an acc. pl. to agree with volumina, so that we must take "omnia multa volumina" together, which would alter the whole construction of the context.
181 Salutem = Christum. So Simeon, "Mine eyes have seen Thy salvation," where the Greek word should be noted and compared with its usage in the LXX., especially in the Psalms. See Luke ii. 30.
184 The common reading is, "Atque suae famulae portavit spreta dolorem." for which Oehler reads "portarit;" but I incline rather to suggest that "portavit" be retained, but that the "atque" be changed into "aeque," thus: "Aeque suae famulae portavit spreta dolorem;" i.e., Since, like Sarah, the once barren Christian church-mother hath had children, equally, like Sarah, hath she had to bear scorn and spleen at her handmaid's - the Jewish church-mother's - hands.
187 "Immanes," if it be the true reading.
188 This is the way Oehler's punctuation reads. Migne's reads as follows: -
... "Of whom the first
Whom mightiest Rome bade take his place and sit
Upon the chair where Peter's self had sat," etc.
189 "Is spostolicis bene notus." This may mean (a) as in our text; (b) by his apostolically-minded writings - writings like an apostle's; or (c) by the apostolic writings, i.e., by the mention made of him, supposing him to be the same, in Phil. iv. 3.
193 An allusion to the well-known Pastor or Shepherd of Hermas.
194 Our author makes the name Anicetus. Rig. (as quoted by Oehler) observes that a comparison of the list of bishops of Rome here given with that given by Tertullian in de Praescr., c. xxxii., seems to show that this metrical piece cannot be his.
195 The state of the text in some parts of this book is frightful. It has been almost hopeless to extract any sense whatever out of the Latin in many passages - indeed, the renderings are in these cases little better than guess-work - and the confusion of images, ideas, and quotations is extraordinary.
197 I have changed the unintelligible "daret" of the edd. into "docet." The reference seems to be to Matt. xxiii. 8; Jas. iii. 1; 1 Pet. v. 2, 3.
198 Molem belli deducere terrae.
199 Aemulamenta. Migne seems to think the word refers to Marcion's "Antitheses."
200 i.e., apparently Marcion's.
202 See the opening of the preceding book.
203 "Conditus;" i.e., probably (in violation of quantity) the past part. of "conditio" = flavoured, seasoned.
204 I have altered the punctuation here.
207 These lines are capable, according to their punctuation, of various renderings, which for brevity's sake I must be content to omit.
208 i.e., the People of Israel. See the de Idol., p. 148, c. v. note 1.
209 See Deut. vi. 3, 4, quoted in Mark xii. 29, 30.
210 This savours of the Nicene Creed.
211 Migne's pointing is followed, in preference to Oehler's.
212 "Unum hunc esse Patrem;" i.e., "that this One (God) is the Father." But I rather incline to read, "unumque esse;" or we may render, "This One is the Sire."
213 See 1 Cor. viii. 5, 6 (but notice the prepositions in the Greek; our author is not accurate in rendering them); Eph. iv. 4, 5, 6.
214 Ad quem se curvare genu plane omne fatetur. The reference is to Phil. ii. 10; but our author is careless in using the present tense, "se curvare."
215 The reference is to Eph. iii. 14, 15; but here again our author seems in error, as he refers the words to Christ, whereas the meaning of the apostle appears clearly to refer them to the Father.
216 Legitimos. See book iv. 91.
217 See Gal. iii. 20. But here, again, "Galatas" seems rather like an error; for in speaking to the Corinthians St. Paul uses an expression more like our author's: see 2 Cor. xi. 2. The Latin, too, is faulty: "Talem se Paulus zelum se scripsit habere," where, perhaps, for the first "se" we should read "sic."
218 Comp. Ex. xx. 5; Deut. v. 9.
219 See Isa. i. 10-15; Jer. vi. 20.
220 Causa etenim fidei rationis imagine major.
221 Comp. 1 Cor. xiii. 12; Heb. x. 1.
222 Moses. See Heb. ix. 19-22, and the references there.
224 Alluding probably to our Lord's bearing of the cross-beam of His cross - the beam being the "yokes," and the upright stem of the cross the "plough-beam" - on His shoulders. - See John xix. 17.
225 Templum. Comp. John ii. 19-22; Col. ii. 9.
226 Libro. The reference is to the preceding lines, especially 89, and Heb. ix. 19, auto to Biblion. The use of "libro" is curious, as it seems to be used partly as if it would be equivalent to pro libro, "in the place of a book," partly in a more truly datival sense, "to serve the purposes of a book;" and our "for" is capable of the two senses.
227 For this comparison of "speaking" to "sprinkling," comp. Deut. xxxii. 2, "My doctrine shall drop as the rain; my speech shall distil as the dew," etc.; Job xxix. 22, "My speech dropped upon them;" with Eph. v. 26, and with our Lord's significant action (recorded in the passage here alluded to, John xx. 22) of "breathing on" (enefushsen) His disciples. Comp., too, for the "witnesses" and "words of presage," Luke xxiv. 48, 49; Acts i. 6-8.
228 i.e., the chief of the Levites, the high priest.
229 Comp. Heb. xiii. 12, 13; John xix. 19, 20.
230 Comp. the preceding book, 355.
231 The passage which follows is almost unintelligible. The sense which I have offered in my text is so offered with great diffidence, as I am far from certain of having hit the meaning; indeed, the state of the text is such, that any meaning must be a matter of some uncertainty.
232 i.e., perhaps the Jewish and Christian peoples. Comp. adv. Jud., c. 1.
233 i.e., "barren" of faith and good works. The "goats" being but "kids" (see Lev. xvi. 8), would, of course, be barren. "Exiled" seems to mean "excommunicated." But the comparison of the sacrificed goat to a penitent, and of the scapegoat to an impenitent, excommunicate, is extravagant. Yet I see no other sense.
235 i.e., Lazarus was not allowed to help him. In that sense he may be said to have been "cast away;" but it is Abraham, not Lazarus, who pronounces his doom. See Luke xvi. 19-31.
236 i.e., in that the blood of the one was brought within the veil; the other was not.
238 The meaning seems to be, that the ark, when it had to be removed from place to place, has (as we learn from Num. iv. 5) to be covered with "the second veil" (as it is called in Heb. ix. 3), which was "of blue," etc. But that this veil was made "of lambs' skins" does not appear; on the contrary, it was made of "linen." The outer veil, indeed (not the outmost, which was of "badgers' skins," according to the Eng. ver.; but of "uakinqina dermata" - of what material is not said - according to the LXX.), was made "of rams' skins;" but then they were "dyed red" (hruqrodanwmena, LXX.), not "blue." So there is some confusion in our author.
239 The ark was overlaid with gold without as well as within. (See Ex. xxv. 10, 11, xxxvii. 1, 2; and this is referred to in Heb. ix. 3, 4 - kibwton ... perikekalummenhn - where our Eng. ver. rendering is defective, and in the context as well.) This, however, may be said to be implied in the following words: "and all between," i.e., between the layers above and beneath, "of wood."
240 Migne supposes some error in these words. Certainly the sense is dark enough; but see lower down.
241 It yielded "almonds," according to the Eng. ver. (Num. xvii. 8). But see the LXX.
242 Sagmina. But the word is a very strange one to use indeed. See the Latin Lexicons, s.v.
243 It might be questionable whether "jussa" refers to "cherubim" or to "sagmina."
244 i.e., twice three + the central one = 7.
245 Our author persists in calling the tabernacle temple.
247 "Tegebat," i.e., with the "fiery-cloudy pillar," unless it be an error for "regebat," which still might apply to the pillar.
249 "Operae," i.e., sacrifices. The Latin is a hopeless jumble of words without grammatical sequence, and any rendering is mere guesswork.
251 i.e., of animals which, as irrational, were "without the Law."
254 i.e., beneath the altar. See the 11th verse ib.
255 Or possibly, "deeper than the glooms:" "altior a tenebris."
258 Caelataque sancta. We might conjecture "celataque sancta," = "and the sanctuaries formerly hidden."
259 This sense appears intelligible, as the writer's aim seems to be to distinguish between the "actual" commands of God, i.e., the spiritual, essential ones, which the spiritual people "follow," and which "bind" - not the ceremonial observance of a "shadow of the future blessings" (see Heb. x. 1), but "real persons," i.e., living souls. But, as Migne has said, the passage is probably faulty and mutilated.
260 Comp. Heb. vii. 19, x. 1, xi. 11, 12.
261 "Lignum:" here probably = "the flesh," which He took from Mary; the "rod" (according to our author) which Isaiah had foretold.
262 Aërial, i.e., as he said above, "dyed with heaven's hue."
263 "Ligno," i.e., "the cross," represented by the "wood" of which the tabernacle's boards, on which the coverings were stretched (but comp. 147-8, above), were made.
264 As the flame of the lamps appeared to grow out of and be fused with the "golden semblance" or "form" of the lampstand or candlestick.
265 Of which the olive - of which the pure oil for the lamps was to be made: Ex. xxvii. 20; Lev. xxiv. 2 - is a type. "Peace" is granted to "the flesh" through Christ's work and death in flesh.
267 In ligno. The passage is again in an almost desperate state.
272 Here ensues a confused medley of all the cherubic figures of Moses, Ezekiel, and St. John.
273 i.e., by the four evangelists.
274 The cherubim, (or, "seraphim" rather,) of Isa. vi. have each six wings. Ezekiel mentions four cherubim, or "living creatures." St. John likewise mentions four "living creatures." Our author, combining the passages, and thrusting them into the subject of the Mosaic cherubim, multiplies the six (wings) by the four (cherubs), and so attains his end - the desired number "twenty-four" - to represent the books of the Old Testament, which (by combining certain books) may be reckoned to be twenty-four in number.
276 There is again some great confusion in the text. The elders could not "stand enthroned:" nor do they stand "over," but "around" God's throne; so that the "insuper solio" could not apply to that.
280 Or, "records:" "monumenta," i.e., the written word, according to the canon.
281 I make no apology for the ruggedness of the versification and the obscurity of the sense in this book, further than to say that the state of the Latin text is such as to render it almost impossible to find any sense at all in many places, while the grammar and metre are not reducible to any known laws. It is about the hardest and most uninteresting book of the five.
282 Or, "consecrated by seers and patriarchs."
283 i.e., all the number of Thy disciples.
284 Tempora lustri, i.e., apparently the times during which these "elders" (i.e., the bishops, of whom a list is given at the end of book iii.) held office. "Lustrum" is used of other periods than it strictly implies, and this seems to give some sense to this difficult passage.
288 Ancipiti quamquam cum crimine. The last word seems almost = "discrimine;" just as our author uses "cerno" = "discerno."
290 Cf. John i. 11, and see the Greek.
291 Whether this be the sense I know not. The passage is a mass of confusion.
292 i.e., according to Marcion's view.
293 i.e., as spirits, like himself.
297 i.e., apparently on the day of Christ's resurrection.
298 Replesset, i.e., replevisset. If this be the right reading, the meaning would seem to be, "would have taken away all further desire for" them, as satiety or repletion takes away all appetite for food. One is almost inclined to hazard the suggestion "represset," i.e., repressisset, "he would have repressed," but that such a contraction would be irregular. Yet, with an author who takes such liberties as the present one, perhaps that might not be a decisive objection.
299 "Junctus," for the edd.'s "junctis," which, if retained, will mean "in the case of beings still joined with (or to) blood."
300 "Docetur," for the edd.'s "docentur." The sense seems to be, if there be any, exceedingly obscure; but for the idea of a half-salvation - the salvation of the "inner man" without the outer - being no salvation at all, and unworthy of "the Good Shepherd" and His work, we may compare the very difficult passage in the de Pudic., c. xiii. ad fin.
301 This sense, which I deduce from a transposition of one line and the supplying of the words "he did exhort," which are not expressed, but seem necessary, in the original, agrees well with 1 Cor. vii., which is plainly the passage referred to.
302 "Causa;" or perhaps "means." It is, of course, the French "chose."
303 i.e., you and your like, through whom sin, and in consequence death, is disseminated.
304 Here, again, for the sake of the sense, I have transposed a line.
305 i.e., "the other," the "inner man," or spirit.
308 I hope I have succeeded in giving some intelligible sense; but the passage as it stands in the Latin is nearly hopeless.
309 I read "legem" for "leges."
310 I read "valle" for "calle."
313 i.e., "the gifts of baptism."
314 This seems to give sense to a very obscure passage, in which I have been guided more by Migne's pointing than by Oehler's.
315 I read here "quid" for "quod."
316 i.e., to make men live by recognising that. Comp. the Psalmist's prayer: "Give me understanding and I shall live" (Ps. cxix. 144; in LXX., Ps. cxviii. 144).
317 The "furentes" of Pam. and Rig. is preferred to Oehler's "ferentes."
318 "Complexis," lit. "embracing."
319 i.e., both Jews and Gentile heretics, the "senseless frantic men" just referred to probably: or possibly the "ambo" may mean "both sects," viz., the Marcionites and Manichees, against whom the writer whom Oehler supposes to be the probable author of these "Five Books," Victorinus, a rhetorician of Marseilles, directed his efforts. But it may again be the acc. neut. pl., and mean "let them" - i.e., the "senseless frantic men" - "learn to believe as to both facts," i.e., the incarnation and the resurrection; (see vers. 179, 180;) "the testimony at least of human reason."
" ... quia summa voluntas
In cujus manu regnantis cor legibus esset,"something like this,
" ... quia summa voluntas,
In cujus manu regnantis cor regis, egisset,"which would only add one more to our author's false quantities. "Regum egisset" would avoid even that, while it would give some sense. Comp. Prov. xxi. 1.
321 Maria cum conjuge feta. What follows seems to decide the meaning of "feta," as a child could hardly be included in a census before birth.
322 Again I have had to attempt to amend the text of the Latin in order to extract any sense, and am far from sure that I have extracted the right one.
323 "Fatentur," unless our author use it passively = "are confessed."
324 "Possunt," i.e., probably "have the hardihood."
325 Because Christ plainly, as they understood Him, "made Himself the Son of God;" and hence, if they confessed that He had said the truth, and yet that they hanged Him on a tree, they would be pronouncing their own condemnation.
326 "Vinctam" for "victam" I read here.
327 i.e., you and the Jews. See above on 185.
328 Quod qui praesumpsit mergentes spargitis ambo. What the meaning is I know not, unless it be this: if any one hints to you that you are in an error which is sinking you into perdition, you both join in trying to sink him (if "mergentes" be active; or "while you are sinking," if neuter), and in sprinkling him with your doctrine (or besprinkling him with abuse).
330 "Sum carnis membra requirit," i.e., seeking to regain for God all the limbs of the flesh as His instruments. Comp. Rom. vi. 13, 19.
332 "Scriblita," a curious word.
333 Fel miscetur aceto. The reading may have arisen - and it is not confined to our author - from confounding ocoj with oinoj. Comp. Matt. xxvii. 33 with Mark xv. 23.
334 This is an error, if the "coat" be meant.
335 Perhaps for "in illa" we should read "in allam" - "on it," for "in it."
337 For "ante diem quam cum pateretur" I have read "qua tum."
339 Or, "is being poured" - "funditur."
341 I read with Migne, "Patris sub imagine virtus," in preference to the conjecture which Oehler follows, "Christi sub imagine virtus." The reference seems clearly to be to Heb. i. 3.
342 Aevo. Perhaps here = "eternity."
345 Cf. Jacob's words in Gen. xxxii. 30; Manoah's in Judg. xiii. 22; etc.
347 For "dimisit in umbris" I read here "demisit in imbris." If we retain the former reading, it will then mean, "dispersed during the shades of night," during which it was that the manna seems always to have fallen.
348 "Sitientis" in Oehler must be a misprint for "sitientes."
349 There ought to be a "se" in the Latin if this be the meaning.
350 For "Mundator carnis serae" = "the Cleanser of late flesh" (which would seem, if it mean anything, to mean that the flesh had to wait long for its cleansing), I have read "carnis nostrae."
352 I have followed the disjointed style of the Latin as closely as I could here.
353 Here we seem to see the idea of the "limbus patrum."
354 "Subiens" = "going beneath," i.e., apparently coming beneath the walls of heaven.
355 i.e., a figure of the future harvest.
356 I have hazarded the conjecture "minutus" here for the edd.'s "munitus." It add's one more, it is true, to our author's false quantities, but that is a minor difficulty, while it improves (to my mind) the sense vastly.
358 See De Praescrip., cap. xxxii. vol. iii. p. 258.
360 Christ in the Holy Sacrament, §xi. 6.
1 Possibly as late as a.d. 230. Comp. Wordsworth, Hippol., p. 126.
2 A condensed and valuable view of this matter may be seen in Dr. Schaff's History, etc., vol. iii. pp. 834-841.
3 See Bishop Jewell, Works, vol. i. pp. 386, 441. Cambridge, 1845.
4 Vol. I. of this series, pp. 23, 24. See also Bunsen, Hippol., i. p. 244.
5 De Viris Illustribus, c. 58.
6 [His connection with the Roman courts is inferred from cap. ii. infra.]
7 Milman's Hist. of Christianity, vol. iii. book iv. ch. iii.
8 [Dr. Wallis, the learned translator of the Octavius, is described in the Edinburgh edition as "Senior Priest-Vicar of Wells Cathedral, and incumbent of Christ Church, Coxley, Somerset."]
1 [Sallust, Catiline, "Idem facere atque sentire," etc. Also, Catiline's speech, p. 6 of The Conspiracy.]
2 [Beautiful tribute to Christian friendship, in a primitive example. We must bear in mind that the story is of an earlier period than that of the work itself, written at Cirta.]
3 "Ita ut me ex tribus medium lateris ambitione protegerent."
4 The ms. and first edition read "more;" Ursinus suggested minus instead of magis.
5 This clause is otherwise read: "Therefore we must be indignant, nay, must be grieved."
6 Otherwise for "even," "except."
7 The reading of the ms. is "stuprari," as above. "Scrutari," "sciari," or "lustrare" and "suspicari," are proposed emendations.
8 Or, "although its weight may have established the earth."
9 Or, "although the moisture may have flowed into the sea."
10 Variously read, "is raised up," or "and is raised up." The ms. has "attollitur," which by some is amended into "et alitur," or "et tollitur."
11 Either "delectu" or "dilectu."
13 "To think of rather than to know" in some texts.
14 Neander quotes this passage as illustrating the dissatisfied state of the pagan mind with the prevailing infidelity at that time.
15 Or, "the great mother" [i.e., Cybele. S.].
16 Or, "which another people, when angry, would have despised."
17 Otherwise, "the goddess mother."
19 Otherwise, "who breathless with horses foaming," etc.
20 Otherwise, "the offence of Jupiter, the renewal of the games," etc.
21 According to the codex, "the Milesian." [See note in Reeve's Apologies of Justin Martyr, Tertullian, and Minucius Felix, vol. ii. p. 59. S.]
22 Some have corrected this word, reading "without consideration," scil. "inconsulte;" and the four first editions omit the subsequent words, "concerning the divinity."
23 There are various emendations of this passage, but their meaning is somewhat obscure. One is elaborately ingenious: "Ita illis pavorum fallax spes solatio redivivo blanditur," which is said to imply, "Thus the hope that deceives their fears, soothes them with the hope of living again."
24 Otherwise read "abominable."
25 This charge, as Oehler thinks, refers apparently to the kneeling posture in which penitents made confession before their bishop.
26 This calumny seems to have originated from the sacrament of the Eucharist.
27 Scil. Fronto of Cirta, spoken of again in ch. xxxi. [A recent very interesting discovery goes to show that our author was the chief magistrate of Cirta, in Algeria, from a.d. 210 to 217. See Schaff, vol. iii. p. 841.]
28 Otherwise, "no consecrated images."
29 Otherwise, "we are contained and bound together."
30 [These very accusations, reduced back to Christian language, show that much of the Creed was, in fact, known to the heathen at this period.]
32 "And I have already shown, without any trouble," is another reading.
33 Otherwise, "without a body or with."
34 Otherwise, "too credulous."
35 Otherwise, "while you consider, while you are yet alive, poor wretches, what is threatening after death."
36 Some read, "with shivering."
37 This is otherwise read, "Academic Pyrrhonists."
38 Cicero, de Natura Deorum, i. 22.
39 "Plautinae prosapiae." The expression is intended as a reproach against the humble occupations of many of the Christian professors. Plautus is said, when in need, to have laboured at a baker's hand-mill. Caecilius tells Octavius that he may be the first among the millers, but he is the last among the philosophers. Stieber proposes "Christianorum" instead of "pistorum" - "Christians" instead of "millers."
44 Some read "cavillaverit" instead of "vacillaverit," which would give the sense, "make captious objections."
45 This is otherwise given "certainty," which helps the meaning of the passage.
46 Otherwise, "Far from his guileless subtlety is so crafty a trickery." But the readings are very unsettled.
49 According to some, "point out" or "indicate."
50 Olives ripen in the month of December.
51 [In the case of Darius Hystaspes.]
54 According to some, "one fate."
55 These words are omitted by some editors.
56 Homer, Odyss., xviii. 136, 137.
58 Some read, "For these things are true."
59 Virgil, Georgics, iv. 221; Aeneid, i. 743.
61 The ms. here inserts, "Aristoteles of Pontus varies, at one time attributing the supremacy to the world, at another to the divine mind." Some think that this is an interpolation, others transfer the words to Theophrastus below.
62 Otherwise, "Aristo the Chian."
63 [See note on Plato, chap. xxvi.]
64 Some editors read, "mere wonders," apparently on conjecture only.
66 Four early editions read "instantius" for "in statuis," making the meaning probably, "more keenly," "more directly."
67 Otherwise, according to some, "of the historians."
68 This treatise is mentioned by Athenagoras, Legat. pro Christ., ch. xxviii. [See vol. ii. p. 143, this series.] Also by Augustine, de Civ. Dei., lib. viii. ch. iii. and xxvii. In the fifth chapter Augustine calls the priest by the name of Leo.
69 This passage is very doubtful both in its text and its meaning.
70 Otherwise, "carried about."
71 Otherwise, "his approach is drowned."
72 Otherwise, "do they not show what are the sports and the honours of your gods?"
73 These words are very variously read. Davis conjectures that they should be, "When Feretrius, he does not hear," and explains the allusion as follows: that Jupiter Feretrius could only be approached with the spolia opima; and Minucius is covertly ridiculing the Romans, because, not having taken spolia opima for so long a time, they could not approach Feretrius.
74 Otherwise, "pointed out," or "designated."
75 Otherwise corrupted into Aetna.
76 Some read, "and it is marvellous how these have prejudiced," etc.
77 Some read, "the truth itself."
79 Otherwise, "Then Vulcan fabricates," etc.
81 "Be created" is a more probable reading.
82 Otherwise, "that he had rashly been so deceived by the artificer in the material, as to make a god."
83 [Footbaths. See vol. ii., Theophilus, p. 92, and Athenagoras, p. 143.]
86 Some read "probra" for "morbos," scil. "reproaches."
87 Reipublicae; but it is shrewdly conjectured that the passage was written, "cum majore R. P. parte" - "with the greater part of the Roman people," and the mistake made by the transcriber of the ms.
89 [Octavius and Minucius had but one mind (see cap. i. supra), and both were philosophers of the Attic Academy reflecting Cicero. See my remarks on Athenagoras, vol. ii. p. 126, this series.]
90 According to some editors, "warns us that the desire of love is received."
91 Some read "slumbers" for "all men."
92 "Cling to" is another reading.
93 Otherwise read, "But how great a fault it is."
94 "To urge them" is the reading in some text.
95 "Of all men" is another reading.
97 Otherwise, "devote," and other readings.
98 [A reverent allusion to the Crucified, believed in and worshipped as God.]
100 [See Justin Martyr's Dialogue with Trypho, chap. lxxxix. et seqq. vol. i. p. 244. S.]
101 [See Reeves's Apologies (ut supra), vol. ii. p. 144, note. S.]
102 By medicaments and drinks.
103 [Fronto is called "our Cirtensian" in cap. ix. supra; and this suggests that the Octavius was probably written in Cirta, circa a.d. 210. See supra, p. 178.]
104 According to some editions, "conscience."
105 [Minucius is blamed for not introducing more Scripture! He relates his friend's argument with a scoffing Pagan. How could Octavius have used the Scriptures with such an antagonist?]
106 [Wars of the Jews, b. v. cap. 9, etc.]
107 This passage is very indefinite, and probably corrupt; the meaning is anything but satisfactory. The general meaning is given freely thus: "Further, it is a vulgar error to doubt or disbelieve a future conflagration of the world."
108 This passage is very variously read, without substantial alteration of the sense.
109 Otherwise, "to God Himself alone, the artificer."
110 This is otherwise read, "the work of the mimic or buffoon."
112 [1 Cor. xv. 36, Job, xiv. 7-15.]
113 pur swfronoun is an expression of Clemens Alexandrinus, so that there is no need for the emendation of "rapiens" instead of "sapiens," suggested by one editor.
114 "Are known as" is another reading.
116 Otherwise read, "both more truly."
117 Some read, "I will speak at length."
118 Probably a better reading is "strive for them."
119 "Arridens," but otherwise "arripiens," scil. "snatching at," suggesting possibly the idea of the martyrs chiding the delays of the executioners, or provoking the rush of the wild beasts.
120 Otherwise, "unhoped-for." [This chapter has been supposed to indicate that the work was written in a time of persecution. Faint tokens of the same have been imagined also, in capp. 29 and 33, supra.]
121 This passage is peculiar; the original is, "Ut ingenium eorum perditae mentis licentiae potestatis liberae nundinentur," with various modifications of reading.
122 The probable reading here is, "You apply to a lifeless person, either if he has feeling, a torch; or, if he feels not, a garland."
123 "We who do not," etc., is a conjectural reading, omitting the subsequent "we."
124 Otherwise read, "and I believe concerning God."
125 [i.e., he will become a catechumen on the morrow.]
1 He gives us a painful picture of the decline of godliness in his days; of which see Wordsworth's Hippolytus, p. 140.
1 [Sufficient evidence of his heathen origin.]
2 [An index of time. He writes, therefore, in the third century.]
3 We have changed marhus et into mortuus, and de suo into denuo.
4 [He defers to the Canon Law and notes the Duae Viae.]
5 [This is not Patripassianism. Nor does the "one God" of the next chapter involve this heresy.]
6 [Here ends the apologetic portion.]
7 Scil. "capite," conjectural for "cavete."
8 [Or, "shadows forth Himself."]
9 "Eusebius tells of another Enoch, who was not translated without seeing death." - Rig. [See Gen. iv. 17, 18. S.]
10 Et inde secunda terribilem legem primo cum pace revincit. - Davis, conjecturally.
12 [The translator here inserts a mark of interrogation. The meaning is: lick up them (the wicked) who have persecuted them. Dan. iii. 22.]
14 [Catechumens falling away before baptism must not despair, but persevere and remain under discipline.]
15 Or, "If one prophet only had cried out to the world."
18 [Compare Clement's reproof, vol. ii. p. 423, this series.]
21 [Mark xii. 42; Luke xxi. 2.]
22 [Dr. Schaff says this Nomen Gazaei may indicate his possession of the wealth of truth, etc. But, if we read the acrostical initials of the verses backwards, we find the name Commodianus Mendicus Christi, which betokens his poverty also, in the spirit of St. Paul (2 Cor. vi. 10; also, Rev. ii. 9), which our author would naturally make emphatic here.]
1 Vol. ii. p. 105, this series.
3 Cf. Redepenning's Origenes, vol. i. pp. 417-420 (Erste Beilage: uber Origenes Geburtsjahr und den Ort, wo er geboren wurde). [His surname denotes the strength, clearness, and point of his mind and methods. It is generally given Adamantius.]
4 Horus vel Or. Cf. Ibid. (Zweite Beilage: uber Namen und Beinamen der Origenes). [But compare Cave, vol. i. p. 322. Lives of the Fathers, Oxford, 1840.]
5 Encyclopaedie der Katholischen Theologie, s. v. Origenes.
6 Hist. Eccles., b. vi. c. ii. §9.
7 Hist. Eccles., b. vi. c. ii. §§10, 11.
8 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., b. vi. c. ii.: Epexe, mh di hmaj allo ti fronhshj.
9 thj ec ekeinou peri thn pistin orqodociaj enargh pareixeto deigmata.
10 The obol was about three-halfpence of English money.
11 For a full discussion of the doubts which have been thrown upon the credibility of Eusebius in this matter by Schnitzer and Baur, cf. Redepenning, Origenes, vol. i. pp. 444-458, and Hefele, Encyclopaedie der Katholischen Theologie, s. v. Origenes.
12 [Where he met with Hippolytus, and heard him preach, according to St. Jerome.]
13 Euseb., Hist. Eccles., b. vi. c. 19, §16.
16 Euseb., Hist. Eccles., b. vi. c. 23.
17 Euseb., Hist. Eccles., b. vi. c. 21: par h xronon diatriyaj pleista te osa eij thn tou Kurion docan dai thj tou qeiou didaskaleiou arethj epideicamenoj, epi taj sunhqeij espeude diatribaj.
18 Cf. Hefele, Encyclopaedie, etc., s. v. Origenes.
19 Epeigoushj xreiaj ekklhsiastikwn eneka pragmatwn.
20 Cf. Redepenning, vol. i. p. 406, etc.
22 Hist. Eccles., b. vi. c. 22. and c. 33.
23 With the exception of the first book; cf. Migne, vol. ix. pp. 542-632.
24 Cf. Photii Bibliotheca, ed. Hoeschel, p. 298.
25 Eusebius expressly mentions that both these works, among others, were published before he left Alexandria. - Hist. Eccles., b. vi. c. 24.
27 Hist. Eccles., b. vi. c. 19.
30 o akrwthriasaj eauton mh genesqw klhrikoj. Cf. Redepenning, vol. i. pp. 208, 216, 218.
31 Cf. Redepenning, vol. i. p. 409, note 2.
32 Hist. Eccles., b. vi. c. 8.
34 [De Princip., b. iv. i. 19. S.]
35 Cf. Contra Celsum, I. c. viii. ad fin.
36 Cf. Redepenning, vol. ii. p. 131, note 2.
37 Contra Celsum, I. ch. viii.
39 Migne, vol. i. pp. 102-107.
41 Both of these are translated in the first volume of Origen's works in this series.
45 [The Messrs. Clark announced, in their original plan, that, of the manifold works of this great Father, only these specimens could be given.]
1 It is matter of deep regret that the proposal of the Edinburgh publishers, to include in Origen's works a translation of his Homilies, did not meet with sufficient encouragement to warrant them in adding these to the present series.
3 Third edition, Cambridge, 1883, pp. 418, 509.
1 Jerome is the person alluded to.
2 [Here, and frequently elsewhere (some two hundred times in all), Origen, in his extant works, ascribes the authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews to St. Paul. Eusebius (Ecclesiastical History, vi. 25) quotes Origen as saying, "My opinion is this: the thoughts are the apostle's; but the diction and phraseology belong to some one who has recorded what the apostle said, and as one who noted down what his master dictated. If, then, any Church considers this Epistle as coming from Paul, let if be commended for this; for neither did those ancient men deliver it as such without cause. But who it was that committed the Epistle to writing, is known only to God." S.]
9 Innatus. The words which Rufinus has rendered "natus an innatus" are rendered by Jerome in his Epistle to Avitus (94 alias 59), "factus an infectus." Criticising the errors in the first book of the Principles, he says: "Origen declares the Holy Spirit to be third in dignity and honour after the Father and the Son; and although professing ignorance whether he were created or not (factus an infectus), he indicated afterwards his opinion regarding him, maintaining that nothing was uncreated except God the Father." Jerome, no doubt, read genhtoj h agenhtoj, and Rufinus gennhtoj h agennhtoj. - R.
14 Eusebius (Hist. Eccles., iii. c. 36), treating of Itgantius, quotes from his Epistle to the Church of Smyrna as follows: "Writing to the Smyraeans, he (Ignatius) has employed words respecting Jesus, I know not whence they are taken, to the following effect: `But I know and believe that He was seen after the resurrection; and when He came to Peter and his companions, He said to them, Take and handle Me, and see that I am not an incorporeal spirit.0'" Jerome, in his catalogue of ecclesiastical writers, says the words are a quotation from the Gospel of the Nazarenes, a work which he had recently translated. Origen here quotes them, however, from The Doctrine of Peter, on which Ruaeus remarks that the words might be contained in both of these apocryphal works.
17 [See note, infra, at end of cap. vi. S.]
18 Hos. x. 12. The words in the text are not the rendering of the Authorized Version, but that of the Septuagint, which has fwtisate eautoij fwj gnwsewj. Where the Masoretic text has t(w
(et tempus) Origen evidently read t(r@
(scientia), the similarity of Vau and Daleth accounting for the error of the transcriber.
13 "Simplex intellectualis natura."
14 "Natura illa simplex et tota mens."
16 "Substantia quaedam sensibilis propria."
19 "Constat inter Patrem et Filium."
23 Prov. viii. 22-25. The reading in the text differs considerably from that of the Vulgate.
28 Ad punctum alicujus momenti.
29 Omnis virtus ac deformatio futurae creaturae.
30 This work is mentioned by Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., iii. c. 3 and 25, as among the spurious writings current in the Church. The Acts of Paul and Thecla was a different work from the Acts of Paul. The words quoted, "Hic est verbum animal vivens," seem to be a corruption from Heb. iv. 12, awn gar o logoj tou Qeou. [Jones on the Canon, vol. ii. pp. 353-411, as to Paul and Thecla. As to this quotation of our author, see Lardner, Credib., ii. p. 539.]
31 Or, "and the Word was God."
32 "Quoniam hi qui videntur apud nos hominum filii, vel ceterorum animalium, semini eorum a quibus seminati sunt respondent, vel earum quarum in utero formantur ac nutriuntur, habent ex his quidquid illud est quod in lucem hanc assumunt, ac deferunt processuri." Probably the last two words shour be "deferunt processuris" - "and hand it over to those who are destined to come forth from them," i.e., to their descendants.
33 Subsistentia. Some would read here, "substantia."
34 Per adoptionem Spiritus. The original words here were probably eispoihsij tou pneumatoj, and Rufinus seems to have mistaken the allusion to Gen. ii. 7. To "adoption," in the technical theological sense, the words in the text cannot have any reference. - Schnitzer.
44 Heb. i. 3. Substantiae vel subsistentiae.
46 "Hujus ergo totius virtutis tantae et tam immensae vapor, et, ut ita dicam, vigor ipse in propiâ subsistentiâ effectus, quamvis ex ipsa virtute velut voluntas ex men te procedat, tamen et ipsa voluntas Dei nihilominus Dei virtus efficitur."
55 Abusive [= improperly used. S.]
62 Cf. Matt. xii. 32 and Luke xii. 10.
63 Cf. Hermae Past., Vision v. Mandat. 1. [See vol. ii. p. 20.]
64 Per quem Spiritus Sanctus factura esse vel creatura diceretur.
72 Cf. John xvi. 12, 13, and xiv. 26.
94 Deut. xxxii. 8. The Septuagint here differs from the Masoretic text.
95 [See note at end of chap. vi. S.]
96 Simul cum substantiae suae prolatione - at the same time with the emanation of their substance.
114 [The language used by Origen in this and the preceding chapter affords a remarkable illustration of that occasional extravagance in statements of facts and opinions, as well as of those strange imaginings and wild speculations as to the meaning of Holy Scripture, which brought upon him subsequently grave charges of error and heretical pravity. See Neander's History of the Christian Religion and Church during the First Three Centuries (Rose's translation), vol. ii. p. 217 et seqq., and Hagenbach's History of Doctrines, vol. i. p. 102 et seqq. See also Prefatory Note to Origen's Works, supra, p. 235. S.]
118 [See note, supra, p. 262. S.]
130 Ps. xxxiv. 7. Tum demun per singulos minimorum, qui sunt in ecclesiâ, qui vel qui adscribi singulis debeant angeli, qui etiam quotidie videant faciem Dei; sed et quis debeat esse angelus, qui circumdet in circuitu timentium Deum.
133 [See Exod. xxi. 28, 29. S.]
134 De quibusdam repagulis atque carceribus. There is an allusion here to the race-course and the mode of starting the chariots.
1 The words "in aquis" are omitted in Redepenning's edition.
2 The original of this sentence is found at the close of the Emporer Justinian's Epistle to Menas, patriarch of Constantinople, and, literally translated, is as follows: "The world being so very varied, and containing so many different rational beings, what else ought we to say was the cause of its existence than the diversity of the falling away of those who decline from unity (thj enadoj) in different ways?" - Ruaeus. Lommatzsch adds a clause not contained in the note of the Benedictine editor: "And sometimes the soul selects the life that is in water" (enudron).
3 Lit. "into various qualities of mind."
4 "Et diversi motus porpositi earum (rationabilium subsistentiarum) ad unius mundi consonantiam competenter atque utiliter aptarentur, dum aliae juvari indigent, aliae juvare possunt, aliae vero proficientibus certamina atque agones movent, in quibus eorum probabilior haberetur industria, et certior post victoriam reparati gradus statio teneretur, quae per difficultates laborantium constitisset."
10 Hermae Past., book ii. [See vol. ii. p. 20, of this series. S]
12 1 Cor. xv. 53-56; cf. Hos. xiii. 14 and Isa. xxv. 8.
13 Dogmatibus. Schnitzer says that "dogmatibus" here yields no sense. He conjectures deigmasi, and renders "proofs," "marks."
15 This passage is found in Jerome's Epistle to Avitus; and, literally translated, his rendering is as follows: "If these (views) are not contrary to the faith, we shall perhaps at some future time live without bodies. But if he who is perfectly subject to Christ is understood to be without a body, and all are to be subjected to Christ, we also shall be without bodies when we have been completely subjected to Him. If all have been subjected to God, all will lay aside their bodies, and the whole nature of bodily things will be dissolved into nothing; but if, in the second place, necessity shall demand, it will again come into existence on account of the fall of rational creatures. For God has abandoned souls to struggle and wrestling, that they may understand that they have obtained a full and perfect victory, not by their own bravery, but by the grace of God. And therefore I think that for a variety of causes are different worlds created, and the errors of those refuted who contend that worlds resemble each other." A fragment of the Greek original of the above is found in the Epistle of Justinian to the patriarch of Constantinople. "If the things subject to Christ shall at the end be subjected also to God, all will lay aside their bodies; and then, I think, there will be a dissolution (analusij) of the nature of bodies into non-existence (eij to mh on), to come a second time into existence, if rational (beings) should again gradually come down (upokatabh)."
20 Cf. Isa. iii. 24. Origen here quotes the Septuagint, which differs both from the Hebrew and the Vulgate: kai anti tou kosmou thj kefalhj tou xrusiou falakrwma eceij dia ta erga sau.
21 Wisd. xviii. 24. Poderis, lit. "reaching to the feet."
23 Clemens Rom., Ep. i., ad Cor., c. 20. [See vol. i. p. 10, of this series. S.]
29 This passage is found in Jerome's Epistle to Avitus, and, literally translated, is as follows: "A threefold suspicion, therefore, is suggested to us regarding the end, of which the reader may examine which is the true and better one. For we shall either live without a body, when, being subject to Christ, we shall be subject to God, and God shall be all in all; or, as things subject to Christ will be subject along with Christ Himself to God, and enclosed in one covenant, so all substance will be reduced to the best quality and dissolved into an ether, which is of a purer and simpler nature; or at least that sphere which we have called above aplanh, and whatever is contained within its circumference (circulo), will be dissolved into nothing, but that one by which the anti-zone (antizwnh) itself is held together and surrounded will be called a good land; and, moreover, another sphere which surrounds this very earth itself with its revolution, and is called heaven, will be preserved for a habitation of the saints."
30 Omnique hoc mundi statu, in quo planetarum dicuntur sphaerae, supergresso atque superato.
39 Matt. xxii. 31, 32; cf. Ex. iii. 6.
46 1 Cor. ix. 9, 10; cf. Deut. xxv. 4.
47 Eph. vi. 2, 3; cf. Ex. xx. 12.
52 Aliud sit videre et videri, et aliud nôsse et nosci, vel cognoscere atque cognosci.
57 [Cum nihil dignum poena commiserint. S.]
63 Isa. xlvii. 14, 15. The Septuagint here differs from the Hebrew: exeij anqrakaj puroj, kaqisai ep autousoutoi esontai soi bohqeia.
65 Matt. vii. 18, cf. xii. 33.
74 John xvii. 25: Juste Pater.
80 Virtutibus, probably for dunamesin.
82 John x. 18. "No other soul which descended into a human body has stamped on itself a pure and unstained resemblance of its former stamp, save that one of which the Savior says, `No one will take my soul from me, but I lay it down of myself.0'" - Jerome, Epistle to Avitus, p. 763.
85 Gen. ii. 24; cf. Mark x. 8.
93 This quotation is made up of two different parts of Isaiah: chap. viii. 4, "Before the child shall have knowledge to cry, My father and my mother;" and chap. vii. 16, "Before the child shall know to refuse the evil, and choose the good."
94 Semper in verbo, semper in sapientia, semper in Deo.
96 Illi enim in odore unguentorum ejus circumire dicuntur; perhaps an allusion to Song of Sol. i. 3 or to Ps. xlv. 8.
105 According to Pamphilus in his Apology, Origen, in a note on Tit. iii. 10, has made a statment the opposit of this. His words are: "But there are some also who say, that it was one Holy Spirit who was in the prophets, and another who was in the apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ." - Ruaeus.
108 Qui licet non omnes possint per ordinem atque ad liquidum spiritualis intelligentiae explanare consequentiam.
109 Ita per singulos, qui eum capere possunt, hoc efficitur, vel hoc intelligitur ipse Spiritus, quo indiget ille, qui eum participare meruerit. Schnitzer renders, "And so, in every one who is susceptible of them, the Spirit is exactly that which the receiver chiefly needs."
117 Gen. i. 21: pasan yuxhn zwwn, Sept.
118 Erasmus remarks, that fantastikh may be rendered imaginitiva, which is the understanding: ormhtikh, impulsiva, which refers to the affections (Schnitzer).
120 Lev. xvii. 14: h yuxh pashj sarkoj aima autou esti, Sept.
123 Gen. i. 24, living creature, animam.
124 Gen. ii. 7, animam viventem.
125 Lev. xvii. 10. It is clear that in the text which Origen or his translator had before him he must have read yuxh instead of proswpon: otherwise the quotation would be inappropriate (Schnitzer).
127 Ps. xxii. 19, 20, unicam meam, monogenh mou.
133 These words are found in Jerome's Epistle to Avitus, and, literally translated, are as follows: "Whence infinite caution is to be employed, lest perchance, after souls have obtained salvation and come to the blessed life, they should cease to be souls. For as our Lord and Saviour came to seek and to save what was lost, that it might cease to be lost; so the soul which was lost, and for whose salvation the Lord came, shall, when it has been saved, cease for a soul. This point in like manner must be examined, whether, as that which has been lost was at one time not lost, and a time will come when it will be no longer lost; so also at some time a soul may not have been a soul, and a time may be when it will by no means continue to be a soul." A portion of the above is also found, in the original Greek, in the Emporer Justinian's Letter to Menas, Patriarch of Constantinople.
135 Ps. civ. 4; cf. Heb. i. 7.
138 Cf. Jer. i. 9. The word "fire" is found neither in the Hebrew nor in the Septuagint.
150 "By falling away and growing cold from a spiritual life, the soul has become what it now is, but is capable also of returning to what it was at the beginning, which I think is intimated by the prophet in the words, `Return, O my soul, unto thy rest,0' so as to be wholly this." - Epistle of Justinian to Partriarch of Constantinople.
152 "The understanding (Nouj) somehow, then, has become a soul, and the soul, being restored, becomes an understanding. The understanding falling away, was made a soul, and the soul, again, when furnished with virtues, will become an understanding. For if we examine the case of Esau, we may find that he was condemned because of his ancient sins in a worse course of life. And respecting the heavenly bodies we must inquire, that not at the time when the world was created did the soul of the sun, or whatever else it ought to be called, begin to exist, but before that it entered that shining and burning body. We may hold similar opinions regarding the moon and stars, that, for the foregoing reasons, they were compelled, unwillingly, to subject themselves to vanity on account of the rewards of the future; and to do, not their own will, but the will of their Creator, by whom they were arranged among their different offices." - Jerome's Epistle to Avitus. From these, as well as other passages, it may be seen how widely Rufinus departed in his translation from the original.
158 The original of this passage is found in Justinian's Epistle to Menas, Patriarch of Constantinople, apud finem. "In that beginning which is cognisable by the understanding, God, by His own will, caused to exist as great a number of intelligent beings as was sufficient; for we must say that the power of God is finite, and not, under pretence of praising Him, take away His limitation. For if the divine power be infinite, it must of necessity be unable to understand even itself, since that which is naturally illimitable is incapable of being comprehended. He made things therefore so great as to be able to apprehend and keep them under His power, and control them by His providence; so also He prepared matter of such a size (tosauthn ulhn) as He had the power to ornament."
159 Wisdom xi. 20: "Thou hast ordered all things in measure, and number, and weight."
162 Vilioribus et asperioribus.
168 The text runs, "Respondet sibi ipse, et ait," on which Ruaeus remarks that the sentence is incomplete, and that "absit" probably should be supplied. This conjecture has been adopted in the translation.
173 1 Cor. xv. 44: natural, animale (yuxikon).
179 Aurigine [aurugine]. Deut. xxviii.
183 Isa. xlvii. 14, 15; vid. note, chap. v. §3 [p. 280, supra. S].
194 The passage is somewhat obscure, but the rendering in the text seems to convey the meaning intended.
196 Luke xix. 26; cf. Matt. xxv. 29.
199 Eph. ii. 2. There is an evident omission of some words in the text, such as, "They will enter into it," etc.
202 Virtutem suae conditionis. Seine Schopferkraft (Schnitzer).
203 In id: To that state of the soul in which it gazes purely on the causes of things.
3 Evangelicae lucernae lumine diabolicas ignorantiae tenebras.
4 Salvâ fidei Catholicae regula. [This remonstrance of Rufinus deserves candid notice. He reduces the liberties he took with his author to two heads: (1) omitting what Origen himself contradicts, and (2) what was interpolated by those who thus vented their own heresies under a great name. "To our own belief," may mean mean what is contrary to the faith, as reduced to technical formula, at Nicaea; i.e., Salva regula fidei. Note examples in the parallel columns following.]
5 Comoediarum ridiculas fabulas.
6 The whole of this chapter has been preserved in the original Greek, which is literally translated in corresponding portions on each page, so that the differences between Origen's own words and amplifications and alterations of the paraphrase of Rufinus may be at once patent to the reader.
8 Natura ipsius arbitrii voluntatisque.
9 thn ennoian autou anaptucai.
10 Quaecunque hujusmodi sunt, quae solo habitu materiae suae vel corporum constant.
14 Mella, ut aiunt, aeria congregandi. Rufinus seems to have read, in the original, aeroplastein instead of khroplastein, - an evidence that he followed in general the worst readings (Redepenning).
18 kai oudenoj allou meta thn fantastikhn autou fusin pepisteumenou tou zwou.
20 Incentivo quodam et naturali motu.
23 Ita ut etiam verisimilibus quibusdam causis intra cordis nostri tribunalia velut judici residenti ex utrâque parte adhiberi videatur assertio, ut causis prius expositis gerendi sententia de rationis judicio proferatur.
24 Causa ei perfecta et absoluta vel necessitas praevaricandi.
27 egguj ge tou bebaiwqhnai gegenhmenoj.
28 Naturalem corporis intemperiem; uilhn thn kataskeuhn.
29 Contra rationem totius eruditionis. In the Greek, "contra rationem" is expressed by para to enargej esti: and the words logou paideutikou (rendered by Rufinus "totius eruditionis," and connected with "contra rationem") belong to the following clause.
30 Quibus nihil ad turpitudinem deest.
46 The words in the text are: His qui secundum patientiam boni operis, gloria et incorruptio, qui quaerunt vitam eternam.
49 Cf. Deut. xxx. 15, 16, cf. 19.
65 The word "now" is added, as the term "flesh" is frequently used in the New Testament in a bad sense (Redepenning).
72 Cf. Mark iv. 12 and Luke viii. 10.
80 Commentitias fabulas introducunt.
82 xrhzei de autou o Qeoj ... epi pleion apeiqountoj.
83 Quid faciente vel quid prospiciente.
84 Prospectus et intuitus Dei. Such is the rendering of ennoia by Rufinus.
85 Ex. ix. 17, cf. xi. 5 and xii. 12.
91 apograyamenoj tij gumnh th kefalh istato proj to ponhron einai ton dhmiourgan.
95 Bonitas et aequitas imbrium.
98 dia to thj kakiaj upokeimenon tou par eautoiskakou.
102 Cum utique secundum naturam unum sit.
103 Malitiae suae intentione conceperat.
105 Tropum vel figuram sermonis.
108 kai to kata to braxu de anagegrafqai.
110 ouk atopon de kai pop sunhqeiaj ta toiauta paramuqhsasqai.
112 Et apostolicae similitudinis munimenti habere adhus videtur assertio.
113 Isa. lxiii. 17, 18. Here the Septuagint differs from the Masoretic text
115 Morali utique tropo accipiendum.
120 Rationabilibus coelestibusque virtutibus.
134 Non tamen sine certâ ratione.
135 Digeri. The rendering "dispersed" seems to agree best with the meaning intended to be conveyed.
136 In the Greek the term is penthkontaetian.
139 penthkontaetian. Rufinus has "sexaginta annos."
142 Persecrutationis improbitas.
149 Persecrutationis improbitas.
156 apo twn yilwn rhtwn to ef hmin anairwn.
162 h amuntikh kai antapodotikh twn xeironwn proairesij.
168 Evidentissimâ assertione pietatis regulam teneamus.
170 Futuri status casusam praestat semper anterior meritorum status.
171 ewramenouj ou bebaiouj esesqai en th epistrofh.
173 wj eikoj mallon porrw ontej thj aciaj twn ecw.
174 ei mh mallon hmeij proj tw ecetastikw kai to eusebej panth agwnizomeqa threin peri Qeou, etc.
185 "Nostra perfectio non quidem nobis cessantibus et otiosis efficitur." There is an ellipsis of some such words as, "but by activity on our part."
199 h hmetera teleiwsij ouxi mhden hmwn pracantwn hinetai.
204 eij uperbolhn pollaplasion.
206 eceilhfasi ta kata ton topon.
208 Hoc ipsum, quod homines sumus.
209 Sicut dicamus, quod movemur, ex Deo est.
213 hmeij men edocamen, o de Qeoj tauta edwrhsato.
217 to men genidon, to kineisqai.
222 Ex ipsâ conditoris creatione.
226 ou kata ton auton dh apostolon esti.
227 para thn aitian tou dhmiourgou.
232 aperikaqarton eauton periidwn.
234 prokatakrinei h prodikaioi.
236 Secundum praecedentes meritorum causas.
238 Diversas animarum naturas.
240 oson epi th upokeimenh fusei.
241 enoj furamatoj twn logikwn upostasewn.
245 ekproterwn tinwn katorqwmatwn.
248 episthmh: probably in the sense of prognwsij.
249 thj kataxrhsewj tou kat acian tou ef hmin. "Nec sine usu liberi nostri arbitrii, quod peculiare nobis et meriti nostri est" (Redepenning).
250 oute tou epi tw Qew monon.
253 This apocryphal work, entitled in Hebrew hm try+p
, and in Greek Analhyij, or Anabasij Mwusewj, is mentioned by several ancient writers; e.g., by Athanasius, in his Synopsis Sacrae Scripturae; Nicephorus Constantinopolitanus in his Stichometria, appended to the Chronicon of Eusebius (where he says the Analhyij contained 1400 verses), in the Acts of the Council of Nice, etc., etc. (Ruaeus).
254 Gen. xxii. 12. The reading in the text is according to the Septuagint and Vulgate, with the exception of the words "quem dilexisyi," which are an insertion.
256 Ex. xii. 23, exterminator. Percussor, Vulgate; oloqreuwn, Sept.
257 Lev. xvi. 8. Apopompaioj is the reading of the Sept., "Caper emissarius" of the Vulgate, lz)z(
of the Masoretic text. Cf. Fürst and Gesenius S. V. Rufinus translates Apopompaeus by "transmissor."
258 1 Sam. xviii. 10, effocare. Septuagint has epese: Vulgate, "invasit;" the Masoretic text xlct
262 Eccles. x. 4. "For yielding pacifieth great offences." The words in the text are, "Quniam sanitas compescet multa peccata." The Vulgate has, "Curatio faciet cessare peccata maxima." The Septuagint reads, Iama katapausei amartiaj megalaj: while the Masoretic text has )brm
(curatio).
272 Ex corporali necessitate descendunt.
273 Quod non simile aliquid pateremur?
275 Quae in usu naturaliter habentur.
276 Sensum eorum penitus possederint.
281 Pro virtutis suae quantitate, vel possibilitate.
282 Nec tamen scriptum est, quia faciet in tentatione etiam exitum sustinendi, sed exitum ut sustinere possimus.
287 Ps. lxxvi. 10. Such is the reading of the Vulgate and of the Septuagint. The authorized version follows the Masoretic text.
288 Eccles. x. 4; cf. note 8, p. 329.
290 Ps. lxxxiv. 5. The words in the text are: Beatus vir, cujus est susceptio apud te, Domine, adscensus in corde ejus. The Vulgate reads: Beatus vir, cujus est auxilium abs te: ascensiones in corde suo disposuit. The Septuagint the same. The Masoretic text has twlsm
("festival march or procession:" Furst). Probably the Septuagint and Vulgate had twl(m
292 [See book of Tobit, chaps. v. vi. S.]
293 Zech. i. 14. The Vulgate, Septuagint, and Masoretic text all have "in me," although the Authorized Version reads "with me."
294 Shepherd of Hermas, Command. vi. 2. See vol. ii. p. 24.
295 Epistle of Barnabas. See vol. i. pp. 148, 149.
302 Sine maxima subversione sui.
308 Rom. viii. 38, 39. The word "virtus," dunamij, occurring in the text, is not found in the text. recept. Tischendorf reads Dunameij in loco (edit. 7). So also Codex Siniaticus.
311 Palaestricae artis exercitiis.
314 Cf. Job i. 10, 11. "Nisi in faciem benedixerit tibi." The Hebrew verb r7b@
has the double signification of "blessing" and "cursing." Cf. Davidson's Commentary on Job, p. 7. Septuag. euloghsei.
316 Cf. Job vii. 1. The Septuagint reads, poteron ouxi peirathrion, etc.; the Vulgate, "militia," the Masoretic text has )bc
. Cf. Davidson's Commentary on Job, in loc.
323 De scientiâ excelsi pollicentium.
335 Id est, industria vita, vel studio amico illis et accepto.
337 Apostatae et refugae virtutes.
343 [See Oehler's Old Testament Theology, §207, "Psychological Definition of the Prophetic State in Ancient Times," pp. 468, 469. S.]
354 Veneficia. Farmakeia. "Witchcraft" (Auth. Version).
359 The text here is very obscure, and has given some trouble to commentators. The words are: "Quae ergo ista est praeter haec voluntas animae quae extrinsecus nominatur," etc. Redepenning understands "extrinsecus" as meaning "seorsim," "insuper," and refers to a note of Origen upon the Epistle to the Romans (tom. i. p. 466): "Et idcirco extrinsecus eam (animam, corporis et spiritus mentione facta, Rom. i. 3, 4) apostolus non nominat, sed carnem tantum vel spiritum," etc. Schnitzer supposes that in the Greek the words were, Thj ecw kaloumenhj, where ecw is to be taken in the sense of katw, so that the expression would mean "anima inferior."
360 In quâ necesse est ex singulis quibusque partibus quae possunt moveri discutere.
361 Priusquam - unum efficiatur cum eo.
363 Quibus nunc quidem arguimur, nunc vero nosmet ipsos amplectimur.
366 Abusive = improperly used.
370 Plus studii vel propositi.
373 De ecclesiasticis definitionibus unum.
83 * The printed text of the Eerdman's reprint is damaged or unreadable here.
375 Gen. xlix. i. The Vulgate has, "In diebus novissimis;" the Sept. Ep esxatwn twn hmerwn: the Masoretic text, tyrx)b@
381 Auctoritate Scripturae nostrae, vel fidei.
384 Cf. Eccles. i. 9, 10. The text is in conformity with the Septuag.: Ti to gegonoj\ Auto to genhsomenon. Kai ti to pepoihmenon\ Auto to poihqhsomenon. Kai ouk esti pan prosfaton upo ton hlion. Oj lalhsei kai erei. Ide touto kainon estin hdh gegonen en toij aiwsi toij genomenoij apo emtrosqen hmwn.
388 The following is Jerome's version of this passage (Epistle to Avitus): "A divine habitation, and a true rest above (apud superos), I think is to be understood, where rational creatures dwell, and where before their descent to a lower position, and removal from invisible to visible (worlds), and fall to earth, and need of gross bodies, they enjoyed a former blessedness. Whence God the Creator made for them bodies suitable to their humble position and created this visible world, and sent into the world ministers for the salvation and correction of those who had fallen: of whom some were to obtain certain localities, and be subject to the necessities of the world; others were to discharge with care and attention the duties enjoined upon them at all times, and which were known to God, the Arranger (of all things). And of these, the sun, moon, and stars, which are called `creature0' by the apostle, received the more elevated places of the world. Which `creature0' was made subject to vanity, in that it was clothed with gross bodies, and was open to view, and yet was subject to vanity not voluntarily, but because of the will of Him who subjected the same in hope." And again: "While others, whom we believe to be angels, at different places and times, which the Arranger alone knows, serve the government of the world." And a little further on: "Which order of things is regulated by the providential government of the whole world, some powers falling down from a loftier position others gradually sinking to earth: some falling voluntarily, others befog cast down against their will: some undertaking, of their own accord, the service of stretching out the hand to those who fall others being compelled to persevere for so long a time in the duty which they have undertaken." And again: "Whence it follows that, on account of the various movements, various worlds also are created, and after this world which we now inhabit, there will be another greatly disimilar, But no other being save God alone, the Creator of all things,can arrange the deserts (of all), both to the time to come and to that which preceded. suitably to the differing lapses and advances (of individuals), and to the rewards of virtues or the punishment of vices, both in the present and in the future, and in all (times), and to conduct them all again to one end: for He knows the causes why He allows some to enjoy their own will, and to fall from a higher rank to the lowest condition: and why He begins to visit others, and bring them back gradually, as if by giving them His hand to their pristine state, and placing them in a lofty position" (Ruaeus).
389 [According to Hagenbach (History of Doctrines, vol. i. p.. 167), "Origen formally adopts the idea of original sin, by asserting that the human soul does not come into the world in a state of innocence, because it has already sinned in a former state... And yet subsequent times, especially after Jerome, have seen in Origen the precursor of Pelagius. Jerome calls the opinion that man can be without sin. Origenis ramusculus." S.]
396 Cum non solum regendi ac regnandi summam, quam in universam emendaverit creaturam, verum etiam obedientae et subjectione correcta reparataque humani generis Patri offerat instituta.
397 By a profession of faith in baptism.
398 Indubitatam ceperit salutem.
399 It was not until the third Synod of Toledo, a.d. 589, that the "Filoque" clause was added to the Creed of Constantinople, - this difference forming, as is well known, one of the dogmatic grounds for the disunion between the Western and Eastern Churches down to the present day, the latter Church denying that the Spirit proceedeth from the Father and the Son. [See Elucidation III.]
400 Finis omnium: "bonorum" understood.
406 Cf. John xvii. 24; cf. 21.
408 Jerome, in his Epistle to Avitus, No. 94, has the passage thus: "Since, as we have already frequently observed, the beginning is generated again from the end, it is a question whether then also there will be bodies, or whether existence will be maintained at some time without them when they shall have been annihilated, and thus the life of incorporeal beings must be believed to be incorporeal, as we know is the case with God And there is no doubt that if all the bodies which are termed visible by the apostle, belong to that sensible world, the life of incorporeal beings will be incorporeal." And a little after: "That expression, also, used by the apostle, `The whole creation will be freed from the bondage of corruption into the glorious liberty of the children of God0' (Rom.. viii. 21). we so understand, that we say it was the first creation of rational and incorporeal beings which is not subject to corruption, because it was not clothed with bodies: for wherever bodies are, corruption immediately follows. But afterwards it will be freed from the bondage of corruption, when they shall have received the glory of the sons of God, and God shall be all in all." And in the same place: "That we must believe the end of all things to be incorporeal, the language of the Saviour Himself leads us to think, when He says, `As I and Thou are one, so may they also be one in Us0' (John xvii., 21), For we ought to know what God is, and what the Saviour will be in the end, and how the likeness of the Father and the Son has been promised to the saints; for as they are one in Him, so they also are one in them. For we must adopt the view, either that the God of all things is clothed with a body, and as we are enveloped with flesh, so He also with some material covering, that the likeness of the life of God may be in the end produced also in the saints: or if this hypothesis is unbecoming, especially in the judgment of those who desire, even in the smallest degree, to feel the majesty of God, and to look upon the glory of His uncreated and all-surpassing nature we are forced to adopt the other alternative, and despair either of attaining any likeness to God, if we are to inhabit for ever the same bodies, or if the blessedness of the same life with God is promised to us, we must live in the same state as that in which God lives." All these points have been omitted by Rufinus as erroneous, and statements of a different kind here and there inserted instead (Ruaeus).
410 "Here the honesty of Rufinus in his translation seems very suspicious: for Origen's well-known opinion regarding the sins and lapses of blessed spirits he here attributes to others. Nay, even the opinion which he introduces Origen as ascribing to others, he exhibits him as refuting a little further on, sec. 6, in these words: `And in this condition (of blessedness) we are to believe that, by the will of the Creator, it will abide for ever without any change,0' etc. I suspect, therefore, that all this is due to Rufinus himself, and that he has inserted it, instead of what is found in the beginning of the chapter, sec. I, and which in Jerome's Epistle to Avitus stands as follows: `Nor is there any doubt that, after certain intervals of time, matter will again exist, and bodies be formed, and a diversity be established in the world, on account of the varying wills of rational creatures who, after (enjoying) perfect blessedness down to the end of all things, have gradually fallen away to a lower condition and received into them so much wickedness that they are converted) into an opposite condition, by their unwillingness to retain their original state, and to preserve their blessedness uncorrupted. Nor is this point to be suppressed, that many rational creatures retain their first condition (principium) even to the second and third and fourth worlds, and allow no room for any change within them while others, again, will lose so little of their pristine state, that they will appear to have lost almost nothing, and some are to be precipitated with great destruction into the lowest pit. And God, the disposer of all things, when creating His worlds, knows how to treat each individual agreeably to his merits, and He is acquainted with the occasions and causes by which the government (gubernacula) of the world is sustained and commenced: so that he who surpassed all others in wickedness, and brought himself completely down to the earth, is made in another world, which is afterwards to be formed, a devil, the beginning of the creation of the Lord (Job xl. 19), to be mocked by the angels who have lost the virtue of their original condition0' (exordii virtutem)." -Ruaeus.
413 1 Cor. ii. 9; cf. Isa. lxiv., 4.
415 ["Origen went so far, that, contrary to the general opinion, he allowed Satan the glimmer of a hope of future grace... He is here speaking of the last enemy, death: but it is evident, from the context, that he identifies death with the devil," etc. (Hagenbach's History of Doctrines, vol. i. p. 145-147. See also, supra, book i. vi. 3. p. 261.) S.]
426 Jerome (Epistle to Avitus, No. 94) says that Origen, "after a most lengthened discussion, in which he asserts that all bodily nature is to be changed into attenuated and spiritual bodies, and that all substance is to be converted into one body of perfect purity, and more brilliant than any splendour (mundissimum et omni splendore purius), and such as the human mind cannot now conceive," adds at the last, "And God will be `all in all,0' so that the whole of bodily nature may be reduced into that substance which is better than all others, into the divine, viz., than which none is better." From which, since it seems to follow that God possesses a body, although of extreme tenuity (licet tenuissimum), Rufinus has either suppressed this view, or altered the meaning of Origen's words (Ruaeus).
5 Ne illud quidem sacramento aliquo vacuum puto.
6 Quem primum omnium Israelitici belli dextra defenderat.
7 Rigare et inundare animas sitientes, et sensus adjacentes sibi.
11 Omnis gloria regis intrinsecus est. Heb., Sept., and Vulgate all read, "daughter of the king." Probably the omission of "filiae" in the text may be due to an error of the copyists. [Cf. Ps. xlv. 13.]
14 [Eccles. vii. 23, 24.] The Septuagint reads: Eipa, Sofisqhsomai <\[_ kai auth emakrunqh ap emou, makran uper o hn, kai baqu baqoj, tij eurhsei auto; the Vulgate translates this literally.
22 Quae quidem quamvis intellectu multa esse dicantur.
23 Quae sunt extra Trinitatem.
26 Quam in aliis sanctis viris. "Aliis" is found in the mss., but is wanting in many editions.
27 Cf. Matt. xxii. 30 and Luke xx. 36.
28 Unde constat in singulis quibusque tantum effici Christum, quantum ratio indulserit meritorum.
33 Proposito vero et virtute similem sibi.
51 Isa. x. 17, kai fagetai wsei xorton thn ulhn, Sept. The Vulgate follows the Masoretic text.
54 Gen. i. 2, "invisibilis et incomposita;" "inanis et vacua," Vulg.
57 Nec tamen sensus noster manifeste de eo aliquid horum definit, sed ita eum per haec intelligimus, vel consideramus, ut non omnino rationem status ejus comprehendamus, vel in eo, quod vigilat, vel in eo, quod dormit, aut in quo loquitur, vel tacet, et si qua alia sunt, quae accidere necesse est hominibus.
58 Tunc simulata quodammodo cogitatione.
59 Ps. cxxxix. 16, to akatergaston mou eidosan oi ofqalmoi sou, Sept.; "Imperfectum meum viderunt oculi tui," Vulg. (same as in the text.) yCny( w@)r ymln%
- "Thine eyes did see my substance, yet being imperfect," Auth. Vers. Cf. Gesenius and Fürst, s.v., sln%
60 Ambulavi usque ad imperfectum; cf. Book of Enoch, chap. xvii.
61 Universas materias perspexi: cf. Book of Enoch, chap. xvii. [On this apocryphal book, see the learned remarks of Dr. Pusey in his reply to Canon Farrar, What is of Faith as to Everlasting Punishment; pp. 52-59. London, 1881.]
65 Cf. Col. i. 15 and 2 Cor. iv. 4.
68 Nihil eum rerum intellectualium ex se lateat.
69 Cf. Prov. ii. 5, epignwsin Qeou eurhseij (Sept.), Scientiam Dei invenies (Vulg.). )cmxsyhl) t(r@
70 On which consult Dupin, and, for another view, Bunsen's Hippolytus. See also p. 383, infra.
71 Vol. v. p. 134, and passim to 745; also vi. 368.
74 Tractatus de Processione Spiritus Sancti, Gothae, a.d. 1772.
75 Christendom's Divisions, London, 1865.
77 Theodoret, book v. cap. ix.
78 Ed. Converse, New York, 1829.
79 A Review of Edward's Inquiry, by Henry Philip Tappan, New York, 1839.
81 New York, 1854. See vol. ii. p. 522, this series.
82 Alexander, dying just after the Nicene Council, was succeeded by the great Athanasius.
1 [See Routh's Reliquiae, vol. ii. p. 115; also Euseb., i. 7, and Socrates, ii. 35. He ranks with the great pupils of the Alexandrian school, with which, however, he seems to have had only a slight personal relation. Concerning this Epistle to Origen, and the answer of the latter, consult Routh's very full annotations (ut supra, pp. 312-328). Concerning Gregory Thaumaturgus, the greatest of Origen's pupils, we shall know more when we come to vol. vi. of this series. He died circa 270.]s1.v4.a4.w2.b0f2 Nolte would change hstragalwmenoi (or astragalwmenoi, as Wetsten. has it), which is a apac eirhmenon, into straggalwmenoi or astraggalwmenoi, "strangled." He compares Tob. ii. 3.
1 [See Dr. Pusey's Lectures on Daniel the Prophet, lect. vi. p. 326, 327; also The Uncanonical and Apocryphal Scriptures, by Rev. R. W. Churton, B.D. (1884), pp. 389-404. S.]
2 "The Song of the Three Holy Children" (in the Apocrypha).
3 This should probably be corrected, with Pat. Jun., into, "Nor are the letters, neither," etc.
4 1 Cor. vi. 20; Rom. xiv. 15.
7 Origen's most important contribution to biblical literature was his elaborate attempt to rectify the text of the Septuagint by collating it with the Hebrew original and other Greek versions. On this he spent twenty-eight years, during which he travelled through the East collecting materials. The form in which he first issued the result of his labours was that of the Tetrapla, which presented in four columns the texts of the LXX., Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion. He next issued the Hexapla, in which the Hebrew text was given, first in Hebrew and then in Greek letters. Of some books he gave two additional Greek versions, whence the title Octapla; and there was even a seventh Greek version added for some books. Unhappily this great work, which extended to nearly fifty volumes, was never transcribed, and so perished (Kitto, Cycl.).
12 Et utrumque sigillatim in quamcunque mulierem incidebat, et cui vitium afferre cupiebat, ei secreto affirmasse sibi a Deo datum e suo semine progignere Christum. Hinc spe gignendi Christum decepta mulier, sui copiam decipienti faciebat, et sic civium uxores stuprabant seniores Achiab et Sedekias.
14 [See note supra, p. 239. S.]
34 Ex. xxxv. 2; Num. xv. 32; Jer. xvii. 21-24.
35 In Levit. passim; Ezek. xliii. xliv. xlv. xlvi.
1 This Gregory, styled the Wonder-worker, (Thaumaturgus) was afterwards bishop of Neo- Caesarea.
2 Origen evidently confounds Hadad the Edomite, of 1 Kings xi. 14, with Jeroboam.
1 This individual is mentioned by Eusebius (Eccles. Hist., vi. c. 18) as having been converted from the heresy of Valentinus to the faith of the Church by the efforts of Origen. [Lardner (Credib., vii. 210-212) is inclined to "place" Celsus in the year 176. Here and elsewhere this learned authority is diffuse on the subject, and merits careful attention.]
12 Kai wsper ou to tuxon twn yeudomenwn en gewmetrikoij qewrhmase yeudografoumenon tij an legoi, h kai anagrafai gumnasiou eneken tou apo toioutwn. Cf. note of Ruaeus in loc.
23 The words, as they stand in the text of Lommatzsch, are, alla kai mhn nohqen to peri thj anastasewj musthrion. Ruaeus would read mh instead of mhn. This emendation has been adopted in the translation.
26 sumbolikwj gegenhmenwn, h nenomoqethmenwn.
27 sfodra oligwn epi ton logon attontwn.
31 Par oij eise teletai, presbeuomenai men logikwj upo twn par autoij logiwn, sumbolikwj de ginomenai upo twn par autoij pollwn kai apipolaioterwn. For ginomenai Ruaeus prefers ginwskomenai, which is adopted in the translation.
34 Eti de oti kai kata to tw logw areskon, pollw diaferei meta logou kai sofiaj sugkatatiqesqai toij dogmasin, hper meta yilhj thj pistewj kai oti kata peristasin kai tout eboulhqh o Logoj, ina mh panth anwfeleij eash touj anqrwpouj, dhloi o tou Ihsou gnhsioj maqhthj, etc.
36 [arxaiothtoj. See Josephus's Works, for the treatise in two books, usually designated, as written, Against Apion. S.]
37 [See vol. ii. pp. 80, 81. S.]
38 Oionei kwluetai, kathgorhsaj wj bouletai, apologeisqai touj dunamenouj wj pefuken exein ta pragmata. We have taken kwluetai as middle. Some propose kwluei. And we have read boulontai, a lection which is given by a second hand in one ms.
39 Epitriyai. Other readings are epistreyai and apostreyai, which convey the opposite meaning.
41 [See Dr. Waterland's charge to the clergy, on "The Wisdom of the Ancients borrowed from Divine Revelation," Works, vol. v. pp. 10, 24. S.]
46 Epi ton tuflon plouton, kai epi thn sarkwn kai aimatwn kai astewn summetrian en ugieia kai enecia, h thn noumizomenhn eugeneian.
48 Wj genomenou hgemonoj th kaqo Xristianoi esmen genesei hmwn.
52 [This striking chapter is cited, as a specimen of Christian eloquence, in the important work of Guillon, Cours d' Eloquence Sacrèe, Bruxelles, 1828].
53 Gelenius reads oplizwn (instead of aleifwn), which has been adopted in the translation.
54 Cf. Homer's Iliad, v. 2, 3.
55 Cf. Isa. vii. 10-14 with Matt. i. 23.
67 Cf. 1 Kings xiv. 12 [See note 3, supra, p. 362. S.]
69 Pepoihken anti spermatikou logou, tou ek micewj twn arrenwn taij gumaice, allw tropw genesqai ton logon tou texqhsomenou.
70 This difficult passage is rendered in the Latin translation: "but that, after they had believed (in Christ), they with no adequate supply of arguments, such as is furnished by the Greek dialectics, gave themselves up," etc.
76 [arxaiologiaj. S.] Cf. Joseph., Antiq., book xviii. c. v. sec. 2.
77 [Ibid., b. xx. c. ix. §1. S.]
83 Wsfranqh thj osmhj twn tou uiou qeioterwn imatiwn.
93 Cf. Mic. v. 2. and Matt. ii. 6.
94 [See Dr. Spencer's The East: Sketches of Travel in Egypt and the Holy Land, pp. 362-365, London, Murray, 1850, an interesting work by my esteemed collaborator.]
95 [Concerning this, besides Dr. Robinson (ii. 159), consult Dean Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. 433. But compare Van Lennep, Bible Lands, p. 804; Roberts' Holy Land, capp. 85, 87, vol. ii., London.]
98 Cf. Gen. xlix. 10, ewj an elqh ta apokeimena autw. This is one of the passages of the Septuagint which Justin Martyr charges the Jews with corrupting; the true reading, according to him, being ewj an elqh w apokeitai. Cf. Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, vol. i. p. 259.
104 Cf. Isa. lii 13-15 in the Septuagint version (Roman text).
105 Cf. Isa. liii. 1-8 in the Septuagint version (Roman text).
112 Cf. Num. xxiv. 17 (Septuag.).
113 Cf. Num. xxiv. 17 (Septuag.).
116 Cf. Mark iii. 18 with Matt. x. 3.
119 Cf. Ps. lxviii. 11 (Septuag.).
123 Epistle of Barnabas, chap. v. vol. i. p. 139.
126 apo oikhmatoj. Such is the reading in the text of Lommatzsch. Hoeschel and Spencer read apo oikhmatoj eteiou, and Ruaus proposes etairiou.
135 [Note the words, "The whole habitable world," and comp. cap. iii., supra, "the defeat of the whole world." In cap. vii. is another important testimony. "Countless numbers" is the phrase in cap. xxvii. See cap. xxix. also, ad finem. Such evidence cannot be explained away.]
138 [1 Pet. ii. 22; 2 Cor. v. 21. S.]
1 [Comp. Justin, Dial. with Trypho (passim), vol. i., this series.]
11 twn epipolaioteron kai muqikwteron autoij entugxanontwn.
25 ["The Fathers, while they refer to extraordinary divine agency going on in their own day, also with one consent represent miracles as having ceased since the apostolic era." - Mozley's Bampton Lectures, On Miracles, p. 165. See also, Newman's Essay on the Miracles of the Early Ages, quoted by Mozley. S.]
28 kai Qeon kata ton twn olwn Qeon kai patera. "Ex mente Origenis, inquit Boherellus, vertendum `Secundo post universi Deum atque parentem loco;0' non cum interprete Gelenio, `Ipsius rerum universarum Dei atque Parentis testimonio.0' Nam si hic esset sensus, frustra post" upo twn profhtwn, adderetur kata ton Qeon. Praeterea, haec epitheta, ton twn olwn Qeon kai patera, manifestam continent antithesin ad ista, megalhn onta dunamin kai Qeon, ut Pater supra Filium evehatur, quemadmodum evehitur, ab Origene infra libro octavo, num. 15. Tou, kata, inferiorem ordinem denotantis exempla afferre supersedeo, cum obvia sint." - Ruaeus. [See also Liddon's Bampton Lectures on The Divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, p. 414, where he says, "Origen maintains Christ's true divinity against the contemptuous criticisms of Celsus" (book ii. 9, 16, seq.; vii. 53, etc.). S.]
35 ei gar kata thn Paulou didaskalian, legontoj <\dq_so kollwmenoj tw kuriw, en pneuma estij<\|dq_ paj o nohsaj ti to kollasqai tw kuriw, kai kollhqeij autw, en esti pneuma proj ton kurion pwj ou pollw mallon qeioterwj kai meizonwj en esti to pote sunqeton proj ton pogon tou Qeou;
43 Ps. cix. 1, 2. [cviii. 1, 2, Sept. S.]
44 Ps. cix. 8. [cviii, 8, Sept. S.]
46 [See De Princip., iv. i. 5, where Origen gives the length of our Lord's ministry as "only a year and a few months." S.]
47 Cf. Clem. Alex., Strom., v. c. ix. [See vol. ii. pp. 457, 458. S.]
48 dokoush deinothti rhtopikh.
50 Modestinus, lib. vi. Regularum, ad legem Corneliam de Sicariis: "Circumcidere filios suos Judaeis tantum rescripto divi Pii permittitur: in non ejusdem religionis qui hoc fecerit, castrantis poena irrogatur."
53 ["Celsus quotes the writings of the disciples of Jesus concerning His life, as possessing unquestioned authority; and that these were the four canonical Gospels is proved both by the absence of all evidence to the contrary, and by the special facts which he brings forward. And not only this, but both Celsus and Porphyry appear to have been acquainted with the Pauline Epistles" (Westcott's History of the Canon of the New Testament, pp. 464, 465, 137, 138, 401, 402). See also infra, cap. lxxiv. S.]
55 osa peri toutou kai para tw Paulw pefilosofhtai.
56 Cf. Plato, de Rep., x. p. 614.
57 Cf. Plin., Nat. Hist., vii. c. 52.
60 Ou monon oun oux o nekroj aqanatoj, all oud o pro tou nekrou Ihsouj o sunqetoj aqanatoj hn, oj ge emelle teqnhcesqai.
65 Euripid., Phoenissae, 18-20.
70 Guietus would expunge these words as "inept."
74 kai tauto de pollhn exonta dihghsin apo sofiaj Qeou oij o Pauloj wnomase teleioij eulogwj paradoqhsemenhn.
77 The original here is probably corrupt: Oti exrhn auton (wj fhsi) feidomenon anqrwpwn autaj ekqesqai taj profhteiaj, kai sunagoreusanta taij piqanothsin autwn, thn fainomenhn autwn anatrophn thj xrhsewj twn profhtikwn ekqesqai. For feidomenon Boherellus would read khdomenon, and thn fainomenhn autw anatrophn.
79 [In fulfillment of the great plan foreshadowed in Daniel, and promised by Haggai (ii. 7), where I adhere to the Anglican version and the Vulgate.]
81 Cf. Matt. xxvii. 51, 52; cf. Luke xxiii. 44, 45.
83 [Testimony not to be scorned.]
84 On Phlegon, cf. note in Migne, pp. 823, 854. [See also vol. iii. Elucidation V. p. 58.]
85 Eurip., Bacchae, 498 (ed. Dindorf).
86 Cf. Euseb., Hist. Eccles. bk. ii. c. vii.
96 marturasqai peri twn praktewn.
98 thj twn logwn autou akolouqiaj.
100 thn peri autou adiastrofon ennoian.
102 agwna ton prwton kai megiston thj yuxhj.
103 [See Dean Plumptre's The Spirits in Prison: Studies on the Life after Death, p. 85. S.]
104 thj kata thn kakian xusewj.
108 The reading in the text is ei kai ismen; for which both Bohereau and De la Rue propose epei ismen, which has been adopted in the translation: cf. epei ekolasqh, infra.
113 Cf. Matt. vii. 22, 23, with Luke xiii. 26, 27.
123 wste mhden diaferein paraplhsion einai legein gonteian th<\[_ Ihsou th Mwusewj.
129 Cf. Diodor., iv., Bibl. Hist.
130 autw swmati. [See Mozley's Bampton Lectures On Miracles, 3d ed., p. 297: "That a man should rise from the dead, was treated by them (the heathen) as an absolutely incredible fact." S.]
132 kata tina kia qesin eneiqwcaj.
133 h kata thn auton boulhsin doch peplanhmenh fantasiwqeij.
136 pwj oiontai to paraplhsion plasasqai legein auton toij istoroumenoij, etc.
137 katabebhkenai bia. Bohereau proposes the omission of bia.
139 Cf. 1 Kings xvii. 21, 22. [3 Kings, Sept. and Vulg. S.]
140 Cf. 2 Kings iv. 34, 35. [4 Kings, Sept. and Vulg. S.]
143 [See cap. xxxiii., note, p. 455, supra.]
145 <\dq_ei de to <\dq_ephrkesen<\|dq_ apo twn meswn kai swmatikwn lambanei<\|dq_.
146 ta men oun ginomena peri yuxhj teqnhkotwn fantasmata apo tinoj upokeimenou ginetai, toukata thn ufesthkuian en tw kaloumenw augoeidei swmati yuxhn. Cf. note in Benedictine ed.
148 en swmati antitupw eghgerqai.
150 Cf. Homer, Iliad, xxiii. 66, 67.
159 outw kai taij oyesi pantwj men thj yuxhj, egw d hgoumai, oti kai tou swmatoj.
162 ton mh apekdusamenon, etc. Cf. Alford, in loco (Col. ii. 15).
164 thn oikonomian telesantoj.
165 xrhsimon d oimai proj apologian twn prokeinenwn.
168 Cf. 1 Cor. xv. 52 with 1 Thess. iv. 16.
172 outw moi noei kai ton uion tou Qeou wfqai th paraplhsia eij to peri ekeinwn, eij to wfqai autoij ton Qeon, krisei.
173 Cf. Gen. xix. 10, 11. [Also Jude 7, "strange (or other) flesh."]
180 Luke xxiii. 53, ouk hn oupw oudeij keimenoj.
181 John xix. 41, en w oudepw oudeij eteqh.
182 Cf. Matt. xxvii. 60 with John xix. 41.
183 Cf. Luke xxiii. 53 with John xix. 41.
187 legw de ou peri twn sxesin proj etera exontwn, alla peri twn kata diaforan.
188 enantion ton men kolazomenon pasin ewrasqai, anastanta de ene. The Benedictine editor reads ton men kolazomenon, and Bohereau proposes enantion tw kolazomenon men, etc.
191 wn ixnh en toij gegrammenoij euriskontej aformaj axomen qeonlogein.
194 The text is, touj de amartanontaj h metagnontaj elehson. Bohereau would read mh metagnontaj, or would render the passage as if the reading were h amartanontaj, h metagnontaj. This suggestion has been adopted in the translation.
196 oudepw de legw, oti ou pantwj estin ahr peplhgmenoj h plhuh aeroj, h o ti pote legetai en toij peri fwnhj.
198 autoi gar eautoij peripiptete. [See note supra, cap. xiii. p. 437. S.]
200 The text reads hmwn, for which Bohereau and the Benedictine editor propose either umaj or hmaj, the former of which is preferred by Lommatzsch.
201 kat amfoteraj taj arxaj twn pragmatwn apistounti.
217 eite diarqrounta to toiouton par eautw.
218 kai dunamenon presbeusai peri tou logou kalwj.
219 alla muqikwteron sugkatatiqemenon tw logw.
222 ouxi eqnoj, alla logadaj pantaxoqen.
224 thn kat auton qeosebeian kai didaskalian.
1 dhmhgoriaj: cf. book i. c. 71.
2 dhmhgoriaj: cf. book i. c. 71.
3 kata thn paroimian kaloumenhj onou skiaj maxhj. On this proverb, see Zenobius, Centuria Sexta, adag. 28, and the note of Schottius. Cf. also Suidas, s.v. onou skia. - De La Rue.
7 twn xrhmatizontwn meridoj Qeou.
11 Ps. xcvi. 5, daimonia, "idols," Auth. Vers. We have in this passage, and in many others, the identification of the daimonej or gods of the heathen with the daimonej or daimonia, "evil spirits," or angels, supposed to be mentioned in Gen. vi. 2.
12 The reading in the text is automolein, on which Bohereau, with whom the Benedictine editor agrees, remarks that we must either read automolhsontaj, or understand some such word as etoimouj before automolein.
13 Ps. xcvi. 5, daimonia, "idols," Auth. Vers. We have in this passage, and in many others, the identification of the daimonej or gods of the heathen with the daimonej or daimonia, "evil spirits," or angels, supposed to be mentioned in Gen. vi. 2.
16 pwj ouxi ec eikotwn kataskeuazetai.
20 Prokatalhfqeij wj upo filtrwn twn Aiguptiwn.
23 Suggeneij eisin ai proshgoriai.
25 [Gibbon, in the sixteenth chapter of his Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, quotes the first part of this sentence as proving that "the learned Origen declares, in the most express terms, that the number of martyrs was very inconsiderable." But see Guizot's note on the passage. S.]
29 kai toi ou panth hsan oligoi.
31 The reading in Spencer's and the Benedictine edition is upotemnomenaj, for which Lommatzsch reads upomemnhmenaj.
38 Tinej parekdoxai. [He admits the fact, but does not justify such oppositions.]
45 ta tou palaiou logou parakausmata sumplattontej, toutoij prokatauloumen kai prokathxoumen touj anqrwpouj, wj oi touj korubantizomenouj peribombountej.
46 ouk an exoi parasthsai, oti hmeij men en parakousmasi genomenoi thj alhqeia=, osoi ge peirwmeqa meta logou pisteuein, proj ta toiauta zwmen dogmata.
47 propulaiwn megeqh te kai kallh.
49 [Clearly coincident with Clement and other early Fathers on this head.]
50 fantasian ecapostellein toij tauta memaqhkosin, oti mh mathn memuhtai.
61 The reading in the text is kai prwtoi, for which Bohereau proposes to prwton, which we have adopted in the translation.
62 We have followed in the translation the emendation of Guietus, who proposes ei de thn fainomenhn autw alhqeian epresbeusen, ouk a/, k.t.l.,, instead of the textual reading, ei te thj fainomenhj autw alhqeiaj epresbensen, ouk an, k.t.l.
63 ton prohgoumenon hmin peri yuxhj kataskeuasteon logon.
64 Bohereau conjectures, with great probability, that instead of apodekteon, we ought to read apokeikteon.
65 Cf. Hom., Odyss., xi. 303 and 304.
69 eij de ta peri touton anecetastwj ormwn apisthsai toij peri autou;
74 Cf. Smith's Dict. of Biograph., S.V.
78 o#te dia\ tou= Puqi/ou stomi/ou perikaqezome0nh th= kaloume0nh profh/tidi pneu=ma dia\ tw=n gunaikei/wn u9peise/rxetai to\ mantiko\n, o9 'Apo/llwn, to\ kaqaro\n a0po\ ghi/nou sw/mato:. Boherellus conjectures to\ mantiko\n tou= 'Apo/llwnoj to\ kaqaro/n.
80 Herod., book iv. chaps. 14 and 15 (Cary's transl).
82 Guietus conjectures, kai\ pw=j, w\ lw=ste.
83 th=j kataballome/nhj oi0kodomh=j.
84 tou= kaq' h9ma=j dai/monoj, laxo/ntoj ge/raj loibh=j te kni/sshj te.
85 w9j ou0 koinwnh/santoj th= a0nqrwpi/nh fu/sei, ou0d' a0nalabo/ntoj th\n e0n a0nqrw/poij sa/rka e0piqumou=san data\ tou= pneu/matoj.
86 'Alla\ ga\r kai\ th\n kataba=san eij a0nqrwpi/nhn fu/sin kai= ei0j a0nqrwpi/naj perista/seij du/namin, kai\ a0nalabou=san yuxh\n kai\ sw=ma a0nqrw/pinon, e9w/rwn e0k tou= pisteuesqai meta\ tw=n qeiote/rwn sumballome/nhn ei0j swthri/an toi=j pioteu/ousin.
87 meta\ tou= pisteu/ein. Others read, , meta\ to pisteu/ein.
89 toiau=ta ga\r ta\ pantaxou= politeuo/mena e0n tai=j e0kklhsi/aij e0kklhsi/aij tw=n po/lewn plh/qh.
90 fwsth=rej. [Phil. ii. 15. Very noteworthy are the details of this and the following chapter, and their defiant comparisons.]
96 eu#roij a@n ti/nej me\n th=j e0kklhoi/aj bouleutai\ a!cioi/ ei0sin, ei! ti0j e0stin e0n tw= pa/nti po/gij tou= Qeou=, e0n e0keinh= politeu/esqai. Boherellus conjectures eu#roij a$n o!ti tine\sme\n, k.t.l.
97 th=j e0k katata/cewj u9peroxh=j.
98 o#ti kai e0pi\ tw=n sfo/dra a0potugxanome/nwn bouleutw=n kai\ a0rxo/ntwn e0kklhsi/aj Qeou=, kai\ paqumo/teron para\ tou\j eu0tonwte/rwj biou=ntaj, ou0de\n h[tto\n e0stin eu9rei=n w9j e0pi/pan u9peroxh\n, th\n e0n th= e0pi\ ta\j a0reta\j prokoph=, para\ ta\ e!qh tw=n e0n tai=j polesi bouleutw=n kai\ a0rxo/ntwn. Boherellus conjectures p9aqumoterwn.
99 w!ste o0i>\stw= be/lei sumferesqai. Spencer and Bohereau would delete be/lei as a gloss.
100 Guietus would insert h! before i#na ti\ w0felhqh=. this emendation is adopted in the translation.
112 h!toi diabalou=men toi=j au0th\n mh\ paradecame/noij, kai\ e0gkale/somen th= i9stori/a w9j ou0k a0lhqei\, h! daimo\nio\n ti fhsomen paraplh/sion toi=j e0pideiknupe/noij go/hsin a0path= o0fqalmw=n pepoihke/nai kai\ perip topn 'Astupalaie/a. Spencer in his edition inludes mh\ in brackets, and renders, "Aut eos incusabimus, qui istam virtutem admiserint."
113 a@j prosa/gomen au0tw=, w9j dia\ metacu\ o!ntoj th=j tou= a0genh/tou kai th=j tw=n genhtw=n pa!ntwn fu/sewj. "Hoeschel (itemque Spencerus ad marg.) suspicabatur legendum: w9j dh\ metacu\ o!ntoj. Male. Nihil mutari necesse est. Agitur quippe de precibus, quas offerimus Deo `per eum qui veluti medius est inter increatam naturam et creatam.0'"-Ruaeus.
116 w9j ka!n to\ tuxo\n a0kolasi/aj ka$n e\p' o0li/gon geusame/nou.
117 ou[ a0reta\j oi9 me=n tinej kubeutikw/teron zw= ntej katayeu/dontai.
118 a0kolou=qwj th= e0n tw= le/gein terasti\wj pistikh= duna/mei.
119 w9j data\ no/mouj au0tw=n a!rxontoj.
122 e0swterikw=n kai\ e0poptikw=n.
123 h@ h#rwaj e0k metabolh=j susta/ntaj a0gaqh=j a0nqrwpi/nhj yuxh=j.
124 [See vol. ii. p. 185, and the stinging reference of Justin, vol. i. p. 172, this series.]
125 peri\ de\ to= 'Ihsou= h!toi do/casa a@n ei\nai eu0tuxh\j, h@ kai\ bebasanisme/nwj e0chtasme/nh, dokou=sa me\n eu0tuxh\j para\ toi=j polloi=j, bebasanisme/nwj de\ e0chtasme/nh para\ pa/nu oligwta/toij.
126 tosou=ton poiei= pi/stij, o0poi/a dh\ prokatasxou=sa.
130 a0lla\ kai\ e9nw/sei kai\ a0nakra/sei.
131 ["By means of Origen the idea of a proper reasonable soul in Christ received a new dogmatical importance. This point, which up to this time had been altogether untouched with controversy with the Patripassians, was now for the first time expressly brought forward in a synod held against Beryllus of Bostra, a.d. 244, and the doctrine of a reasonable human soul in Christ settled as a doctrine of the Church." - Neander's History (ut supra), vol. ii. p. 309, with the references there. See also Waterland's Works, vol. i. pp. 330, 331. S.]
134 ou0k ei0do/tej pw=j kai\ kaqo/.
135 Cf. Callimach., Hymn, i. Cf. also Tit. i. 12.
136 th/a0rxhn tou= qanatou gegone/nai peri= to\n Di/a.
137 [The sarcastic raillery of Celsus in regard to the ignorance and low social scale of the early converts to Christianity is in keeping with his whole tone and manner. On the special value of the evidence of early Christian writers, such as Justin Martyr , Clement, Origen, etc., to the truth and power, among men of all classes, of the Gospel of our Lord, see Rawlinson's Bampton Lectures, The Historical Evidences of the Truth of the Scripture Records, Lect. viii. pp. 207, 420, et seqq. (Amer. ed. 1860). S.]
139 ta\ a!dhla kai\ ta\ kru/fia th=j sofi/aj sou e0dh/lwsa/j moi.
141 kai\ e0c au9th=j e0ge/neto.
143 Cf. 1 Kings iv. 29-34. The text reads, peri\ pa/ntwn tw=n basile/wn th=j gh=j, for which para/ has been substituted.
144 kai\ a!lla dia\ problhma/twn.
151 ta\ me\n sunagoreu/onta u9gh= kai\ sw/masi.
152 ta\ prohgoume\nwj u9festhko/ta.
158 Mono/gamon. Cf. Can. Apost., c. xvii.: "o9 dusi\ ga/moij sumplakei\j meta= to= ba/ptisma, h@ pallakh\n kthsa/menoj, ou0 dunatai ei\nai e0pi/skopoj, h@ presbu/teroj, h@ dia/konoj, h@ o#lwj tou= katalo/gou tou= i9eratiko=." Cf. note in Benedictine ed.
159 [Origen agrees with Tertullian, passim, on this subject. Hippolytus makes Callistus, Bishop of Rome, the first to depart from this principle, - accepting "digamists and trigamists."]
163 [See note supra, p. 239. S.]
166 e0leu/qepon a0nalabo/ntej fro/nhma.
172 loidori/aj ma=llon h@ kathgori/aj.
173 The allusion is to the practice of wealthy Greeks and Romans having among their slaves artificers of various kinds, for whose service there was constant demand in the houses and villas of the rich, and who therefore had their residence in or near the dwelling of their master. Many of these artificers seem, from the language of Celsus, to have been converts to Christianity.
174 Para/sthson tou\j didaska/louj a!llouj para\ tou\j filosofi/aj didaska/louj, h@ tou\j kata/ ti tw=n xrhsi/mwn pepoihme/nouj..
176 [Much is to be gathered from this and the following chapters, of the evangelical character of primitive preaching and discipline.]
190 [The reproaches of the scoffer are very instructive as to the real nature of the primitive dealing with sinners and with sin.]
191 u9pecairomenou tou= kata\ to\n 'Ihsou=n nooume/nou a0nqrw/pou.
196 In the text it is put interrogatively: ti/j a!nqrwpoj telewj di/kaioj; h@ ti/j a0nama/rthtoj; The allusion seems to be to Job xv. 14 (Sept.): ti/j ga\r w@n broto\j, o!ti e!stai a!memptoj\ h@ w9j e0so/menoj di/kaioj gennhto\j gunaiko/j.
202 kai\ ou0 para\ to\n o0rqo\n lo/gon prosa/goito u9po= tou= e0pi\ pa=si dikastou=.. [See infra, book iv. cap. lxxix, and Elucidations there named.]
203 [e0pimo/wj bebamme/noi. S.]
204 [w9spegei\ deusopoihqe9ntej a9po\ th=j kaki/aj. S.]
205 [Let us note this in passing, as balancing some other expressions which could not have been used after the Pelagian controversy.]
206 He is said to have been either a Babylonian or Tyrrhenian, and to have lived in the rein of Nero. Cf. Philostratus, iv. 12. - Ruaeus.
207 kai\ to\ e0cakouo/menon a0po\ th=j le/cewj w0j dunato\n h9mi=n, a0netre/yamen.
208 e0pi\ te/gouj. ["Ut quidam scripserunt," says Hoffmann.]
210 'Alla\ th\n me\n ta/cin kai\ su/nqesin kai\ fra/sin tw=n a0po\ filosofi/aj lo/gwn.
211 The reading in the text is a!llwj, for which which a!llouj has been conjectured by Ruaeus and Boherellus, and which has been adopted in the translation.
214 pistikh\ a0po\ pneu/matoj.
215 para\ ta\j a0natrofa\j, kai\ ta\j diastrofa\j, kai\ ta\j perihxh/seij.
219 [See the elaborate article on the book of Job, by Canon Cook, in Dr. Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, vol. i. pp. 1087-1100. S.]
221 w#sper ou0 du/natau to\ pefuko\j fkukai/neln tw=| gluku tufxa/nein.
222 i$na koino/teron tw=| e0le/eei xrh/swmai.
223 Cf. Wisd. of Solom. vii. 25, 26.
229 The reading in the text is teratwdeste/rouj, of which Ruaeus remarks, "Hic nullum habet locum." Katadeeste/rouj has been conjectured instead, and has been adopted in the translation.
230 For eu0debei=j in the text, Boherellus conjectures eu0sebw=j.
231 qeon fqarto\n ei0safo/ntwn, kai\ th\n ou0si0an au0tou= lefo/ntwn sw=ma trepro0n dia/lou kai\ a0lloiwto0n kai\ metablhto/n.
232 The words in the text are, filanqrwto/tata e0pistreptilo0nm kai\ yuxw=n maqh/manta oi0konomh/sanra, for which we have adopted in the translation the emendation of Boherellus, filanqrwpo/tata 0aul yuxw\b eoustreotu0al naqh/nata.
233 a0lla0 ka@n tou0j peponqo/taj th\n peri\ th=smetenswmatw/swj, a!noian a0po0 i0atew=n, tw=n katabibzo9ntwn th=n lofikh=/ fu0sin o9te me\n e0pi0 th0n a0lofon pa=san, o0te= de\ kai\ e0til th\n a0fa/ntaston.
234 Instead of oi9 froni0mwj Cristianoi; zw=ntej, as in the text, Ruaeus and Boherellus conjecture io9froni0mwj Cristianizontej, etc.
237 [See vol. iii. Elucidation I. p. 76, this series; and as against the insanity of the Deutero-Nicene Council (a.d. 787) note this prophetic protest. Condemned at Frankfort (a.d. 794) by Anglicans and Gallicans. See Sir W. Palmer, Treatise on the Church, part iv. 10, sect. 4. The Council of Frankfort is the pivot of history as to the division between East and West, the rise of Gallicanism, and of the Anglican Reformation.]
238 ei!te xwri0j ton= dhmiourfou= qeou= ei!te kai\ met' e0kei/nou.
240 The reading in the text is komyoi/, which is so opposed to the sense of the passage, that the conjecture of Guietus, a/komyoi, has been adopted in the translation.
242 [See Gieseler's Church History, vol. i. p. 212 (also 213), with references there. But see Elucidation IV. p. 77, vol. iii., this series, and Elucidation at close of this book. See also Robertson's History of the Church, vol. i. p. 156. S.]
244 Ta/xa de\ kai\ oi0 peisqe/tej peri/ tou= qu/raqen nou=, whj qana/tou kainou= diecafwfh\n e$contoj, etc. Locus certe obscurus, cui lucem afferre conatur Boherellus, legendo divism w0j qana/tou kai\ nou=diecafwfh=n e$contoj, ut sensus sit "morti etiam mentem subductum iri." Nam si qu/raqen h#kei nou=j, consequens est ut qana/tou kai\ nou=j diecafwfh=n e!xh. Cf. Aristot, lib. ii. c. 3, de generatione animalium. - Spencer.
245 h= rhj tou= nou= a0qanasi/aj.
246 Ei0 mh\ a@ra Ke/lsoj kai\ oi9 'Etikou/reili ou0 fh/sousi kou/fhn ei[nai e0lti/da th\n peri\ tou= te/louj ai0tw=n th=j h0donh=j. h!tij kat' au0tou/j e0sti to\ a0laqon, to\ th=j sarko\j eu0staqe\: kata0stma, kai\ to\ perik rau/thj pisto\n 'Epikou/rw| e!lpisma..
247 tw=| kaq' e0ka/sthn filoso/fwn ai#resin e0n #Ellhsin h$ barba/roij, h@ musthriw/dh e0paggeli/an. te/lei.
248 [Note the testimony to divine inspiration.]
5 tou0j a0na/lofon au0rw=| profhtikou\j lo/fouj..
10 tou\j karpou=j th=j tou= Qeou basilsi9aj a0podw/sousi tw=| Qew=|, e0n toi=j e9ka/sthj pra/cewj ou!shj karpou= th=j basilei/aj kairoi=j|..
12 The word fu/sei which is found in the text seems out of place, and has been omitted in the translation, agreeably to the emendation of Boherellus.
13 'Ara fa\r h!qele fantasioume/noij toi=j a0nqrw/poij u9po= Qeou=, a0peilhfo/toj me\n a/qro/wj th\n kaki/an. emfu/ontoj di\ th\n a0reth\n, th=n e0panoi/rqwdin gene/sqai;
14 'Ara fa\r h!qele fantasioume/noij toi=j a0nqrw/poij u9po= Qeou=, a0peilhfo/toj me\n a/qro/wj th\n kaki/an. emfu/ontoj di\ th\n a0reth\n, th=n e0panoi/rqwdin gene/sqai;
15 oi9 la\r e0pi\ ta\ ne/ltista prokalou/menoi lo/foi, Qeou= au0tou\j dedwko/toj, ei0si\n e0n a0nqrw/poij..
17 Wisd. Solom. i. 7, kai\ to\ sune/xon ta\ pa\nta gnw=sin e!xei fwnh=j..
20 kai\ para\ tou=t' e!latton e!cein dokw=n.
21 kaqa\per oi9 neo/ploutoi tw=n a0nqrw/pwn e0pideiktiw=tej, pollh/n tina kai\ pa/nu qnhth\n filotmi/an tou= Qeou= katamarturou=si.
26 e0n th= paradoxh= th=j qeio/thtoj.
28 Deut. xxxii. 8, 9 (according to the LXX.).
30 Ei0si\ ga/r tinej ei0rmoi\ kai\ a0kolouqi/ai a!fatoi kai\ a0nekdih/fhtoi peri\ th=j kata\ ta\j a0nqrwti/naj yuxa\: diafo/rou oi0konomi/aj.
32 [The word "reliable" is used here. I cannot let it stand, and have supplied an English word instead].
35 oi/k a0xrh/stouj. On Origen's views respecting rewards and punishments, cf. Huet's Origeniana, book ii. question xi.
37 di/khn basanistou= pu=r fe/rwn.
38 [Note this testimony to the authorship of Koheleth, and that it is Scripture.]
40 ei0 xph\ e0pisthsanta toi=j xro/noij ei0pei=n.
41 a0ne/tlasan kata\ perio/odou: tauto/thtasj kai\ a0paralla/ktouj toi=j i0di/oij poioi=j kai toi=j sumbebhko/sin au0toi=j.
42 kaki/an e0ti\ plei=on xeome/nhn.
45 [On this figure (anthropopathy) see vol. ii. p. 363, this series.]
53 th\n tou= xrusou= (i#n' ou#twj o0noma/sw), fu/sin th=j yux h=j, h@ th=n a0rgu/rou, dolwsa/ntwn.
54 [See note supra, cap. x. S.]
55 9O Qeo\j a0gaqo/j e0sti, kai\ kalo\j, kai= e0dai/mwn, kai\ e0n tw=| kalli/stw. kai\ a0ri/stw|.
57 th= pronoi/a| kai\ th= oikonomi/a|.
61 The reading in the text is, e0pi\ me/rouj gi/netai au0th=j, which is thus corrected by Guietus: e0pimerh\j gi/netai au0to\j.
65 [Gieseler cites this chapter (and cap. xix. infra) to show that Origen taught that the Logos did not assume a human body. Could words be stronger to the contrary? "He becomes, as it were, flesh," is used below to guard against transmutation.]
69 [The transfiguration did not conflict with his mortal nature, nor the incarnation with his immortality.]
71 [Such are the accomodations reflected upon by Gieseler. See Book III. cap. lxxix., supra.]
74 o!mwj d' a0pologhso/meqa, o@ti ou0 fh\j, w\ Ke/lse, w9j e0n farma/kou moi/ra pote\ di/dotai xrh=sqai tw= plana=n kai\ tw= yeu/desqai.
75 prohgoume/nwj, a0ll' e0k perista/sewj.
76 Cf. Plato in the Timaeus, and book iii., de Legibus.
78 'Epa\n to\ prokei/menon h\ parasth=sai kai/ ta/ th=j kata/ to/n to\pon isnopi\aj ti/na e!xoi lo/gon, kai\ ta\ th=j pperi\ au0tou= a0nagwgh=j.
79 Otus and Ephialtes. Cf. Smith's Dict. of Myth. and Biog., s.v.
81 [Demonstrated by Justin, vol. i. pp. 277, 278, this series.]
84 Qei=o/n ti kai= i9ero\n xrh=ma gego/e/nai to\n 'Ihsou=n.
85 ou0d' a0pokatastafh/sontai. [A very bold and confident assertion this must have seemed sixteen hundred years ago.]
86 kai\ a9rmo/zontaj th= pantaxou= kaqestw/sh politei/a.
87 u9po\ oi0kei/wn kai\ omoh/qwn.
92 ou0k e0n sw/mati kri/netai.
94 kai\ kata\ pa=san a0reth\n pepoi/wtai.
95 The allusion may possibly be to his flight from the field of Chaeronea, or to his avarice, or to the alleged impurity of his life, which is referred to by Plutarch in his Lives of the Ten Orators. - Spencer.
96 a0fopma\j e!xon pro\j a0reth/n.
98 ta\ au0to/qen pa=si profaino/mena do/gmata Xristianw=n kai\ 'Ioudai\wn.
100 h@ kai\ ta\ 9dhmiourgh/mata.
103 u9po\ logikw=n piqanoth/twn.
106 Cf. Wisd. of Solom. xi. 26, xii. 1, 2.
116 daimo/nia. Cf. Ps. xcvi. 5.
122 kai\ tou=to/ g'a@n e9rmhneu/oimmi, to\ <\dq_h9mei=j<\|dq_ le/gwn a0nti\ tou= oi9 logikoi\, kai\ e!ti ma=llon, oi\ spoudai=oi logikoi/.
123 w#ste kai\ h9 au0th\ a0nqrw/pou kai\ Qeou=. Cf. Cicero, de Leg., i.: "Jam vero virtus eadem in homine ac deo est, neque ullo alio in genio praeterea. Est autem virtus nihil aliud, quam in se perfecta, et ad summum perducta natura. Est igitur homini cum Deo similitudo." Cf. also Clemens Alex., Strom., vii. c. 14: Ou0 ga\r, kaqa/per oi9 Stwi>\koi\, a\qe/wj, pa/nu th\n au0th\n a0reth\n a0nqrw/pou le/gomen kai\ Qeou=. [See vol. ii. p. 549. S.] Cf. Theodoret, Serm., xi. - Spencer.
130 Cf. Eurip., Phoeniss, 546, 547.
136 ou!t' e0n lo/gw| ou!t' e0n a0riqmw|= au\tou\j pote gegenhme/nouj.
138 [See note on Book III. cap. lxxvi. supra, and to vol. iii. p. 76, this series.]
142 ou0de\ fai/nesqai qhludri/an oi[o/n t' h[n.
143 oi>\ tinej dia\ to\ kaqaro\n h\qoj, kai\ to\ u9pe\r a!nqrwpon.
145 kai/toige pa/nta xa/lwn kinh/santej.
146 a\po\ prw/thj spora=j goh/twn kai: pla/nwn a0nqrw/pwn.
148 [This formula he regards as an adumbration of the Triad (see our vol. ii. p. 101): thus, "the God of Abraham" = Fatherhood; "of Isaac" = Sonship; "of Jacob" = Wisdom, and the Founder of the New Israel.]
149 ei>\te kai\ u0to/qen semnu/nousan e0n a0por0r9h/toij tou\j a!ndraj, ei!te kai\ di' u9ponoiw=n ai0nissme/nhn tina\ mega/la kai\ qauma/sia toi=j qewrh=sai au0ta\ dunagrafh=sai au0ta\ duname/noij.
151 e0rou=me/n te: o#ti mh/pote to\ kai\ u9f' u9mw=n paralamba/nesqai ta\ o0no/mata tw=n triw=n tou/twn genarxw=n tou= e!qnouj, th= e0nargei/a| katalambano/ntwn, ou0k eu0katafro/nhta a0nu/esqai e0k rh=j katepiklh/sewj au0tw=n, pari/sthsi to\ qei=on tw=n a0ndrw=n. Guietus would expunge the words th= e0nargei/a| katalambano/ntwn.
152 [See p. 511, supra, on the formula of benediction and exorcism, and compare Num. vi. 24.]
153 kata\ de\ Kelson, ou0 parista/nta. Libri editi ad oram w9j parista/nta.
159 Cf. Plato, de Repub., book ii. etc.
161 Cf. Job x. 8 and Ps. cxix. 73.
165 Gen. ii. 7; Heb. wyp%/)ab@;
, LXX. pro/swpon.
170 xwri\j panto\j lo/gou kai/ tinoj e0pikru/yewj.
172 Hesiod, Works and Days, i. 73-114 (Elton's translation [in substance. S.]).
173 Hesiod, Works and Days, i.125-134 (Elton's translation [in substance. S.]).
.
176 Penia, poverty; Porus, abundance.
177 dia\ th\n au\th=j a0pori/an.
178 e\n toi=j e0kei/nhj geneqli/oij.
179 e0n toiau=th| tu/xh| kaqe/sthke.
184 kai\ fronh/sewj kai\ po/rimoj.
186 [Plato, Symposion, xxiii. p. 203. S.]
187 Boherellus, quem Ruaeus sequitur, in notis; "Ante voces": ti/na tro/pon, videtur deesse: qauma/sontai, aut quid simile." - Lommatzsch.
190 fusiologei= Mwu>\sh=j ta\ peri\ tou= a!qrw/pou fu/sewj.
191 Cf. 1 Cor. xv. 22 with Rom. v. 14.
192 ou0k e!sti kaq' h[j ou0 le/getai.
193 pteror0r9uou/shj. This is a correction for pterofuou/lhj, the textual reading in the Benedictine and Spencer's edd.
196 paraxara/ttontej kai\ r9a|diourgou=ntej.
197 toi= duna/mei le/gesqai ta\ me/tra.
198 [This question, which is little short of astounding, illustrates the marvellous reach and play of Origen's fancy at times. See note supra, p. 262. S.]
199 paraxara/ttontej kai\ r9a|diourgou=ntej.
204 a!gxista de\ toutoij pa=si sumpoliteu/omenon.
207 Cf. Gen. xxx. 42 (LXX.). "The feebler were Laban's, and the stronger Jacob's" (Auth. Vers.).
210 par' oi[j ta\ poiki\la h!qh e0pi/shma geno/mena, tw=| logw\| tou= Qeou= politeu/etai, doqe/nta kth=sij kaloume/nw| 'Iakw/b: e0pi/shma is the term employed to denote the "spotted" cattle of Laban, and is here used by Origen in its figurative sense of "distinguished," thus playing on the double meaning of the word.
213 th\n e0nupa/rxousan gh=n kai\ a0rxh\n tw=n poti/mwn a0gaqw=n. Boherellus proposes: th\n e0nupa/rxousan phgh\n kai\ a0rxh\n tw=n poti/mwn u9da/twn.
220 oi9 e0pitugxa/nonte/j ge au0tw=n.
221 ou0k eu0katafro/nhtoj au0toi=j.
224 e!xei de/ tina kai\ kaq' au0to\ a/pologi/an. [Our Edinburgh translator gives a misleading rendering here. Origen throughout this part of his argument is reasoning ad hominem, and has shown that Greek philosophy sustains this idea.]
225 Cf. Homer, Iliad, vi. 160.
227 lata\ th\n prw/thn e0kdoxh/n.
228 tou\j spermatikou\j lo/gouj.
229 kata\ to\n prohgou/menon noh=n.
230 Cf. 1 Cor. ix. 9, 10, and Deut. xxv. 4.
231 Cf. Eph. v. 31, 32. Cf. Gen. ii. 24.
234 problh/mata kai\ parabolai/.
237 e0pa\n e0pakou/sh|tou= par' e9autou= pa/nta poih/santoj.
242 Cf. 2 Tim. iii. 8. [Note this testimony concerning Numenius.]
246 The reading in the text of Spencer and of the Benedictine ed. is kataleifqei=san, for which Lommatzsch has adopted the conjecture of Boherellus, katalhfqei=san.
248 u9p' e0nuparxou/shj a0fanta/stou fu/sewj dioikoume/w/.
249 pro\j xrei/an ou0k eu0katafro/nhton.
250 o#pwj pote\ a!llwj o!ntwn.
255 pe/mpthj para\ ta\ te/ssara stouxei=a ei\nai fu/sewj.
261 kainh=j diadecame/nhj o9dou= kai\ a0lloi/aj, etc. For diadecaue/nhj, Boherellus would read a0pokata/stasij. Cf. Origen, de Princip., iii. c. 5; ii. c. 3. [See also Neander's Church History, vol. 1. p. 328, and his remarks on "the general a0pokata/stasij" of Origen. S.]
263 Cf. Pliny, x. c. 66: "Anguem ex medullâ hominis spinae gigni accepimus a multis." Cf. also Ovid, Metamorphos., xv. fab. iv.
266 kai\ mi/a ei0j a0moibh\n pali/ntropon i0ou=sa kai\ e0paniou=sa.
268 ou!tw de\ kai\ to\ a0pollu/menon ei0j metabolh\n diame/nei.
269 diele/gxetai ou0k e0pidexo/mena to\ gennai=on kai\ a!a/ti/r0r9hton.
270 o9 th\n a0lh/qeia/ e0kperilamba/nwn.
271 [Cf. Plato, Theaetetus, xxv. p. 176. S.]
277 a0r0[htopoiou=j ou0k i!sasi.
278 ou9 pa/ntwj kai\ h9 tw=n kakw=n ge/nesij a0ei\ h9 au0th/.
279 ou0k a0ei\ ta\ au0ta/ e0sti peri\ to\ h9gemoniko\n autou=, kai\ to\n lo/gon au0tou=, kai\ ta\j pra/ceij.
282 ta\ e0n o9lw| tw=| ko/smw|.
284 kata\ ta\j tetagme/aj a0nakuklh/seij.
285 mh\ e0gnwkw\j kako\n ei\nai to\ nomi/zein eu0se/beian sw/zesqai e0n toi=j kaqesthko/si kata\ ta\j koino/teron nooume/aj politei/aj no/moij.
287 Cf. Lam. iii. 38. [In the Authorized Version and in the Vulgate the passage is interrogative. S.]
289 to\ e0f' h9mi=n a0nh\|rhtai.
293 ou!te tw= Qew=| kainote/raj dei= diorqw/sewj.
294 o9ti kai kai\ pa/nth tetagme/raj au0th\n a0fani/zwn sufero/ntwj tw=| panti/.
295 [See note supra, p. 524. S.]
296 ta\ sfa/lmata a0nalamba/nein.
298 kai\ w9j yekto\j katate/taktai ei0j xrei/an a0peuktai/an me\n e9ka/stw| xrh/simon de\ tw=| panti/.
299 e0n a0peuktai/w| pragmatl.
301 [See note, p. 502, supra.]
302 ou0 tou= e9autwn e0n tw| le/gein stoxazo/meqa dunatou=.
303 Cf. Deut. i. 31. Origen appears to have read, not e0trofo/rhsen, the common reading (Heb. )#&/w
), but e0tropofo/rhsen, the reading of the Codex Alex.
311 kai\ lo/gon me\n e!cei ta\ logika\, a_per e\sti\ prohgou/mena, pai/dwn gennwme/nwn: ta\ d' a!loga kai\ ta\ a!yuxa xwri/ou sugktizome/nou ta=| paidi/w.
314 ou0dei\j lo/goj texniko/j u9pe/sthsen au0ta/.
317 Cf. Ecclus. xxxix. 21, and 16, 17.
320 dia\ nautikh=j kai\ kubernhtikh=j.
322 Cf. Eurip., Phoeniss., 546.
324 o9 kata/ tinaj Skhniko\j filo/sofoj. Euripides himself is the person alluded to. He is called by Athenaeus and Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom., v. vol. ii. p. 461), o9 e0pi\ th=j skhnh=j filoxsofoj. - De La Rue.
328 Cf. Hesiod, Fragmenta Incerta, ed. Goettling, p. 231.
329 [Cf. Wordsworth, Excursion: "He sat and talked," etc., book iv., circa med.]
332 tw=n h9tthme/nwn ai:re:seij. "Nota ai0rj/seij hoc loco sumi pro internecionibus, caedibus. Haud scio an alibi reperiatur pari signigicatu. Forte etiam scribendum kaqaire/seij." - Ruaeus.
333 Paraba/lh| tw=| lo/gw| pro\j touj mu/rmhkaj. "Verba: ta| lo/gw| pro\j rouj murmhkaj addititia videntur et recidenda." - RUAEUS.
337 ou0kou=n kai\ lo/gou sumplh/rwsi/j e0sti par' au0toi=j, kai\ koinai\ e!nnoiai kaqolikw=n tinwn, kai\ fwnh\, kai\ twgxa/nonta shmaino/mena.
339 ou0 katanoei= de\ to\ logiko\n h9gemoniko\n kai\ logismw=| kinou/menon;
340 meta\ tinoj fusikh=j u9pokataskeuh=j;
347 [The a0eti/thj. See Pliny, N. H., x. 4.]
349 u0po\ tou= Lo/gou gegenhmi/nh.
350 xoirogru/llioi. Heb. Myn%Ip'#$;
357 th\n a0xa/riston yeudodoci/an.
359 ei!per oi0wnoi\ oi0wnoi=j ma/xontai. For ma/xontai Ruaeus conjectures diale/gontai, which is adopted by Lommatzsch.
360 Homer, Iliad, ii. 308 sq. (Pope's translation).
361 Homer, Iliad, xii. 200 sq. (Pope's translation).
364 ki/rkoj, "the hen-harrier," "Falco," or "Circus pygargus." Cf. Liddell and Scott, s.v.
365 Cf. Homer, Odyss., xv. 526.
366 kai\ ou0 kaki/an me\n, oi9onei de\ kaki/an ou\san.
369 Cf. Homer, Odyss., iv. 685; cf. also xx. 116, 119.
370 Cf. Homer, Odyss., xx. 120.
371 Cf. Homer, Odyss., xvii. 541.
372 Cf. Homer, Odyss., xvii. 545.
373 ou!te toi=j tuxou=si tw=n a0nqrw/pwn.
374 Cf. Lev. xix. 26. The Septuagint here differs from the Masoretic text.
375 Cf. Deut. xviii. 14, cf. 12.
385 [See vol. i. pp. viii., 12, this series. Observe, Origen, in Egypt, doubts the story.]
386 a0ll' ei0 mh\ pa=n e@rgon. "Gelenius does not recognise these words, and Guietus regards them as superfluous." They are omitted in the translation.
390 See this treatise, Book VIII, cap. xlviii., infra.
391 What is of Faith as to Everlasting Punishment? in reply to Dr. Farrar's Challenge, 1879. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., Oxford, 1881.
392 Theodicy, pp. 295-311 (answer to Foster), p. 81 (to Lord Kames), p. 310 (to Tillotson). I must confess that Bledsoe is paulo iniquior when he gives no reference to Tillotson's language. If the retort is based on the sermon (xxxv. vol. iii. p. 350, ed. folio, 1720) on the "Eternity of Torment," however, I do not think it just. The latitudinarian primate restricts himself therein to a very guarded statement of that reserved right by which any governor commutes or remits punishment, though he cannot modify a promise of reward. I wish modern apologists for the divine sovereignty had not gone farther.
9 e0n toi=j kaqarwta/toij tou= ko/smou xwri/oij e0pourani/oij, h! kai\ toi=j toi=j tou/twn kaqarwte/roij u=perourani/oij.
10 Cf. Ps. lxxxvi. 8, xcvi. 4, cxxxvi. 2.
11 e0an dunw/meqa katakou/ein th=j peri\ proseuxh=j kurioleci/aj kai\ kataxrh/sewj.
12 [Comp. Col. iii. 18and cap. viii., infra.]
13 h@ tou\j me\n e0n sko/tw pou e0k gohtei/aj ou0k o0rqh=j tuglw/ttousin, h@ di' a0mudrw=n fasma/twn o0neirw/ttousin e0gxri/mptein legomenouj, eu\ ma/la qrhskeu/ein.
23 The emendations of Ruaeus have been adopted in the translation, the text being probably corrupt. Cf. Ruaeus, in loc.
29 a0po\ tw=n dikai/wn tw=n pollw=n.
35 Cf. Origen, de Principiis, i. c. vii.
36 e0k tou= e0n au0toi=j au0tecousi/ou e0lhluqo/j.
40 [See note in Migne's edition of Origen's Works, vol. i. p. 1195; also note supra, p. 262. S.]
41 Cf. Matt. xix. 17; cf. Mark x. 18.
50 zhtei=n eu!xesqai tw= mh\ fqa/nonti e0pi\ ta\ su/mpanta.
55 ou0 ga\r th=j plhmmelo=j o0re/cew=, ou0de\ th=j peplanhme/nh= a0kosmi/aj, a0lla\ th=j o0rqh=j kai\ dikai/aj fu/sewj Qeo/j e0stin a0rxhge0thj.
63 Cf. Isa. xlviii. 9 (Septuagint).
64 [See Robertson's History of the Church, vol. i. p. 156, 157. S.]
68 kai\ tw=n pollw=n kakw=n a0poxh/n.
72 peri\ tou= problh/matoj tou/tou.
81 dia\ ta\j topika=j metaba/seij.
85 [Comp. book iv. capp. lxv.-lxix. pp. 526-528, supra.]
87 kai\ th\n tou= e0f' h9mi=n fu/sin gignw/skontej e0ndexome/nou \ e0nde/xetai.
89 Cf. Matt. xxiv. 35; cf. Mark xiii. 31.
92 ei0 de= xrh\ bebiasme/nwj o0noma/sai.
95 [See note infra, bk. vi. cap. xlvii. S.]
96 kai\ kata\ to\ e0pixw/rion no/mouj qe/menoi.
97 ta\ me/rh th=j gh=j yh=j e0c a0rxh=j a!lloij e0po/ptaij nenemhme/na.
98 kai\ kata/ tinaj e0pikratei/aj dieilhmme/na.
104 Cf. Deut. xxxii. 8, 9 (LXX.).
111 e0j o$son ei0si\ ta\ tou= fwto\j kai/ tou= a0po\ fwto\j a0i@di/ou a0pauga/smatoj fronou=ntej.
112 a0lla/tria a0natolw=n fronou=ntej.
117 a0po\ th=j pa/ntwn meri/doj.
119 a0lla\ kai\ boulo/meqa, ou0x o#ph h\ e0kei/noij fi/lon, piei=n ta0 e0kei/nwn.
126 sugdo/yai ta\j polemida\j h9mw=n logika\j maxai/raj kai\ u0bristika\j ei0j a!rotra, kai\ ta\j kata\ to\ pro/teron h9mw=n ma/ximon zibu/naj ei0j dre/pana metaskeuazomen.
128 Cf. Jer. xvi. 19 and xiv. 22: w0j yeudh= e0kth/santo oi9pate/rej h9mw=n ei!dwla, kai\ ou\k e!stin e0n au0toi=j u9etti/zwn.
130 o9 de\ Ammwn ou0de/n ti kaki/wn diapresbeu=sai ta\ daimo/nia, h$ oi9 'Ioudai/wn a!ggeloi.
131 eu0fhmei=n min e0ke/leuon.
133 ge/loioj a@n ei!h filo/sofoj a0filo/sofa pra/ttwn.
135 presbu/taton pa/ntwn tw=n dhmiourghma/twn.
137 This sentence is regarded by Guietus as an interpolation, which should be struck out of the text.
138 i>\na do/c meta\ tw=n a9tele/stwn teletwsn, kai\ tw=n kalonsw=n dai/monaj magganeiw=n, ou0x u0po\ a0galmatopoiw=n mo/nwn kataskena/zesqai qeo\j, a0lla0 kai\ u9po\ ma/gwn, kai\ farmakw=n, kai\ tw=n e0pw|dai=j au0tw=n khloume/nwn daimo/nwn.
141 ou0 ga\r para\ to\ qhluko\n o!noma, kai\ th=| ou0si/a| qh/leian nomiste/on ei\nai thn sofi/an, kai\ th\n dikaiosu/nhn.
144 oi[on dh/ tina maka/rwn xw/ran laxou=sin.
146 [Note this eulogy on the law, even though it "made nothing perfect."]
149 to\n a0po\ tw=n au0tw=n o9rw/menon dogma/twn.
150 Cf. Ex. xxi. 2 and Jer. xxxiv. 14. [An important comment on Mosaic servitude.]
152 o#ti h9 tw=n o0nma/twn fu/sij ou0 qeme/nwn ei0si\ no/moi.
153 metalamba/netai ga/r ti, fer' ei0pei=n. In the editions of Hoeschel and Spencer, ti is wanting.
154 o0 qeo\j patro\j e0klektou= th=j h0gou=j, kai\ o9 qeo\j tou= ge/lwtoj, kai\ o9 qeo\j tou= pternistou. Cf. note in Benedictine ed.
155 [Note the bearing of this chapter on the famous controversy concerning the Chinese renderings of God's name.]
156 [Note the bearing of this chapter on the famous controversy concerning the Chinese renderings of God's name.]
158 i0diopragi/an tw=n merw=n th=j yuxh=j.
160 tou= qumikou= me/rouj th=j yuxh=j fa/skontoj au0to\ ei\nai a0reth\n, kai\ a0pota/ssontoj au0th|= to\n peri\ to\n qw/raka.
161 Cf. Ex. iv. 24, 25. Eliezer was one of the two sons of Moses. Cf. Ex. xviii. 4.
162 e0nergei=n kata\ Mwu>\se/wj.
164 kata\ tw=n e0n th|= qeosebei/a| tan/th| peritemnome/nwn du/amij. Boherellus inserts mh\ before peritemnome/nwn,, which has been adopted in the text.
167 kai/ tij fi/lon ui9o/n a0ei/raj, sfa/cei e0peuxo/menoj me/ga nh/pioj. - A verse of Empedocles, quoted by Plutarch, de Superstitione, c. xii. Spencer. Cf. note in loc. in Benedictine edition.
171 kai\ w9j eu0dokimou=nte/j ge o#son ou0k e9gkatlei/ponto. The negative particle (ou0k) is wanting in the editions of Hoeschel and Spencer, but is found in the Royal, Basil, and Vatican mss. Guietus would delete o#son (which emendation has been adopted in the translation), while Boherellus would read o#soi instead. - Ruaeus.
172 [Josephus, Antiquities, b. xi. cap. viii.]
176 Cf. Isa. ix. 6. [according to Sept. See vol. i. pp. 223, 236, this series.]
179 [See Dr. Lee on The Inspiration of Holy Scripture, p. 383, where it is pointed out that the primitive Church was fully aware of the difficulties urged against the historic accuracy of the Four Gospels. Dr. Lee also notes that the culminating sarcasm of Gibbon's famous fifteenth chapter "has not even the poor merit of originality." S.]
181 kai\ to\ mhde\n tugxa/nonta.
182 e9autw=n. Guietus would read au0tw=n, to agree with tw=n e0kklhsiw=n.
183 Instead of ta\j a0po\ th=j didaskali/aj tou= 'Ihsou= a9forma/j, Boherellus conjectures tou\j ... a0formw=ntaj, which has been adopted in the translation.
184 tw=n a0po\ mega/lhj e0kklhsi/aj.
188 th\n e0kei=qen e0pa/nodon.
198 Ki/rkaj kai\ ku/khqra ai0mu/la.
200 a0koh=j dausth/ria. Cf. note in Benedictine ed.
201 ai0ni/gmata. Cf. note in Benedictine ed.
203 e0corxoume/naj kai\ sofistri/aj.
205 [Irenaeus, vol. i. p. 353.]
2 polu\ de\ to\ h#meron e0a\n . . . oi[oj te/ tij te/ tij ge/nhtai e0pistre/fein.
5 kai\ mh\ oi[oi/ te katakou/ein th=j e0n fra/sei lo/gwn kai\ ta/cei a0paggellome/nwn a0kolouqi/aj, m o/nwn e0fro/ntisan tw=n a0natrafe/entwn en lo/goij kai\ maqh/uasin.
7 [See Dr. Burton's Bampton Lectures On the Heresies of the Apostolic Age, pp. 198, 529. S.]
10 Such is the reading of the Septuagint version. The Masoretic text has: "The Lord gave a word; of them who published it there was a great host." [Cf. Ps. lxviii. 11. S.]
12 e0k pollh=j sunousi/aj ginome/nhj peri\ to\ pra=gma au0to\, kai\ tou= suzh=n.
13 Cf. Plato, Phaedo [lxvi. p. 118. S.]
14 kai\ ta\ a0o/rata to= Qeou=, kai\ ta\j i/de=aj fantasqe/ntej a0po\ th=j kti/sewj tou= ko/smou, kai\ tw=n ai0sqhtw=n, a0y' w[n a0nabai/nousin e0pi\ ta\ noou/mena: th\n te a0i>\/dion au0tou= du/naminn kai\ qeio/thta ou0k a0gennw=j i0do/ntej, etc.
18 kai\ ti/ni tw=n e0n h9mi=n. Boherellus understands o#moioj, which has been adopted in the translation.
20 Hos. x. 12.: fwti/sate e9autoi=j fw=j gnw/sewj (LXX.). The Masoretic text is, t(wE; rynI Mkel/ w@dynI
, where for t(wE;
(and time) the Septuagint translator apparently read t(ad@a
(knowledge), d
22 to/n )xlhqin/n u#&ir#&/)i/ Nohto#$n
24 Ps. xxxvii. 1 (attributed to David).
26 Ps. iv. 6 (Heb. "Lift up upon us," etc.)
34 ou0ai/: cf. Ezek. ii. 9, 10.
38 polla/kij de\ h!dh o9 Ke/llsoj qrullh/saj w9j a0ciou/menon eu0qe/wj pisteu/ein, w0j kaino/n ti para\ ta\ pro/teron ei0rhme/na. Guietus thus amends the passage: pollaxkij de\ h!dh o9 Ke/lsoj a0cio/menoj eu0qe/wj pisteu/ein, w9j kaino/n ti para\ ta\ para\ ta\ pro/teron ei0rhme/na qrullh/saj, etc. Boherellus would change a0ciou/menon into a0ciou=men.
39 paidei/a a0nece/legktoj plana=tai: cf. Prov. x. 17 (Sept.).
40 gnw=sij a0sune/tou a0diece/tastoi lo/goi: cf. Ecclus. xxi. 18.
42 The night before Ariston brought Plato to Socrates as his pupil, the latter dreamed that a swan from the altar of Cupid alighted on his bosom. Cf. Pausanias in Atticis, p. 58.
43 "Alicubi forsan occurrit: me vero uspiam legisse non memini. Credo Platonem per tertium oculum suam poluma/qeian et scientiam, quâ ceteris anteibat, denotare voluisse." - Spencer.
45 w[n e$n me\n o!noma: deu/teron de\ lo/goj: to\ de\ tri/ton ei!dwlon: to\ te/tarton de\ d0pisth/mh.
46 trano/teron fh/somen e0n th= yuxh= gino/menon meta\ to\n lo/gon tw=n trauma/twn tu/pon, tou=ton ei\nai to\n e0n e9ka/stw| Xristo\n, a0po Xristou= Lo/gou.
54 koino\n de\ pa/ntwn h@ kai\ pro/xeiron. For h!, Boherellus reads h\.
55 oi9 ga\r o9moi/wj Kelsw= u9polabo/ntej teterateu=sqai. The word o\moi/wj formerly stood, in the text of Spencer and Ruaeus, before teterate=sqai, but is properly expunged, as arising from the preceding o9moi/wj. Boherellus remarks: "Forte aliud quid exciderit, verbi gratiâ, Forte aliud quid exciderit, verbi gratia, ta\ tou= Ihsou=."
58 Cf. Acts viii. 10 [and vol. i. p. 187, this series].
62 h\qoj ga\g a0nqrw/peion me\n ou0k ou0k e!xei gnw/maj, qei=on de\ e!xei.
70 1 Cor. xii. 8, 9. [See Gieseler's Church History, on "The Alexandrian Theology," vol. i. p. 212. S.]
71 tou\j mh\ ai0sxunome/nouj e0n tw= toi=j a0yu/xoij proslalei=n, kai\ peri\ me\n u0lei/aj to\ a0sqene\j e0pikaloume/nouj, peri\ de\ zwh=j to\ nekro\n a0ciou=ntaj, peri\ de\ e0pikouri/aj to\ a0porw/taton i9keteuontaj.
77 paleu/omen. [See note supra, p. 482. S.]
79 w0j perihxhqei\j taj peri\ tapeinofrosu/nhj.
80 mh\ e0pimelw=j au0th\n noh/saj.
81 eu0qei/a perai/nei kata\ fu/sin paraporeuo/menoj.
82 Plato, de s1.v4.a4.w5.b6.fLegibus, iv. p. 716.
83 Ps. cxxxi. 1, 2 (LXX.). The clause, "If I had not been humble," seems to belong to the following verse.
90 Cf. Plato, de Legibus, v. p. 473.
91 Cf. Matt. xiii. 54, Mark vi. 2, and John vii. 15.
98 a0ge/nhton. Locus diligenter notandus, ubi Filius e creaturarum numero diserte eximitur, dum a0ge/nhtoj dicitur. At non dissimulandum in unico Cod. Anglicano secundo legi: to\n gennhto/n: cf. Origenianorum, lib. ii. Quaestio 2, num. 23. - Ruaeus.
99 [Bishop Bull, in the Defensio Fidei Nicenoe, book ii. cap. ix. 9, says, "In these words, which are clearer than any light, Origen proves the absolutely divine and uncreated nature of the Son." S.]
100 o! ti pot' a@n xwrh= gignw/skein. Boherellus proposes o#stij pot: a@n xwrh=, etc.
101 Cf. Plato, Epist., ii., ad Dionys.
105 Cf. Plato in Phiedro, p. 247.
108 pro\j a!kroij toi=j ou0ranoi=j.
109 potamou\j tw=n qewrh/matwwn.
110 For o#son ge Boherellus proposes o@soi ge, which is adopted in the translation.
113 [Bishop Pearson, in his Exposition of the Creed, Art. IX., notes that "Origen for the most part speaks of the Church in the plural number," ai\ e0kklhsi/ai. S.]
114 [But see 2 Cor. xii. 2, and also Irenaeus, vol. i. p. 405.]
115 Cf. Plato in Timaeo, p. 42.
119 kli/mac i9i/puloj. Boherellus conjectures e9pta/puloj.
121 th/n xalkoba/thn kai\ ster0r9a/n.
122 tlh/mona ga\r e!rgwn a9pa/ntwn, kai\ xrhmatisth/n, kai\ polu/kmnton ei\nai, to/n te si/dhron kai\ to\n 'Ermh=n.
123 th=j loiph=j u#lhj. For u#lhj, another reading is pu/lhj.
124 For w9j e0kei/noij a0rkei=sqai, Spencer introduced into his text, ou0d' e0kei/noij a0rkei=sqai, which has been adopted in the translation.
125 e0n oi[j polloi\ semnu/nontai.
126 a0po\ th=j sugklh/tou boulh=j.
131 [Vol. i. p. 354, this series.]
132 "Utinam exstaret! Multum enim lucis procul dubio antiquissimorum Patrum libris, priscae ecclesiae temporibus, et quibusdam sacrae Scripturae locis, accederet." - Spencer.
133 kata\ to\ filomaqe\j h\mw=n.
135 Cf. note in Spencer's edition.
142 [See Dean Plumptre's The Spirits in Prison, on "The Universalism of Origen," p. 137, et seqq. S.]
144 a0llo/kota kai\ a0moibai/aj fwna/j.
146 ou0k eu!gnwmon a0lla/ . . . pa/nu a0gnwmone/staton.
151 'Ofia=noi: cf. Irenaeus, vol. i. pp. 354-358.
152 th\n eu0te/leian a0gaph/saj.
153 a0po\ th=j pantelou=j a0kthmosu/nhj.
154 "Euphraten hujus haeresis auctorem solus Origenes tradit." - Spencer; cf. note in Spencer's edition.
156 Boherellus proposes fh=j for the textual reading fhsi/.
157 kai\ toi=j profh/taij e0mpne/onta.
158 o#tan de\ ta\ e0nanti/a o\ do\j dida/skaloj 'Ihsou=j, kai\ o9 'Ioudai/wn Mwu>\sh=j, nomoqeth=.
160 Cf. Spencer's note, as quoted in Benedictine edition.
161 "Nescio, an haeresium Scriptores hujus Thauthabaoth, Erataoth, Thaphabaoth, Onoeles, et Thartharaoth, usquam meminerint. Hujus generis vocabula innumera invenies apud Epiphan., Haer., 31, quae est Valentinianorum, pp. 165-171." - Spencer.
163 pu/laj a0rxo/ntwn ai0w=ni dedeme/naj.
166 'Ogdoa/doj. Cf. Tertullian, de Praescript. adv. Haereticos, cap. xxxiii. (vol. iii. p. 259), and other references in Benedictine ed.
167 Fai/nwn. "Ea, quae Saturni stella dicitur, Gai/nwn que a Graecis dicitur." - Cicero, de Nat. Deorum, book ii. c. 20.
172 xa/pin kruptome/nhn duna/mesin e0cousiw=n.
173 For dataluqi\n Boherellus conjectures kataylufqe/n, which has been adopted in the translation.
176 ei0j ta\j a0rxontika\j morfa/j.
177 Guietus thinks that some word has been omitted here, as ci/foj, which seems very probable.
178 to\ th=j a0tele/stou teleth=j pe/raj.
181 Eccles. i. 6. (literally rendered). [Modern science demonstrates this physical truth.]
182 kata\ th\n peplanhue/nhn e9autwn sofi/an.
186 Cf. 1 Cor. xv. 54; cf. Hos. xiii. 14.
191 [See note supra, p. 582. S.]
192 Cf., however, Mark vi. 3. [Some mss., though not of much value, have the reading here (Mark vi. 3), "Is not this the carpenter's son, the son of Mary?" Origen seems to have so read the evangelist. See Alford, in loc. S.]
195 a!lla te, kai\ du/o a!tta, mei=zon te kai\ mikro/teron ui9ou= kai\ patpo/j.
196 For a!llouj, the textual reading, Gelenius, with the approval of Boherellus, proposes kai\ a!llou sugkeime/nou, which has been followed in the translation.
197 e0pi\ toi=j au0toi=j u9pokeime/noij.
200 For the textual reading, ou!pw de\ ou0de\ peri\ twn loipw=n tau0to/n ti e0rei=, Boherellus conjectures ei!rhtai, which has been adopted in the translation.
201 For ai0sqhtw=n, Lommatzsch adopts the conjecture of Boherellus, approved by Ruaeus, e0sqh/twn.
205 qnhta/. Instead of this reading, Guietus conjectures pthkta0, which is approved of by Ruaeus.
206 'Wghno/n, i.e., in Oceanum, Hesych.; 'Wgh/n, w0keano/j, Suid.
207 kai\ mh\ paramuqhsa/menoj.
208 Cf. Iliad, i. 590 (Pope's translation).
209 Cf. Iliad, xv. 18-24 (Pope's translation).
210 a0nalogi/aij tisi\ sune/dhse kai\ e0ko/smhsen o9 Qeo/j.
211 a0mh/twr tij kai\ a!xrantoj dai/mwn.
216 e0nanti/oi o!ntej toi=j a9po\ tou= klh/rou tou= Qeou=, e!rhmoi/ ei0si Qeou=.
224 pteror0r9uhsa/twn. Cf. supra, bk. iv.cap. xl. p. 516.
225 Cf. Prov. xxiii. 5. [See Neander's History of the Church, vol. ii. p. 299, with Rose's note. S.]
235 meta/ tinoj e0pikru/yewj. Cf. 2 Thess. ii. 9.
237 Cf. Dan. viii. 23-25 (LXX.).
240 pai=da/ te au0tou= kai\ h0i/qeon.
242 [See Dr. Burton's learned discussion as to the Logos of Plato, and the connection of Plato's doctrines with the Gospel of the Son of God: Bampton Lectures, pp. 211-223, 537-547. See also Fisher's Beginnings of Christianity, p. 147 (1877). S.]
250 th\n e0k perissta/sewj genome/nhn.
255 o#ti ti/j pote/ e0stin h9 fu/sij tou= nou=, kai\ tou= e0n toi=j profh/taij lo/gou.
256 peri\ nohtw=n kai\ ai0sqhtw=n.
257 ai9 fu/seij tw=n h9merw=n.
258 e0n katasta/sei e!sesqai h9me/raj.
261 w9j e0n a0llotri/oij toi=j th=de.
265 The textual reading is, a0po/ tinwn eu0telw=j kai\ i0diwtikw=j, for which Ruaeus reads, a0po/ tinwn eu0telw=n kai\ i0diwtikw=n, which emendation has been adopted in the translation.
270 e0k parakolouqh/sewj gege/nhtai th=j pro\j ta\ prohgou/mena.
277 Cf. Mic. i. 12, 13. The rendering of the Heb. in the first clause of the thirteenth verse is different from that of the LXX.
280 o0li/ga must be taken comparatively, on account of the polla/j that follows afterwards.
282 ta\ e9likoeidh= ce0smata kai\ pri/smata.
287 Cf. Isa. xlvii. 14, 15 (LXX.).
289 to\ kai\ e0pitugxa/nein e0n tw=| nouqetoume/nw| kai\ a0kou/ein to\n tou= dida/skontoj lo/gon.
290 w9sperei\ tw=n kaloume/nwn a0ntipeponqo/twn e0sti/n.
291 a0na/logon tw= kei/resqai a!nqrwpon, e0nergou=nta to\ pare/xein e9auto\n tw=| kei/ronti.
296 e0nequmh/qh, in all probability a corruption for e0qumw/qh, which Hoeschel places in the text, and Spencer in the margin of his ed.: Heb. Mheg%w@Iw
297 e0nequmh/qhn. Cf. remark in note 2.
309 ton prosexw=j dhmiourgo/n.
312 ta\ u9po\ mo/nhj fu/sewj dioikou/mena.
315 [sunete/lesen, complevit. S.]
327 Cf. Ex. xx. 18 (LXX.). The Masoretic text is different.
332 The words as they stand in the text are probably corrupt: we have adopted in the translation the emendation of Guietus: e@ti kai nao/j e0sti tou= Qeou= to sw=ma tou= toiau/thn e@xontoj yuxh\n, kai\ e0n th= yuxh= dia\ to\ kat' ei0ko/na, to\n Qeo/n.
338 ["It is a remarkable fact, that it was Origen who discerned the heresy outside the Church on its first rise, and actually gave the alarm, sixty years before Arius's day. See Athanasius, De Decret. Nic., §27; also the peri\ a0rxw=n (if Rufinus may be trusted), for Origen's denouncement of the still more characteristic Arianism of the h0n o$te ou0k h\n and the e0c ou0k o!nten." - Newman's The Arians of the Fourth Century, p. 97. See also Hagenbach's History of Doctrines, vol. i. pp. 130-133. S.]
339 For au0tou= Boherellus conjectures au9tou=, and translates, "Propria ipse principia, quae sunt Epicuri, subruens."
342 ei!te e0ndiaqe/tw| ei!te kai\ proforikw=|.
344 ou0de\n tw=n e0n le/cesi kai\ shmainome/noij.
347 Cf. Matt. iv. 16. and Isa. ix. 2.
359 For ou9twsi/ we have adopted the conjecture of Guietus, tou/tou.
365 pneu=ma. There is an allusion to the two meanings of pneu=ma, "wind" and "spirit."
368 tupikw=j here evidently must have the above meaning.
374 ou0x@ w9j sw=ma de\ perie/xon perie/xei, o#ti kai\ sw=ma/ e0sti to\ periexo/menon.
377 Cf. book iv. capp. xiv. and lxviii.
378 th= ai0sqh/sei th\n a0rxh\n.
380 prossaxqh/sh de\ tw= legome/nw|.
381 da$n biasa/menoj o9 lo/gj eu#rh|.
391 Cf. Isa. liii. 1-3 (LXX.). [See Bishop Pearson's Exposition of the Creed, Art. II., note. S.]
395 kai\ ei! tine/j ei0sin e=k lo/gwn thn ge/nesin laxo/ntej megalogwnwn.
397 Cf. 1 Chron. xvi. 22 and Ps. cv. 15.
399 dusdihgh/touj ta\j kri/seij.
402 [On the manners of heathen nations, note this. See 1 Cor. v. 1.]
3 [See Dr. Lee on "the immemorial doctrine of the Church of God" as to the Divine influence upon the intellectual faculties of the prophets: Inspiration of Holy Scripture: its Nature and Proof, pp. 78, 79. S.]
5 Homer, Iliad, xvi. 234, etc.
13 [See note supra, p. 612. S.]
18 dia\ du/o tropikw=n qewrh/ma.
19 We follow Bouhèreau and Valesius, who expunge the negative particle in this clause.
22 [John xii. 31 and xvi. 11.]
38 Ps. cxxxvii. 8, 9. [An instance of Origen's characteristic spiritualizing.]
46 Ps. vii. 3-5. Origen follows the reading ei0j xou=n (LXX.) instead of ei0j xnou=n, "make my glory abide in the dust."
60 Ps. lxxvi. 2; English version, "In Salem is His tabernacle."
62 Ps. xxxvii. 9, 11, 22, 29, 34.
70 Bouhèreau follows the reading, "the mind which sees what is made in the image of the Creator."
80 Ps. lxxvii. 2, according to the LXX.
82 Prov. ii. 5, Eng. Vers. and LXX., "Thou shalt find the knowledge of God."
83 nohta/, falling under the province of nou=j, the reason. For convenience, we translate it elsewhere "intellectual."
96 See book vi. cap. xxx., etc.
97 [See note supra, p. 573. S.]
103 [Vol. ii. p. 186, this series.]
106 ge/nesij. For the distinction between ou0si/a and ge/nesij, see Plato's Sophista, p. 246.
107 2 Cor. x. 3, 4. The received text has "walk" instead of "live."
112 [See Robertson's History of the Church, vol. i. p. 145. S.]
116 [The noteworthy testimony of the Alexandrian school to the doctrine of birth-sin.
122 Euripides. [See De la Rue's note ad loc. in his edition of Origen's Works. S.]
140 [See vol. i. p. 169, note 9, and cap. lvi. infra.]
142 [Vol. i. pp. 280, 288, 289; vol. ii. pp. 192, 194, 346, and 622.]
146 [The temples here meant are such as enshrined images.]
148 [Note this wholesome fear of early Christians.]
153 [Let this be noted; and see book viii. 20, infra.]
154 [Vol. ii. p. 186, note 1.]
155 Ps. xcv. 5 (LXX.); xcvi. 5 (Heb.)
22 John xiv. 11, and xvii. 21.
24 [See note infra, cap. xxvi. S.]
27 [!h9 th=j a0lhqei/aj ou0si/a: see Neander's History of the Church, vol. ii. pp. 282, 283; also note supra, book vi. cap. lxiv. p. 603. S.]
33 [See note, book ii. cap. ix. p. 433. S.]
42 Thucyd., book i. sect. lxx.
44 Col. ii. 16. The whole passage in the English version is, "Let no man judge you in meat, or in drink, or in respect of an holyday" (e0n me/rei e\orth=j). Origen's interpretation is not followed by any modern expositors. It is adopted by Chrysostom and Theodoret.
45 [Dr. Hessey notes this as "a curious comment" of Origen's on St. Paul's language: Bampton Lectures, On Sunday: its Origin, History, and Present Obligation, pp. 48, 286-289, 4th ed. S.]
51 [See Liddon's Bampton Lectures on The Divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, p. 383, where it is pointed out that "Origen often insists upon the worship of Christ as being a Christian duty." S.]
59 Acts xv. 28, 29. It was at Jerusalem.
60 Acts xv. 28, 29. It was at Jerusalem.
61 [Sextus, or Xystus. See note of Spencer in Migne. S.]
81 [A very express testimony in favour "of speaking in the congregation in such a tongue as the people understandeth" (Art. XXIV. of Church of England). See Rev. H. Cary's Testimonies of the Fathers of the First Four Centuries, etc., p. 287, Oxford, 1835. S.]
82 Ex. xxii. 28 [qeou\j ou0 kakologh/seij, Sept. S.].
85 "The mills of the gods grind slowly, but they grind to powder" (Plutarch): [De Sera Numinis Vindicta, sect. iii. S.]
94 a0ggelma/twn. Spencer reads a0galma/twn in this and the following sentences.
97 Euripides, Hippolytus, 612.
98 Isa. xxxviii. 19 (according to the LXX.).
99 [2 Kings iv. 17, 4 Kings, Sept. and Vulg. S.]
101 Ecclus. x. 19. In the LXX. the last clause is, "What is a dishonourable seed? They that transgress the commandments."
102 [Eccles. viii. 11. See cap. xl., supra. De Maistre has admirably annotated Plutarch's Delay of the Divine Judgment.]
117 [Observe this traditional objection to incense. Comp. vol. ii. p. 532.]
121 Homer's Iliad, ii. 547, 548.
122 ["Origen pointed out that hymns were addressed only to God and to His Only-begotten Word, who is also God... The hymnody of the primitive Church protected and proclaimed the truths which she taught and cherished." - Liddon's Bampton Lectures, On the Divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, pp. 385, 386. S.]
129 [Comp. Cowper, Task, book vi., sub finem.]
130 Luke xiv. 34, 35; Matt. v. 13.
135 "A language to last as long as the world." - Bouhereau.
