1 This letter from Theodosius II. came soon after Eutyches, letter (XXI), and "apparently gave Leo the impression, that Eutyches had been badly treated." Bright.

2 See Letter XXI., above.

3 contestatorios libellos. See Lett. XXI., chap. ii.

1 Is it fanciful to trace an analogy between these words and the language of the Collect for Trinity Sunday (out of the Sacramentary of Gregory), "grace by the confession of a true faith to acknowledge the glory of the Eternal Trinity, and in the power of the Divine Majesty to worship the Unity ?"

2 Quesnel reads the 1st of March as the date.

1 In reading the Tome (Lett. XXVIII.) the reader is warned to remember that he must take no account of this letter, which did not reach Leo until later, and which is Acknowledged in Lett. XXXVI. dated a week after the Tome. Bright (n. 139). There are two versions of this letter also, the ancient one and a modern one by Joannes Cotelerius, which latter, as being a more exact reproduction of the Gk. original, we have taken as the basis of our English translation.

2 Ignarus: it will be remembered that in the Tome (chap. i.) this is the chief fault which Leo aIso has to find with Eutyches, calling him multum imprudens et nimis imperitis, &c.

3 So in Lett. XXII., chap. iii., Domini corpus non esse quidem corpus hominis, humanum autem corpus esse quod ex Virgine est.

4 The date of this Council is 431 b.c.

5 Saltem secundis curare priora (Gk. ka/n toij= deute/roj i0a/sasqai ta\ pro/tera ).

6 Cf Lett. XXVII., n. 7, where the difference between Flavian's request here and in Lett. XXII., chap iv., is pointed out.

1 Epistolas. This refers to Lett. XXII., and includes the gesta (or minutes of the synod's proceedings) which accompanied it.

2 This is the Tome (Letter XXVIII.): it will be noticed that Flavian (in Lett. XXII.) had not asked for any instructions, but only that Leo should inform the bishops under his jurisdiction of Eutyches' deposition (chap. iv.). Flavian's second letter (XXVI.), however, does mention vestras sacras litteras, which he hopes will avoid the necessity of a council (chap. iii.). Leo himself seems to be conscious of this: for in Letter XXXIII., chap. 2, he twice pointedly puts in the word "seems," as if Flavian had not expressed himself quite clearly: "the points which he seems to have referred to us," and "this error which ,seems to have arisen."

1 The original word (imperitia) "implies that a recluse like Eutyches (an archimandrite of a convent) ought never to have entered into a nice controversy like the present: he has not enough savoir faire, and his knowledge is not quite up to date, is a little old-fashioned.

2 The exact reason of the delay is not altogether certain: we know Flavian had written much earlier than the date of arrival warranted: it is No. XXII. in the series.

3 Viz., the proceedings of the su/nodoj e0ndhmou=sa summoned by Flavian at Constantinople.

4 Ps. xxxvi. 4.

5 Impiaia sapere, to think disloyal things against God: cf. the recta sapere, "to have a right judgment" of the Collect for Whitsunday.

6 Knowledge of and belief in the principles of the Faith as contained in the Creed (symbolum) have of course always been required before Baptism from very early times. Leo here calls catechumons regenerandi, just as those who are being baptized are spoken of as , renascentes (e.g. Lett. XVII. 8), those who have been baptized as renati (passim) and the rite itself as sacramentum regenerationis (e.g. Lett. IX. 2)

7 The Latin unicus is not so exact as the Greek original monogenh/j : elsewhere, however, unigenitus is used.

8 N.B. et(and)not ex (out of).

9 The language of the Nicene Creed.

10 I.e. by the Devil: the allusion is to Adam's fall in Paradise.

11 Sua virtute : in patristic Latin virtus is, as is well known, usually the translation of the Greek du/namij and has a much wider meaning than moral excellence, our virtue.

12 S. Matt. i. 1.

13 ei. So the Vulgate.

14 Rom. i. 1-3.

15 Gen. xii 3.

16 Gal. iii. 16.

17 Is. vii. 14. and S. Matt. i. 23.

18 Is. ix. 6 "The angel of the great counsel" (magni consilii angelus) is a translation of the LXX. (which in the rest of the verse either represents a very different original text, or contents itself with a loose paraphrase), and is again repeated in the "Counsellor" (Consiliarius), two words farther on (which is also the Vulgate reading).

19 This was the third dogma of Apollinaris (more fully stated in Lett. CXXIV. 2 and CLXV. 2) that our Lord's acts and sufferings as man belonged entirely to His Divine nature, and were not really human at all.

20 S. Luke i. 35.

21 Prov. ix 1.

22 In nobis, which he seems from the immediately following words to interpret as meaning "in our flesh," and not "amongst us," as the R.V. and others.

23 Quam spiritu vitoe rationalis (logikou=) animavit.

24 A famous passage quoted by Hooker Eccl. Pol. v. 53,2, and Liddon Bampt. Lect., p. 267. Compare Serm. lxii. 1 quod...in unam personam concurrat proprietas utriusque substantioe (Bright), also xxii. 2, xxiii. 2.

25 Quod nostris remediis congruebat, where remedia must mean the disease which needs remedies (a sort of passive use).

26 This passage from "Thus in the whole" to "not the failingof power"is repeated again in Sermon xxiii. 2, almost word for word.