167 sumbebhkoj. Cf. Orat. iv. 2. also Orat. i. 36. The text embodies the common doctrine of the Fathers. Athenagoras, however, speaks of God's goodness as an accident, `as colour to the body,' `as flame is ruddy and the sky blue,' Legat. 24. This, however is but a verbal difference, for shortly before he speaks of His being, to ontwj on, and His unity of nature, to monofuej, as in the number of episumbebhkota autw. Eusebius uses the word sumbebhkoj in the same way [but see Orat. iv. 2, note 8], Demonstr. Evang. iv. 3. And hence S. Cyril, in controversy with the Arians, is led by the course of their objections to observe. `There are cogent reasons for considering these things as accidents sombebhkota in God, though they be not.' Thesaur. p. 263. vid. the following note.
168 peribolh, and so de Syn. §34. which is very much the same passage. Some Fathers, however, seem to say the reverse. E.g. Nazianzen says that `neither the immateriality of God nor ingenerateness, present to us His essence.' Orat. 28. 9. And S. Augustine, arguing on the word ingenitus, says, that `not every thing which is said to be in God is said according to essence.' de Trin. v. 6. And hence, while Athan. in the text denies that there are qualities or the like belonging to Him, peri auton, it is still common in the Fathers to speak of qualities, as in the passage of S. Gregory just cited, in which the words peri qeon occur. There is no difficulty in reconciling these statements, though it would require more words than could be given to it here. Petavius has treated the subject fully in his work de Deo. i. 7-11. and especially ii. 3. When the Fathers say that there is no difference between the divine `proprietates' and essence, they speak of the fact, considering the Almighty as He is; when they affirm a difference, they speak of Him as contemplated by us, who are unable to grasp the idea of Him as one and simple, but view His Divine Nature as if in projection (if such a word may be used), and thus divided into substance and quality as man may be divided into genus and difference.
170 In like manner de Synod. §34. Also Basil, `The essence is not any one of things which do not attach, but is the very being of God.' contr. Eun. i. 10 fin. `The nature of God is no other than Himself, for He is simple and uncompounded.' Cyril Thesaur. p. 59. `When we say the power of the Father, we say nothing else than the essence of the Father.' August. de Trin. vii. 6. And so Numenius in Eusebius, `Let no one deride, if I say that the name of the Immaterial is essence and being.' Praep. Evang. xi. 10.
171 Athan.'s ordinary illustration is, as here, not from `fire,' but from `radiance,' apaugasma, after S. Paul [i.e. Hebrews[ and the Author of the Book of Wisdom, meaning by radiance the light which a light diffuses by means of the atmosphere. On the other hand Arius in his letter to Alexander, Epiph. Haer. 69. 7. speaks against the doctrine of Hieracas that the Son was from the Father as a light from a light or as a lamp divided into two, which after all was Arian doctrine. Athanasius refers to fire, Orat. iv. §2 and 10, but still to fire and its radiance. However we find the illustration of fire from fire, Justin. Tryph. 61. Tatian contr. Groec. 5. At this early day the illustration of radiance might have a Sabellian bearing, as that of fire in Athan.'s had an Arian. Hence Justin protests against those who considered the Son as `like the sun's light in the heaven,' which `when it sets, goes away with it,' whereas it is as `fire kindled from fire.' Tryph. 128. Athenagoras, however, like Athanasius, says `as light from fire,' using also the word aporroia, effluence: vid. also Orig. Periarch. i. 2. n. 4. Tertull. Ap. 21. Theognostus, quoted infr. §25.
173 As `of the essence' declared that our Lord was uncreate, so `one in essence' declared that He was equal with the Father; no term derived from `likeness,' even `like in essence' answering for this purpose, for such phrases might all be understood of resemblance or representation. vid. §20, notes 8, 9.
174 Athan. has just used the illustration of radiance in reference to `of the essence:' and now he says that it equally illustrates `one in essence;' the light diffused from the sun being at once contemporaneous and homogeneous with its original.
176 The point in which perhaps all the ancient heresies concerning our Lord's divine nature agreed, was in considering His different titles to be those of different beings or subjects, or not really and properly to belong to one and the same person; so that the Word was not the Son, or the Radiance not the Word, or our Lord was the Son, but only improperly the Word, not the true Word, Wisdom, or Radiance. Paul of Samosata, Sabellius [?], and Arius, agreed in considering that the Son was a creature, and that He was called, made after, or inhabited by the impersonal attribute called the Word or Wisdom. When the Word or Wisdom was held to be personal, it became the doctrine of Nestorius.
177 Athanasius elsewhere calls him `the admirable and excellent.' ad Serap. iv. 9. He was Master of the Catechetical school of Alexandria towards the end of the third century, being a scholar, or at least a follower of Origen. His seven books of Hypotyposes treated of the Holy Trinity, of angels, and evil spirits, of the Incarnation, and the Creation. Photius, who gives this account, Cod. 106, accuses him of heterodoxy on these points; which Athanasius in a measure admits, as far as the wording of his treatise went, when he speaks of his `investigating by way of exercise.' Eusebius does not mention him at all. [His remains in Routh, Rell. iii. 409-414.]
178 Vid. above §15. fin. `God was alone,' says Tertullian, `because there was nothing external to Him, extrinsecus; yet not even then alone, for He had with Him, what He had in Himself, His Reason.' in Prax. 5. Non per adoptionem spiritus filius fit extrinsecus, sed naturâ filius est. Origen. Periarch. i. 2. n. 4.
180 It is sometimes erroneously supposed that such illustrations as this are intended to explain how the Sacred Mystery in question is possible, whereas they are merely intended to shew that the words we use concerning it are not self-contradictory, which is the objection most commonly brought against them. To say that the doctrine of the Son's generation does not intrench upon the Father's perfection and immutability, or negative the Son's eternity, seems at first sight inconsistent with what the words Father and Son mean, till another image is adduced, such as the sun and radiance, in which that alleged inconsistency is seen to exist in fact. Here one image corrects another; and the accumulation of images is not, as is often thought, the restless and fruitless effort of the mind to enter into the Mystery, but is a safeguard against any one image, nay, any collection of images being supposed sufficient. If it be said that the language used concerning the sun and its radiance is but popular not philosophical, so again the Catholic language concerning the Holy Trinity may, nay must be, economical, not adequate, conveying the truth. not in the tongues of angels, but under human modes of thought and speech.
181 en gumnasia ecetasaj. And so §27. of Origen, chtwn kai gumnazwn. Constantine too, writing to Alexander and Arius, speaks of altercation, fusikhj tinoj gumnasiaj eneka. Socr. i. 7. In somewhat a similar way, Athanasius speaks of Dionysius writing kat' oikonomian, economically, or with reference to certain persons addressed or objects contemplated, de Sent. D. 6. and 26.
182 The Arians at Nicaea objected to this image, Socr. i. 8. as implying that the Son was a probolh, issue or development, as Valentinus taught. Epiph. Hoer. 69. 7. Athanasius elsewhere uses it himself.
183 By the Monarchy is meant the doctrine that the Second and Third Persons in the Ever-blessed Trinity are ever to be referred in our thoughts to the First as the Fountain of Godhead, vid. §15. note 9, and §19, note 6. It is one of the especial senses in which God is said to be one. Cf. Orat. iii. §15. vid. also iv. §1. `The Father is union, enwsin,' says S. Greg. Naz. `from whom and unto whom are the others.' Orat 42. 15. also Orat. 20. 7. and Epiph. Hoer. 57. 5. Tertullian, before Dionysius, uses the word Monarchia, which Praxeas had perverted into a kind of Unitarianism or Sabellianism, in Prax. 3. Irenaeus too wrote on the Monarchy, i.e. against the doctrine that God is the author of evil. Eus. Hist. v. 20. [see S. Iren. fragment 33, Ante-Nic. Lib.] And before him was Justin's work de Monarchia, where the word is used in opposition to Polytheism. The Marcionites, whom Dionysius presently mentions, are also specified in the above extract by Athan. vid. also Cyril. Hier. Cat. xvi. 3. Epiphanius says that their three origins were God, the Creator, and the evil spirit. Hoer. 42, 3. or as Augustine says, the good, the just, and the wicked, which may be taken to mean nearly the same thing. Hoer. 22. The Apostolical Canons denounce those who baptize into Three Unoriginate; vid. also Athan. Tom. ad Antioch. 5. Naz. Orat. 20. 6. Basil denies treij arxikai upostaseij, de Sp. S. 38. which is a Platonic phrase.
184 And so Dionysius Alex. in a fragment preserved by S. Basil, `If because the subsistences are three, they say that they are partitive, memerismenaj, still three there are, though these persons dissent, or they utterly destroy the Divine Trinity.' de Sp. S. n. 72. Athan. expresses the same more distinctly, ou treij upostaseij memerismenaj, Expos. Fid. §2. In S. Greg. Naz. we find ameristoz en memerismenoiz h qeothz. Orat. 31. 14. Elsewhere for mem. he substitutes aperrhgmenaj. Orat. 20. 6. apecenwmenaj allhlwn kai diespasmenaj. Orat. 23. 6. as infr. cenaj allhlwn pantapasi kexwrismenaj. The passage in the text comes into question in the controversy about the ec upostasewj h ousiaj of the Nicene Creed, of which infr. on the Creed itself in Eusebius's Letter.
186 The word triaj, usually translated Trinity, is first used by Theophilus, ad Autol. ii. 15. Gibbon remarks that the doctrine of `a numerical rather than a generical unity,' which has been explicitly put forth by the Latin Church, is favoured by the Latin language; triaj seems to excite the idea of substance, trinitas of qualities.' ch. 21. note 74. It is certain that the Latin view of the sacred truth, when perverted, becomes Sabellianism; and that the Greek, when perverted, becomes Arianism; and we find Arius arising in the East, Sabellius in the West. It is also certain that the word Trinitas is properly abstract; and expresses triaj or `a three,' only in an ecclesiastical sense. But Gibbon does not seem to observe that Unitas is abstract as well as Trinitas; and that we might just as well say in consequence, that the Latins held an abstract unity or a unity of qualities, while the Greeks by monaj taught the doctrine of `a one' or a numerical unity. `Singularitatem hanc dico (says S. Ambrose), quod Graece monothj dicitur; singularitas ad personam pertinet, unitas ad naturam.' de Fid. v. 1. It is important, however, to understand, that `Trinity' does not mean the state or condition of being three, as humanity is the condition of being man, but is synonymous with three persons. Humanity does not exist and cannot be addressed, but the Holy Trinity is a three, or a unity which exists in three. Apparently from not considering this, Luther and Calvin objected to the word Trinity, `It is a common prayer,' says Calvin: `Holy Trinity, one God, have mercy on us. It displeases me, and savours throughout of barbarism.' Ep. ad Polon. p. 796.
194 This extract discloses to us (in connexion with the passages from Dionysius Alex. here and in the de Sent. D.) a remarkable anticipation of the Arian controversy in the third century. 1. It appears that the very symbol of hn ote ouk hn, `once He was not,' was asserted or implied; vid. also the following extract from Origen, §27. and Origen Periarchon, iv. 28. where mention is also made of the ec ouk ontwn, `out of nothing,' which was the Arian symbol in opposition to `of the substance.' Allusions are made besides, to `the Father not being always Father,' de Sent. D. 15. and `the Word being brought to be by the true Word, and Wisdom by the true Wisdom;' ibid. 25. 2. The same special text is used in defence of the heresy, and that not at first sight an obvious one, which is found among the Arians, Prov. viii. 22. 3. The same texts were used by the Carbolics, which occur in the Arian controversy. e.g. Deut. xxxii. 6. against Prov. viii. 22. and such as Ps. cx. 3. Prov. viii. 25. and the two John x. 30. John xiv. 10. 4. The same Catholic symbols and statements are found, e.g. `begotten not made,' `one in essence,' `Trinity,' adiaireton, anarxon, aeigenej, `light from light,' &c. Much might be said on this circumstance, as forming part of the proof of the very early date of the development and formation of the Catholic theology, which we are at first sight apt to ascribe to the 4th and 5th centuries. [But see Introd. to de Sent. Dion.]
196 a men wj zhtwn kai gumnazwn ergaye, tauta mh wj autou fronountoj dexesqw tij, alla twn proj erin filoneikountwn en tw zhtein, adewj orizwn apofainetai, touto tou filoponou to fronhma esti. 9alla. Certe legendum all' a, idque omnino exigit sensus. Montfaucon. Rather for adewj read a de wj, and put the stop at zhtein instead of dexesqw tij.
198 vid. supr. §4. Orat. i. §7. Ad Afros. 2, twice. Apol. contr. Arian. 7. ad Ep. Aeg. 5. Epiph. Hoer 70. 9. Euseb. Vit. Const. iii. 6. The Council was more commonly called megalh, vid. supr. §26. The second General Council, a.d. 381, took the name of ecumenical. vid. Can. 6. fin. but incidentally. The Council of Ephesus so styles itself in the opening of its Synodical Letter.
199 The profession under which the decrees of Councils come to us is that of setting forth in writing what has ever been held orally or implicitly in the Church. Hence the frequent use of such phrases as eggrafwj ezeteqh with reference to them. Thus Damasus, Theod. H. E. v. 10. speaks of that `apostolical faith, which was set forth in writing by the Fathers in Nicaea.' On the other hand, Ephrem of Antioch speaks of the doctrine of our Lord's perfect humanity being `inculcated by our Holy Fathers, but not as yet [i.e. till the Council of Chalcedon] being confirmed by the decree of an ecumenical Council' Phot. 229. p. 801. (eggrafwj, however, sometimes relates to the act of subscribing; Phot. ibid. or to Scripture, Clement. Strom. i. init. p. 321.) hence Athan. says ad Afros. 1. and 2. that `the Word of the Lord which was given through the ecumenical Council in Nicaea remaineth for ever;' and uses against its opposers the texts, `Remove not the ancient landmark which thy fathers have set' (vid. also Dionysius in Eus. H. E. vii. 7.), and `He that curseth his father or his mother, shall surely be put to death.' Prov. xxii. 28. Ex. xxi. 17. vid. also Athan. ad Epict. 1. And the Council of Chalcedon professes to `drive away the doctrines of error by a common decree, and renew the unswerving faith of the Fathers,' Act. v. p. 452. [t. iv. 1453 ed. Col.] `as,' they proceed, `from of old the prophets spoke of Christ, and He Himself instructed us, and the creed of the Fathers has delivered to us,' whereas `other faith it is not lawful for any to bring forth, or to write, or to draw up, or to hold, or to teach.' p. 456. [1460 ed. Col.] vid. S. Leo. supr. p. 5. note m. This, however, did not interfere with their adding without undoing. `For,' says Vigilius, `if it were unlawful to receive aught further after the Nicene statutes, on what authority venture we to assert that the Holy Ghost is of one substance with the Father, which it is notorious was there omitted?' contr. Eutych. v. init.; he gives other instances, some in point, others not. vid. also Eulogius, apud Phot. Cod. 23. pp. 829. 853. Yet to add to the confession of the Church is not to add to the faith, since nothing can be added to the faith. Leo, Ep. 124. p. 1237. Nay, Athan. says that the Nicene faith is sufficient to refute every heresy, ad Max. 5. fin. (also Leo. Ep. 54. p. 956. and Naz. Ep. 102. init.) excepting, however, the doctrine of the Holy Spirit; which explains his meaning.The Henoticon of Zeno says the same, but with the intention of dealing a blow at the Council of Chalcedon. Evagr. iii. 14. p. 345. Aetius at Chalcedon says that at Ephesus and Chalcedon the Fathers did not profess to draw up an exposition of faith, and that Cyril and Leo did but interpret the Creed. Conc. t. 2. p. 428. [t. iv. 1430, 1431 ed. Col. See this whole subject very amply treated in Dr. Pusey's On the Clause, And the Son, pp. 76 sqq.] Leo even says that the Apostles' Creed is sufficient against all heresies, and that Eutyches erred on a point `of which our Lord wished no one of either sex in the Church to be ignorant,' and he wishes Eutyches to take the plentitude of the Creed `puro et simplici corde.' Ep. 31. p. 857, 8.
201 agenhton. Opportunity will occur for noticing this celebrated word on Orat. i. 30-34. where the present passage is partly rewritten, partly transcribed. Mention is also made of it in the De Syn. 46, 47. Athanasius would seem to have been but partially acquainted with the writings of the Anomoeans, whose symbol it was, and to have argued with them from the writings of the elder Arians, who had also made use of it. [On Newman's unfortunate confusion of agenhton and agennhton, see Lightfoot, as quoted in the note on Exp. Fid. §1. Newman's reasons are stated in note 7 to Orat. i. 56.]
202 Montfaucon quotes a passage from Plato's Phaedrus, in which the human soul is called `unoriginate and immortal [246 a.];' but Athan. is referring to another subject. the Platonic, or rather the Eclectic [i.e. Neo-Platonic] Trinity. Thus Theodoret, `Plotinus, and Numenius, explaining the sense of Plato, say, that he taught Three principles beyond time and eternal, Good, Intellect, and the Soul of all,' de Affect. Cur ii. p. 750. And so Plotinus himself, `It is as if one were to place Good as the centre, Intellect like an immoveable circle round, and Soul a moveable circle, and moveable by appetite.' 4 Ennead. iv. c. 16. vid. Porphyry in Cyril. contr. Julian. viii. t. ult. p. 271. vid. ibid. i. p. 32. Plot. 3 Ennnead. v. 2 and 3. Athan.'s testimony that the Platonists considered their three upostaseij all unoriginate is perhaps a singular one. In 5 Ennead. iv. 1. Plotinus says what seems contrary to it, h de arxh agennhtoj, speaking of his tagaqon. Yet Plato, quoted by Theodoret, ibid. p. 749, speaks of eite arxhn eite arxaj.
205 And so de Syn. §46. `we have on careful inquiry ascertained, &c.' Again, `I have acquainted myself on their account [the Arians'] with the meaning of agenhton.' Orat. i. §30. This is remarkable, for Athan. was a man of liberal education, as his Orat. contr. Gent. and de Incarn. shew, especially, his acquaintance with the Platonic philosophy. Sulpicius too spears of him as a jurisconsultus, Sacr. Hist. ii. 50. S. Gregory Naz. says, that he gave some attention, but not much, to the subjects of general education, twn egkukliwn, that he might not be altogether ignorant, of what he nevertheless despised, Orat. 21. 6. In the same way S. Basil, whose cultivation of mind none can doubt, speaks slightingly of his own philosophical knowledge. He writes of his `neglecting his own weakness, and being utterly unexercised in such disquisitions;' contr. Eunom. init. And so in de Sp. §5. he says, that `they who have given time' to vain philosophy, `divide causes into principal, cooperative,' &c. Elsewhere he speaks of having `expended much time on vanity, and wasted nearly all his youth in the vain labour of pursuing the studies of that wisdom which God has made foolishness,' Ep. 223. 2. In truth, Christianity has a philosophy of its own. Thus in the commencement of his Vioe Dux Anastasius says, `It is a first point to be understood, that the tradition of the Catholic Church does not proceed upon, or follow, the philosophical definitions in all respects, and especially as regards the mystery of Christ, and the doctrine of the Trinity, but a certain rule of its own, evangelical and apostolical.' p. 20.
206 Four senses of agenhton are enumerated, Orat. i. §30. 1. What is not as yet, but is possible; 2. what neither has been nor can be; 3. what exists, but has not come to be from any cause: 4. what is not made, but is ever. Only two senses are specified in the de Syn. §46. and in these the question really lies; 1. what is, but without a cause; 2. uncreate.
207 Ballesqwsan para pantwn, Orat. ii. §28. An apparent allusion to the punishment of blasphemy and idolatry under the Jewish Law. vid. [Ex. xix. 13. and] reference to Ex. xxi. 17, in §27, note 2. Thus, e.g. Nazianzen: `While I go up the mount with good heart, that I may become within the cloud, and may hold converse with God, for so God bids; if there be any Aaron, let him go up with me and stand near. And if there be any Nadab or Abihu, or of the elders, let him go up, but stand far off, according to the measure of his purification. ...But if any one is an evil and savage beast, and quite incapable of science and theology; let him stand off still further, and depart from the mount: or he will be stoned and crushed; for the wicked shall be miserably destroyed. For as stones for the bestial are true words and strong. Whether he be leopard, let him die spots and all,' &c. &c. Orat. 28. 2.
208 The Arians argued that the word unoriginate implied originate or creature as its correlative, and therefore indirectly signified Creator; so that the Son being not unoriginate, was not the Creator. Athan. answers, that in the use of the word, whether; there be a Son does not come into the question. As the idea of Father and Son does not include creation, so that of creator and creature does not include generation; and it would be as illogical to infer that there are no creatures because there is a Son as that there is no Son because there are creatures.
214 And so S. Basil, `Our faith was not in Framer and Work, but in Father and Son were we sealed through the grace in baptism.' contr. Eunom. ii. 22. And a somewhat similar passage occurs Orat. ii. §41.
215 uiopoioumeqa alhqwj. This strong term `truly' or `verily' seems taken from such passages as speak of the `grace and truth' of the Gospel, John i. 12-27. Again S. Basil says, that we are sons, kuriwj, `properly,' and prwtwj `primarily,' in opposition to tropikwj, `figuratively,' contr. Eunom. ii. 23. S. Cyril too says, that we are sons `naturally' fusikwj as well as kata xarin, vid. Suicer Thesaur. v. uioj. i. 3. Of these words, alhqwj, fusikwj, kuriwj, and prwtwj, the first two are commonly reserved for our Lord; e.g. ton alhqwj uion, Orat. ii. §37. hmeij uioi, ouk wj ekeinoj fusei kai alhqeia, iii. §19. Hilary seems to deny us the title of `proper' sons; de Trim. xii. 15; but his `proprium' is a translation of idion, not kuriwj. And when Justin says of Christ o monoj legomenoj kuriwj uioj, Apol. ii. 6. kuriwj seems to be used in reference to the word kurioj, Lord, which he has just been using, kuriologein being sometimes used by him as others in the sense of `naming as Lord,' like qeologein. vid. Tryph. 56. There is a passage in Justin's ad Groec. 21. where he (or the writer) when speaking of egw eimi o wn, uses the word in the same ambiguous sense; ouden gar onoma epi qeou kuriologeisqai dunaton, 21; as if kurioj, the Lord, by which `I am' is translated, were a sort of symbol of that proper name of God which cannot be given. But to return; the true doctrine then is, that, whereas there is a primary and secondary sense in which the word Son is used, primary when it has its formal meaning of continuation of nature, and secondary when it is used nominally, or for an external resemblance to the first meaning, it is applied to the regenerate, not in the secondary sense, but in the primary. S. Basil and S. Gregory Nyssen consider Son to be `a term of relationship according to nature' (vid. supr. §10, note 1.), also Basil in Psalm xxviii. 1. The actual presence of the Holy Spirit in the regenerate in substance (vid. Cyril, Dial 7. p. 638.) constitutes this relationship of nature; and hence after the words quoted from S. Cyril in the beginning of the note, in which he says, that we are sons, fusikwj, he proceeds, `naturally, because we are in Him, and in Him alone.' vid. Athan.'s words which follow in the text at the end of §31. And hence Nyssen lays down, as a received truth, that `to none does the term "proper," kuriwtaton, apply, but to one in whom the name responds with truth to the nature,' contr. Eunom. iii. p. 123. And he also implies, p. 117, the intimate association of our sonship with Christ's, when he connects together regeneration with our Lord's eternal generation, neither being dia paqouj, or, of the will of the flesh. If it be asked, what the distinctive words are which are incommunicably the Son's, since so much is man's, it is obvious to answer, idioj uioj and monogenhj, which are in Scripture, and the symbols `of the essence,' and `one in essence,' of the Council; and this is the value of the Council's phrases, that, while they guard the Son's divinity, they allow full scope, without risk of entrenching on it, to the Catholic doctrine of the fulness of the Christian privileges. vid. supr. §19, note.
218 And so, Orat. ii. §32, kata touj muqeuomenouj gigantaj. And so Nazianzen, Orat. 43. 26. speaking of the disorderly Bishops during the Arian ascendancy. Also Socr. v. 10. Sometimes the Scripture giants are spoken of, sometimes the mythological.
220 The corrections were made before he could obtain the essay carefully and gratefully used, but his text is defective, especially and text of Sievers (Zeitsch. Hist. Theol. 1868), where he now from the accidental omission of one of the key-clauses of the finds them nearly all anticipated. Sievers' discussion has been whole (§17).