70 "The residence of Julian at Antioch was a disappointment to himself, and disagreeable to almost all the inhabitants." "He had anticipated much more devotion on the part of the pagans, and much less force and resistance on that of the Christians than he discovered in reality. He was disgusted at finding that both parties regretted the previous reign. `Neither the Chi nor the Kappa0' (that is neither Christ nor Constantius) `did our city any harm0' became a common saying (Misopogon p. 357). To the heathens themselves the enthusiastic form of religion to which Julian was devoted was little more than an unpleasant and somewhat vulgar anachronism. His cynic asceticism and dislike of the theatre and the circus was unpopular in a city particularly addicted to public spectacles. His superstition was equally unpalatable. The short, untidy, long-bearded man, marching pompously in procession on the tips of his toes, and swaying his shoulders from side to side, surrounded by a crowd of abandoned characters, such as formed the regular attendants upon many heathen festivals, appeared seriously to compromise the dignity of the empire. (Ammianus xxii. 14. 3. His words `stipatus mulierculis0' etc. go far to justify Gregory's dhmosia taij pornaij proupine in Orat. v. 22. p. 161, and Chrysostom's more highly coloured description of the same sort of scene, for the accuracy of which he appeals to an eye witness still living, de S. Babyla in Fulianum §14. p. 667. The blood of countless victims flowed everywhere, but, to all appearance, served merely to gorge his foreign soldiery, especially the semi-barbarous Gauls, and the streets of Antioch were disturbed by their revels and by drunken parties carrying one another home to their barracks. (Amm. xxii. 12. 6.)" "More secret rumours were spread of horrid nocturnal sacrifices, and of the pursuits of those arts of necromancy from which the natural heathen conscience shrank only less than the Christians." "He discharged his spleen upon the general body of the citizens of Antioch by writing one of the most remarkable satires that has ever been published which he entitled the Misopogon. `He had been insulted,0' says Gibbon, `by satire and libels; in his turn he composed under the title of The Enemy of the Beard, an ironical confession of his own faults, and a severe satire on the licentious and effeminate manners of Antioch. The imperial reply was publicly exposed before the gates of the palace, and the Misopogon still remains a singular monument of the resentment, the wit, the inhumanity, and the indiscretion of Julian. Gibbon, Chap. xxiv.0' It is of course Julian's own philosophic beard that gives the title to the pamphlet." "This pamphlet was written in the seventh month of his sojourn at Antioch, probably the latter half of January." (1. c. 364.) Bp. J. Wordsworth in Dict. Ch. Biog. iii. 507., 509.
1 The common proverbial saying, from Homer downwards; epi curou istatai akmhj oleqroj he biwnai. Il. 10. 173.
2 Jovianus, son of Count Varronianus of Singidunum (Belgrade), was born in 330 or 331 and reigned from June 363 to February 364. His hasty acceptance by a part of the army may have been due to the mistake of the sound of "Jovianus Augustus" for that of "Julianus Augustus" and a belief that Julian survived. "Gentilitate enim prope perciti nominis, quod una littera discernebat, Julianum recreatum arbitrati sunt deduci magnis favoribus, ut solebat." Amm. xxv. v. 6.
"Jovian was a brilliant colonel of the guards. In all the army there was not a goodlier person than he. Julian's purple was too small for his gigantic limbs. But that stately form was animated by a spirit of Cowardly selfishness. Jovian was also a decided Christian," but "even the heathen soldiers condemned his low amours and vulgar tippling." Gwatkin, "Arian Controversy," 119.
3 The terms were in fact humiliating, "pacem cum Sapore necessariam quidem sed ignobilem fecit; multatus finibus, ac nonnulla imperii Romani parte tradita: quod ante eum annis mille centum et duobus de viginti fere ex quo Romanum imperium conditum erat, nunquam accidit." Eut. brev x. 17.
4 "Gibbon (Chap. xxv) sneers at Athanasius for assuring Jovian `that his orthodox faith would be rewarded with a long and peaceful reign,0' and remarks that after his death this charge was omitted from some mss., referring to Valesius on the passage of Theodoret, and Jortin's Remarks, iv. p. 38. But the expression is not that of a prophet who stakes his credit on the truth of his prediction, but little more than a pious reflection, of the nature of a wish." Bp. J. Wordsworth, Dict. Christ. Biog. iii. 463. n. Jortin says "the good bishop's mantikh failed him sadly; and the emperor reigned only one year, and died in the flower of his age." The note of Valesius will be found below.
5 Scarcely a prophecy, even if we read eceij, "you shall keep;" a bare wish if we read exoij, "may you keep." Vide preceding note. In Athanasius we find eceij. Valesius says "The latter part of this sentence is wanting in the common editions of Athanasius, and Baronius supposes it to have been added by some Arian, with the object of ridiculing Athanasius as a false prophet. As a fact the reign of Jovian was short. But I see nothing low, spurious or factitious. Athanasius is not in fault because Jovian did not live as long as he had wished."
7 Christianity thus appears more or less constituted in Britain more than 200 years before the mission of Augustine. But by about 208 the fame of British Christianity had reached Tertullian in Africa. The date, that of the first mention of the Church in Britain, Indicates a probable connexion of its foundation with the dispersion of the victims of the persecution of the Rhone cities. The phrase of Tertullian, "places beyond the reach of the Romans, but subdued to Christ," points to a rapid spread into the remoter parts of the island. Vide Rev. C. Hole's "Early Missions," S. P. C. K.
9 "Triaj is either the number Three, or a triplet of similar objects, as in the phrase kasignhtwn triaj (Rost u. Palm's Lexicon. s. v.) In this sense it is applied by Clement of Alexandria (Strom. IV. vii. 55) to the Triad of Christian graces, Faith, Hope, and Charity. As Gregory of Nazianzus says (Orat. xiii. p. 24) Triaj ou pragmatwn aniswn apariqmhsij, all' iswn kai omotimwn sullhyij. The first instance of its application to the Three Persons in the one God is in Theophilus of Antioch (Ad Autol. ii. 15)" [_. c. 185] "Similarly the word Trinitas, in its proper force, means either the number Three or a triad. It is first applied to the mystery of the Three in One by Tertullian, who says that the Church `proprie et spiritualiter ipse est spiritus, in quo est Trinitas unius divinitatis, Pater, et Filius, et Spiritus Sanctus.0' De Pudicita 21." [_ c. 240] Archd. Cheetham. Dict. Christ. Biog. S. V.
11 At an obscure place called Dadastanae, half way between Ancyra and Nicaea, after a hearty supper he went to bed in a room newly built. The plaster was still damp, and a brazier of charcoal was brought in to warm the air. In the morning he was found dead in his bed. (Amm. xxv. 10. 12. 13.) This was in February or March, 364.
12 Vide page 101. "Valentinian belongs to the better class of Emperors. He was a soldier like Jovian, and held the same rank at his election. He was a decided Christian like Jovian, and, like him, free from the stain of persecution. Jovian's rough good humour was replaced in Valentinian by a violent and sometimes cruel temper, but he had a sense of duty, and was free from Jovian's vices." Gwatkin, Arian Cont. 121.
13 "Valens was timid, suspicious, and slow, yet not ungentle in private life. He was as uncultivated as his brother, but not interior to him in scrupulous care for his subjects. He preferred remitting taxation to fighting at the head of the legions. In both wars he is entitled to head the series of financial rather than unwarlike sovereigns whose cautious policy brought the Eastern Empire safely through the great barbarian invasions of the fifth century." Gwatkin, p. 121.
15 By the constitution of Constantine, beneath the governors of the twelve dioceses of the Empire were the provincial governors of 116 provinces, rectores, correctores, praesides, and consulares. Ambrosius had been appointed by Probus Consularis of Liguria and Aemilia. Probus, in giving him the appointment, was believed to have "prophested," and said "Vade; age non ut judex, sed ut episcopus." Paulinus S.
17 The twelve dioceses of the Empire, as constituted under Diocletian, were (1) Oxiens; (2) Pontica; (3) Asiana; (4) Thracia; (5) Moesia; (6) Pannonia; (7) Britanniae; (8) Galliae; (9) Viennensis; (10) Italiciana; (11) Hispaniae; (12) Africa.
18 Under Constantine Illyricum Occidentale included Dalmatia, Pannonia, Noricum, and Savia; Illyricum Orientale, Dacia, Moesia, Macedonia and Thrace.
19 Eldest son of Valentinian I. Born a.d. 359. Named Augustus 367 Succeeded his father 375; his uncle Valens 378. Murdered 383. The synod was convoked in the year of Valentinian's death.
20 Phrygia Pacatiana was the name given in the fourth century to the province extending from Bithynia to Pamphylia. "Cum in veterum libris non nisi duae Phrygiae occurrant, Pacatiana et salutaris, mavult Valesius h. l. scribere, kariaj frugiaj pakatianhj. Sed consentientibus in vulgata lectione omnibus libris mallem servare karafrugiaj pakatianhj, quam Pacatianam karofrugian dictam esse putaverim quod Cariae proxime adhaeresceret." Schulze.
21 The date of this Council is disputed. "Pagi contending for 373, others for 375, Cave for 367." Dict. Ch. Ant. i. 813.
24 hmeij exrhsameqa tw alfa ewj tou w umeij de eautouj apedwkate.
The passage is obscure and perhaps corrupt. Schulze's note is "Nisi mendosus sit locus, quod quidem suspicabatur Camerarius, sensus tails esse videtur: `Nos quidem primis usi sumus ad extrema,0' h.e. omnia adhibuimus et tentavimus ad pacem restituendam et cohibendas vexationes, `vos vero impotentiae obsecuti estis.0' Alias interpretationes collegit suamque addidit Valesius." The note of Valesius is as follows: hic locus valde obscurus est. Et Epiphanius quidera scholasticus its eum vertit: et nos quidera subjicimur ei qui primus est et novissimus: vos autem vobismet arrogatis. Quae interpretatio, meo quidem iudicio, ferri non potest. Camerarius vero sic interpretatur nos quidem ordine a primo ad ultimum processimus tractatione nostra: ipsi vero vosmet ipsos abalienastis. At Christophersonus ita vertit: nos patientia semper a principio usque ad finem usi sumus: vos contra animi vestri impotentiae obsecuti estis ...mihi viderur verbum xrhsqai hoc loco idem significari quod communicare et commercium habere. Cujus modi est illud in Evangelio: non coütuntur Judaei Samaritanis. (Johon IV. 9.)
25 The turning to the East is not mentioned in the Gospel of St. Matthew or in the Apocryphal Acts of Pilate; and the Imperial Decree seems here to import a Christian practice into the pagan Procurators tribunal. Orientation was sometimes observed in Pagan temples anti the altar placed at the east end; perhaps in connexion with the ancient worship of the sun. cf. Aesch. Ag. 502; Paus. V. 23. i; Cic. Cat. iii. §43. In. Virg. Aen. viii. 68 Aeneas turns to the East when he prays to the Tiber. cf. Liv 1. 18. But praying towards the East is specially a primitive Christian custom, among the earliest authorities being Tertullian (Apol. XVI.) and Clemens Al. (Stromat. VII. 7).
27 "Locus densis," says Valesius, "tenebris obvolutus" ...The note of Schulze is "primum o parakeklhmenoj videtur malus genius esse (fqorimaioj daimwn postea dicitur) qui excitaverat (parekalese) episcopos ad dissentientes vexandos plane ut crudeles Judaei excitaverant Pilatum ut Christum interimerent; sic enim in superioribus Valentinianus dixerat. Porro Valent. non modo ad historiam Zachariae a Judaeis in templo interfecti alludit, sed, si quid video, etiam ad verba ea quibus utitur Paulus, Heb. x. 29 ton uion tou Qeou katapatein kai to aima thj diaqhkhj koinon hghsasqai, quare placet conjectura Valesii patein" (the reading adopted in the translation above), "ta thj diaqhkhj autou wj epi tou Zaxariou tou aimatoj, ut tota sententia sit: ne hodie sub nostro imperio increments capiatis et cum eo qui vos incitat conculcetis sanguinem foederis, fere ut Zacharioe tempore factum est a Judaeis."
28 It is to be observed that the imperial letter does not add the probably interpolated words "son of Barachias" which are a difficulty in Matt. xxiii. 35, and do not appear in the Codex Sinaiticus.
29 Here for the first time in our author we meet with the word Hypostasis to denote each distinct person. Compare note on page 36. "Origen had already described Father, Son and Holy Spirit as three upostaseij or Beings, in opposition to the Monarchians, who saw in them only three modes of manifestation of one and the same Being. And as Sabellius had used the words tria proswpa for these modes of manifestation, this form of expression naturally fell into disfavour with the Catholics. But when Arius insisted on (virtually) three different hypostases in the Holy Trinity, Catholics began to avoid applying the word hypostases to the Persons of the Godhead. To this was added a difficulty arising from the fact, that the Eastern Church used Greek as the official language of its theology, while the Western Church used Latin, a language at that time much less well provided with abstract theological terms. Disputes were caused, says Gregory of Nazianzus (Orat. xxi. p. 395), dia stenothta thj para toij 'Italoij glwtthj kai onomatwn penian. (Compare Seneca Epist. 58.) The Latins used essentia and substantia as equivalent to the Greek ousia and upostasij, but interchanged them, as we have seen in the translation of the Nicene Creed with little scruple, regarding them as synonyms. They used both expressions to describe the Divine Nature common to the Three. It followed that they looked upon the expression "Three Hypostases" as implying a division of the substance of the Deity, and therefore as Arian. They preferred to speak of "tres Personae." Athanasius also spoke of tria proswpa, and thus the words proswpa and Personae became current among the Nicene party. But about the year 360, the Neo-Nicene party, or Meletians, as they are sometimes called, became scrupulous about the use of such an expression as tria proswpa, which seemed to them to savour of Sabellianism. Thus a difference arose between the old Athanasian party and the Meletians." Archd. Cheetham in Dict. Christ. Biog. Art. "Trinity."
32 The original is here obscure, and has been altered an dinterpreted in various ways.
33 ec autou tou ieratikou tagmatoj. It is noticeable that the word ieratikon is used here of the clerical order generally, inclusive of lower ranks, such as the readers, singers, doorkeepers and orphans enumerated in the Apostolic Constitutions from whom deacons and presbyters were to be appointed. For illustrations of the phrases ieratikh tacij and ieratikon tagma vide Dict. Christ. Ant. ii. 1470. The exclusively sacrificial sense sometimes given to iereuj and sacerdos, with their correlatives, is modified by the fact that derivatively both only mean "the man concerned with the sacred." (ieroj = vigorous, divine. IS.; sacer = inviolate, holy, SAK, fasten; of the latter the suffix adds the idea of giver.
36 Mark ii. 16. Observe verbal inaccuracy of quotation.
37 Is: 65. 5. The Greek of the text is oi legontej kaqaroj eimi, mh mou aptou outoj kapnoj tou qumou mou. In the Sept. the passage stand oi legontej porrw ap emou, mh eggishj moi oti kaqaroj eimi, etc. The O. T. is quoted as loosely as the New.
38 Anthropomorphism, or the attribution to God of a human form is the frequent result of an unintelligent anthropopathism, which ascribes to God human feelings. Paganism did not rise higher than the material view. Judaism, sometimes apparently anthropomorphic, taught a Spiritual God. Tertullian uses expressions which exposed him to the charge of anthropomorphism, and the Pseudo Clementines (xvii. 2) go farther. The Audaeus of the text appears to be the first founder of anything like an anthropomorphic sect.