107 sanij, `board.0'

108 oikon eukthrion, `house of prayer.0'

109 kanoni: a word of many meanings; see Sophocles' Lex. and a dissertation on the word in Westcott On the Canon Appendix A, p. 499.

110 tropaiw: see above, chap. 2.

111 Ex. xxxv.-xl.

112 `In this chapter Socrates has translated Rufinus (H. E. I. 9) almost word for word; and calls those topouj idiazontaj, which Rufinus has termed conventicula. Now conventicula are properly private places wherein collects or short prayers are made; and from these places churches are distinguished, which belong to the right of the public, and are not in the power of any private person. It is to be observed that there are reasons for thinking that this conversion of the Indians by Frumentius happened in the reign of Constantius and not of Constantine0' (Valesius). See also Euseb. H. E. V. 10, attributing an earlier work to the apostles Matthew and Bartholomew; and Cave, Lives of the Apostles. The Indians mentioned in this chapter are no other than the Abyssinians. The name India is used as an equivalent of Ethiopia. The christianization of Ethiopia is attributed by the Ethiopians in their own records to Fremonatos and Sydracos. See Ludolf Hist. Eth. III. 2.

113 Christianity here must mean Christian instruction.

114 eukthria: see note 5, chap. 17 above.

115 These Iberians dwelt on the east shore of the Black Sea in the present region of Georgia. What their relation to the Spanish Iberians was, or why both the peoples had the same name it is not possible to know at present. It was probably not the one suggested by Socrates. For a similar identity of name in peoples living widely apart, compare the Gauls of Europe and the Galatae of Asia.

116 efilosofei: the ethical sense here attached to the word became very common after the time of the Stoics and their attempt to make ethics the basis and starting-point of philosophy.

117 Rufinus, H. E. I. 10, gives their story and adds that Bacurius was a faithful and religious person and rendered service to Theodosius in his war with Eugenius.

118 basiliskoj: lit. `little king.0'

119 Athanasius' Life of Anthony is included in the editions of his works, such as the Benedictine (1698), that of Padua (1777). On Anthony, see also Soz. I. 3; II. 31, 34.

120 Cf. Eus. H. E. VII. 31. The literature of Manichaeism is voluminous and will be found in Smith, Dict. of the Bible, as well as encyclopaedias like Herzog, McClintock and Strong, &c.

121 pneumatoj: possibly `wind.0'

122 metenswmatwsin, the converse of metempsychosis.

123 The more commonly known name of the town is `Carrha,0' and the exact title of Archelaus' work as it appears in Valesius' Annotationes [ed. of 1677, see Introd. p. xvi.] is Disputatio adversus Manichaeum. It constitutes p. 197-203 of the Annotationes, and is in Latin. It has been published also in Latin by L. A. Zacagui in his collectanea monumentorum veterum Ecclesiae Graecae ac Latinae, 1698.

124 Euseb. Life of Const. III. 23.

125 Cf. ch. 5, and note.

126 It is not clear why Socrates joins the name of Montanus to that of Sabellius; the former was undoubtedly in accord with the common doctrine of the church as to the Trinity. Cf. Epiphan. Haer. XLVIII. and Tertullian ad. Praxeam. It was, however, frequently alleged by various writers of the age that Montanus and the Montanists held erroneous views concerning the Godhead. See Eus. H. E. V. 16.

127 See II. 9.

128 Socrates is in error here, as according to Eusebius (H. E. X. 1), immediately after the deposition of Eustathius and his own refusal of the bishopric of Antioch, Paulinus was transferred there from the see of Tyre. This was in 329 a.d., so that no vacancy of eight years intervened.

129 Cf. Rufinus, H. E. I. 11. The fact that the name of this presbyter is not mentioned, and Athanasius' apparent ignorance of the story, together with the untrustworthiness of Rufinus, throw suspicion on the authenticity of this account. Cf. also ch. 39, note 2.

130 The old English translation rendered `made0' on the assumption that the Greek was gegenhmenon, not gegennhmenon. So also Valesius read and translated `factum0'; but Bright without mentioning any variant reading, gives gegennhmenon, and we have ventured to translate accordingly.

131 Matt. xxviii. 9.

132 From the sentiments expressed here may be inferred the respect of the author for the church. His view on the suppression of facts which did not redound to the honor of the church does not show a very high ideal of history, but it bespeaks a laudable regard for the good name of Christianity.

133 This description is probably dependent on Athanasius, who says in his Apologia contra Arianos, 85, `Mareotes is a region of Alexandria. In that region there never was a bishop or a deputy bishop; but the churches of the whole region are subject to the bishop of Alexandria. Each of the presbyters has separate villages, which are numerous,-sometimes ten or more.0' Ischyras was probably a resident of one of the obscurest of these villages; and it can be seen that what is said of his doings here could easily come to pass.

134 paroikia = later `parochia0'; hence the derivatives.

135 Another evidence of the author's reverence for the institutions of religion. For subsequent history of Ischyras, see II. 20.

136 epibathria: lit. `ceremonies performed at embarkation.0'

137 A full account of the circumstances narrated in this and the following chapters is given by Athanasius in his Apol. contra Arianos, 65, 71 and 72. Parallel accounts may also be found in Sozom. II. 25; Theodoret, H. E. I. 28; Rufinus, H. E. X. 17; Philostorgius, II. 11.

138 In Athanasius' account (Apol. c. Arian. 65) this man's name is given as 'Arxaf (Archaph), which is an Egyptian name; its assonance with the biblical 'Axaab may have made the latter a current appellation. John was no doubt his monastic name.

139 paragrafh, legal term; grafh = `indictment,0' paragrafh = `demurrer,0' so used by Isocrates, Demosthenes, &c., of the classical authors.