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1 St. Chrys. had made the same complaint at Antioch in the Homilies (a.d. 387) in Principium Actorum, etc. t. iii. p. 54. "We are about to set before you a strange and new dish. ...strange, I say, and not strange. Not strange; for it belongs to the order of Holy Scripture: and yet strange; because peradventure your ears are not accustomed to such a subject. Certainly, there are many to whom this Book is not even known (polloij goun to biblion touto oude gnwrimon eoti) and many again think it so plain, that they slight it: thus to some men their knowledge, to some their ignorance, is the cause of their neglect. . ...We are to enquire then who wrote it, and when, and on what subject: and why it is ordered (nenomoqethtai) to be read at this festival. For peradventure you do not hear this Book read [at other times] from year's end to year's end."

2 The two reasons which Chrysostom urges for the study of the Acts are also the two chief grounds upon which modern criticism depends for establishing not only the general trust-worthiness of the book, but also its authorship by Luke. They are in substance, (1) The continuity of the history as connected with the gospels and, particularly, coincidences of style, matter and diction with the third gospel, and (2) The remarkable undesigned coincidences of statement between the Acts and Pauline Epistles which exclude the possibility of inter-dependence. From Col. 1. 11Col. 1. 14; Philem. 24; 2 Tim. iv. 11, we learn that Luke was a close companion of Paul. In the part of the Book of Acts which treats especially of the work of Paul, the writer frequently refers to himself in the use of the first person plural as an associate of the apostle (vid. xvi, 10; xx. 6 sq.; xxi. 1 sq.; xxvii. 1). These considerations demonstrate the fitness of Luke to prepare such a treatise as the Acts and render the supposition of his authorship plausible. When they are combined with those mentioned under (1) and when the dedication of both books to a certain Theophilus is considered, the argument becomes very cogent and complete. -G. B. S.

3 The reference in the Text of the expression: "the Gospel which ye received," (1 Cor. xv. 1) to Luke's "gospel" is, of course, groundless. Paul speaks of it as the gospel which he preached unto them. It is "his gospel" as in Rom. ii. 16; Rom. xvi. 25; Gal. i. 11, etc. The use of euaggelion to denote a book is post apostolic.- G. B. S.

4 Hom. in Princip. Act. p. 54. "First we must see who wrote the Book. ...whether a man, or God: and if man, let us reject it; for, `Call no man master upon earth: but if God, let us receive it. 0' "

5 Hom. cur in Pentec. Acta legantur, t. iii. p. 89. E. "The demonstration of the Resurrection is, the Apostolic miracles: and of the Apostolic miracles this Book is the school."

6 The statement that the Acts is a "Demonstration of the Resurrection" has a certain profound truth, but is incorrect if intending to assert that such was the conscious purpose of the author. The resurrection of Jesus is a prominent theme in the Apostolic discourses but the book is no mre designed primarily to prove the resurrection than are the Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians. The immediate purpose of the book is to record the labors and triumphs of the Apostolic Church as supplementary to the narrative of the teaching and work of Jesus (i. 1. 2). The events narrated presuppose the resurrection and would have been impossible without it.-G. B. S.

7 Chrys. states too confidently that "the brother" whose praise is referred to in 2 Cor. viii. 18, is Luke. It cannot be determined who this "brother" was. See Meyer in loco. Other conjectures are: Barnabas, Mark, Erastus, and an actual brother of Titus.-G. B. S.

8 Ms. C. has oiktirmonaj, merciful; the rest, akthmonaj, without possessions, which is certainly the true reading. Thus in the Sermon de futurae Vitae deliciis, where Chrys. discourses largely on the harmony of Christ's teaching and actions, he says, Palin akthmosunhn paideuwn, ora pwj dia twn ergwn authn epideiknutai, legwn, Ai alwpekej, k. t. l.

9 "He taught them to be poor." Here we have a tinge of asceticism. Even if we suppose that the beatitude of the poor refers to literal poverty (Luke vi. 20) as well as to poverty in spirit (Matt. v. 3), it is still incorrect to say that Jesus taught his disciples that poverty was in itself a virtue. The ascetic principle is of heathen, not of Christian origin. It is noticeable that Chrys. quotes no passage to sustain his statement.-G. B. S.

10 The latter is doubtless the correct interpretation. (So Meyer, Hackett). Cf. Matt. xii. 28; John iii. 34; Luke iv. 1.-G. B. S.

11 1. e. as Oecumenius explains in l. ina mh tij nomish eterou ounamei touto genesqai, lest any should suppose this to have been done by the power of another, he adds, to show that it was His own act, To whom also, etc.

12 It is more than doubtful whether the mention of the resurrection is introduced (i. 3 sq.) for the purpose of meeting sceptical objections. The writer will rather make it the point of departure for his subsequent narrative. He has mentioned the ascension; the resurrection is the other great event and he will introduce a resume of the more important circumstances which happened during the period between these two events and which have an important bearing upon the history about to be related. -G. B. S.

13 Chrys, seems to overlook the appearance "to above five hundred brethren at once," 1 Cor. xv. 6.-G. B. S.

14 Peripeirousi, Ms. C. and Cat. (see 1 Tim. vi, 9, pierced themselves through with many sorrows), and in this sense Hom. in Matt. 455 B. 463 A. The word is used as here, ibid. 831 C. where several mss. have pantaxou h planh eauthn peripeirei, for eauth peripiptei.

15 Sunalizomenoj. In the margin of E. V. "Eating together with them." The Catena here and below, had pr. man. the other reading, sunaulizomenoj, but corrected in both places. St. Chrys. so takes the word, Hom. in Princip. Act. §11.767 E. in Joann. 522 D. Oecumen. in 1. explains it, toutesti koinwnwnalwn, koinwnwn trapezhj, "Partaking of the salt, partaking of the table."

16 Chrys. here follows the interpretation which derives sunalizenoj (i. 4) from sun and alj (salt) hence, eating together. So several ancient authorities as Vulgate (convesceus) and even modern, as Meyer. But the preferable derivation is from sun and alhj (crowded), hence to be assembled, to meet with (sc. autoij). So Olshausen, Hackett, Lechler, Thayer's Lex. and most modern authorities.-G. B. S.

17 So mss. C. F. D. and the Catena. The others have monou antou, "of him (John) alone," not of his testimony.

18 'Ean gar mh oikeiwqwmen proj to didomenon. Erasm. Nisi rei datae addicti fuerimus.

19 Oi thn alourgida baptontej. <\=85_ina mh ecithlon genhtai to anqoj. Comp. Plat. Republ. iv. vol. i. p. 289. Stallb. Oukoun oisqa, hn d egw, oti oi bafeij, epeidan boulhqwsi bayai eria wst einai alourga, prwton men eklegontai ek tosoutwn xrwmatwn mian fusin thn twn leukwn, epeita proparaskeuazousi ouk oligh para: skeuh qerapeusantej opwj decetai oti malista to anqoj, kai outw dh baptousi.

20 The question, fully expressed, is, `Why do we baptize, not at Pentecost, but on Easter Eve? 0' And the answer is, `Because the lenten fast forms a meet preparation for the reception of baptism. And moreover, there is a reason which weighed with our fathers, in respect of this season of the fifty days, the time of the Church's great festivity. The baptism newly received would restrain the neophytes from giving loose to carnal lusts; having prepared them to keep the feast with a holy and awful gladness. 0' It should be borne in mind, that these Homilies were commenced during the Penthkosth, i.e. the period of fifty days between Easter and Pentecost; at which season the Book of Acts was usually read in the Churches.

21 This view, that baptism cleansed from all sin, and that, therefore, sin after baptism was far more heinous and hard to be forgiven, held wide sway in the early church and operated as a powerful motive for the delay of baptism. The reception of the grace of baptism involves this increased liability to deadlier sin. For this reason Tertullian had urged its postponement. "And so according to the circumstances and disposition, and even age, of each individual, the delay of baptism is preferable; principally, however, in the case of little children." "If any understand the weighty import of baptism, they will fear its reception more than its delay," etc. De Baptismo, xviii. Chrys. did not carry the idea to this length.-G. B. S.

22 Ti oun dn kataciwqeij fhsin apeleusetai palin kenoj katorqwmatwn, Cod. C, and so A, but with apeleush In the latter recension this sentence is omitted, and instead of it, we have, Ti de tauta kata thj seautou swthriaj proballh; `But why dost thou put forth such pretences against thine own salvation? 0' Chrys. had just said, apelqwn amoiroj thj xaritoj apairaithton ecei thn timwrion. The objector (with the usual prevaricating formula, ti oun ean to kai to; Hom. in Matt. 229 D.) says: ti oun an kataciwqeij, sc. thj xaritoj apelqh; to which Chrys. answers: 'Apeleusetai palin kenoj katorqwmatwn: He will depart as empty of good works as he was before his baptism: adding, For it is, I think, utterly impossible that such an one [though he should live ever so long after baptism] would have wrought out his own salvation.

23 Meta akribeiaj mustagwgeisqai: alluding to the kathxhsij mustagwgikh, i.e. the course of instruction by which the catechumens were prepared for baptism. See the Catechetical Discourses of St. Cyril of Jerusalem.

24 Ta rhmata ekeina: i.e. not (as Ben seems to interpret) "Buried with Christ; "as if this were part of the form of words put into the mouth of the person to be baptized; but the words, "I renounce thee, O Satan, and all thy angels, and all thy service, and all thy pomp: and I enlist myself with Thee, O Christ." St. Chrysost. Serm. ad pop. Antioch, xxi. p. 244. The words, "buried with Him," serve to show more clearly the absurdity of such delay: "we are `buried with Christ in His death, 0' that we may rise again to newness of life, not that we should pass at once from the spiritual burial to the literal."

25 The catechumens were allowed to be present at the first part of the service (Missa catechumenorum); and were dismissed after the Sermon, before the proper Prayers of the Church, or Missa Fidelium.

26 Kathciwqhsan thj xaritoj, as above, p. 8, note 1, ti oun an kataciwqeij;

27 The Holy Communion, administered immediately after baptism.

1 The emphatic position of en tw xronw toutw as well as the answer of Jesus shows that the disciples' earnest hope and expectation were that their Lord should, during their life-time, personally organize a kingdom on the basis of the Jewish theocracy. Chrys. is explicit in pointing out their incorrect conception of the kingdom of Christ, but does not here explain the specifically Jewish character of that conception. In the early disciples we behold the constant struggle of the Christian spirit to break away from the forms of Jewish nationalism.-G. B. S.

2 Cod. C. omits this sentence here, and inserts it below (p. 12), where it is evidently out of place. The passage referred to seems to be Ecclus. 51, 8.

3 The connection must be supplied: e.g. It was not that this point of knowledge was too high for them; for, as has been shown, they knew already, or were soon to know, things much higher than this, and which their hearers would find much harder to believe. For tell me, etc.

4 Here C. has the sentence: "Also the wise Solomon saith, etc." p. ii, note 1.

5 Kai deiknuntwn hmwn, C. the modern text has mh.

6 These illustrations, which seem to admit a half deceptive element in our Lord's conversations, are as little justified by the passage in hand as by the character of Jesus. What Jesus promises, viz.: the Holy spirit, is not promised in order to "divert" the disciples from their desire, but to assure to them a greater blessing than they then knew how to anticipate. The disciples wish a temporal kingdom with personal prerogatives; Jesus promises them the Spirit of Truth and opens before them the life of spiritual growth and usefulness. The illustration would have been more appropriate, had Chrys. said: "The child persists in his crying, but Jesus quiets him by giving him something far better than he had asked."-G. B. S.

7 Alla meta to deicai (as above, kai deknuntwn hmwn, sc. gumnaj taj xeiraj), touto pepoihken, sc. fobei. The mss. except and A, and the Edd. have o before pepoihken, which gives no sense.

8 Chrys. therefore explains these sayings of our Lord (polemically against the Arians) as oikomia: i.e. the thing said is not objectively true, but the morality of all actions depends on the subjective condition of the proairesij or purpose (parathn twn xrwmenwn proairesin gignetai faulon h kalon, de Sacerdot. 1. 8.), so that where this is right and good, a deception is lawful. This lax view of the morality of Truth was very general in the Greek Church: not so in the early Latin Church. See the two Treatises of St. Augustine, De Mendacio ("Lib. of Father," Seventeen Short Treatises of St. Aug.) The stricter doctrine however is maintained by St. Basil, who in his shorter Monastic Rule peremptorily condemns all oikonmia, and pious fraud (officiosium mendacium) of every description, on. the ground that all falsehood is from Satan, John v. 44. and that our Lord has made no distinction between one sort of lying and another. Again, the monk Johannes of Lycopolis in Egypt: "All falsehood is foreign from Christ and Christian men, be it in a small or in a great matter: yea, though a good end be served by it, it is never to be allowed, for the Saviour hath declared, that all lying is from the Wicked One." Pallad, Hist. Lausiac in Bibl. Patr. t. xiii. p. 965.

9 Porrwqen gar ouk enhn idontaj gnwnai; i. e. had they but seen the Ascension from a distance, and not been conversing with the Lord at the moment of His Assumption. Cod. E. transoses the clause to the end of the sentence; meaning that they could not by mere sight have been cognizant of the fact of His ascension into heaven.

10 Ps. civ. 3. o tiqeij nefei thn epibasin autou: "Who maketh on a cloud His stepping," or, "going."

11 At first sight it looks as if this sentence were out of place here. But the connection may be thus explained: this circumstance, of the cloud, is not idle, but very significant; and the minds of the disciples were alive to its import, as betokening His Godhead. True, might it not also be said of Moses on the mount Sinai, that a cloud received him out of their sight? For "Moses entered into the darkness," Exod. xx. 21. But the cloud there was because of Him, "where God was," not because of Moses.

12 i.e. the Angels had before used the phrase of assumption: but this does not express the whole matter; therefore, to show that it is the act of His own Divine power, they now say, going and afterwards express it that He will come, not that He will be sent. He ascended, as He descended, by His own Divine power. So again it is said, "A cloud received Him:" but in this He was not passive. as God He stepped upon the cloud: epebh alluding to the expression in the Psalm above cited, tiqeij thn epibasin.

13 All the Editions and the Latin Versions connect with this the following sentence: "Much more would they have said now, Dost Thou at this time restore the kingdom to Israel?" But it is evident, that at this point begins the recapitulation, or renewed exposition. It is in fact a peculiarity of these Discourses, that Chrys. having gone through the exposition of the text, often, as here, goes over the same ground again, usually with some such formula as, "But let us look through what has been said from the beginning."

14 The reference here must be to such parables as: "The Sower," "The Leaven," "The Grain of Mustard Seed." (Matt. xiii. 1-43), and the parable of the Growing Seed (Mark iv. 26-29), all of which seem to represent the progress of his truth as a long and slow development. To these might be added such expressions as ewj thj sunteleiaj tou aiwnoj (Matt. xxviii. 20) and ewj esxatou thj ghj (Acts i. 8).-G. B. S.

15 This sentence is from the later recension.

16 The text of these Homilies is often greatly confused by the omission, especially in the recapitulations, of the words on which Chrys. is commenting.

17 Here Erasmus has followed another reading (of E.), the very reverse in sense; "And if indeed the Prophets did not foretell this, be not astonished, for it was superfluous to say any thing individually about this, being necessarily involved in the idea of the resurrection, (th anastasei sunnooumenhj)."

18 In the later recension it is added: "but is declaratory of His love towards them, and of their election, and that He will not leave those whom He has chosen."

19 John ii. 19; egw egerw auton, Chrys. adding the pronoun for emphasis.

20 The emphasis of the outwj and on tropon is better preserved if we interpret them to mean visibly, or with the accompaniment of a cloud, in reference to the nefelh (9), rather than merely (as Chrys.) "with a body." They had not raised the question as to his coming with or without a body. What they wanted to know was whether he was coming in such a way that they could recognize him.-G. B. S.

21 The text in both classes of manuscripts, and in the Edd., needs reformation. The argument is, If good and evil be, as the Manichaeans say, both self-subsistent, then evil must subsist for ever. For if, as they affirm, God cannot create out of nothing, neither can He change a thing into its opposite; nay, much less, for this is harder than that. In E. (the text of the Edd.) the reading is, to fusei kakon kalon kalon poihsai (ei ge ti esti kaq' umaj gar legw: fusei gar ouden espi poihsai kakon kalou sunergon) h to ec ouk ontwn: which as usual in this Ms. is an attempt to explain the meaning, but is not what the context requires. in C. A. (the original text) to fudei kakon poihsai (ei ge ti esti: kaq' umaj gar legw: fusei gar ouden esti poihsai kakon h kalon koi kalou sunergon) h to !ouk. A.@ ec ouk ontwn. Read, to fusei kakon (ei ge ti esti: kaq' umaj gar legw: fusei gar ouden esti kakon) poihsai h kalon h kai kalou sunergon.

22 #Wste anagkh h mhden tou Qeou einai ei mh tauta: h kai Qeon einai. For so it seems the passage should be read, for which the mss. have h ei tauta, and then in the older text, h kai Qeo/ einai, for which the modern recension, D. E. F. and Edd. have h kai Qeon mh einai.

23 thn enswmatwsin tou Qeou. Edd. metenswmatwsin. But the Manichees affirmed a metenswmatwsin of the particle of the Divine Substance, the human soul; viz. the more polluted soul transmigrates into other men, and animals (Archelai et Manet. Disput. §. ix. Routh, Rell. Sacc. iv. 161.), but in the last stage of the process of its purgation, into vegetable substances less attached to the earth by roots, such as gourds, etc. in which the Divine particle is self-conscious and intelligent (see the following note), whereas in animal substances it is brutified. In this sense it is said above, h metenj. ekbainei eij sikuouj k. t. l. What they denied was, an enswmatwsij Qeou by Incarnation.

24 'All' ouk aisxron\ pwj gar\ oper (om. A.) an eij hmaj genhtai: to de son ontwj aisxron. Edd. all' ouk aisxron\ pwj\ oper gar an eij hmaj genhtai ontwj aisxron. Erasmus; An non hoc turpe est? Quomodo non turpe sit in Deum, quod, si no-bis contingat, revera turpe futurum sit? Ben. Quandoquidem si in nobis fiat, vere turtle est. i.e. For, that same which, if it take place in us. is indeed shocking [how should it not be so in God?]. The exclamation, Eidete surfeton asebeias' seems to imply either that ontwj aisxron is part of the Manichaean's reply, or that something is omitted. Perhaps the reporter wrote, to de j. ontwj aisxron, meaning: swma: "But the body, etc." sAn eij hmaj genhtai can hardly be, as taken by Erasm., quad si nobis contingat, i.e. that our substance should migrate into plants, etc. but rather, if it be into us that this (embodying of the Divine Substance) takes place. For illustration of the Manichaean tenets here alluded to, comp. Euod. de Fid. adv. Manich. §35. (Opp. St. Augustine., Append. t. viii. Ben.) Non Deus Manichaei luctum pateretur de partis suae abscissione vel amissione; quam partem dicunt quum in fructibus vel in herbis fuerit, id est, in melone, vel beta, vel talibus rebus, et principium suum et medietatem et finem nosse, cum autem ad carnem venerit omnem intelligentiam amittere; ut propterea magister hominibus missus sit, quia stulta in illis facta est pars Dei, etc. "Then the God of the Manichaean would not suffer grief in consequence of the cutting off or loss of part of his substance; which part, they say, if it be in fruits or in herbs, as in the melon or beet or such-like, knows its beginning and middle and end; but when it comes to flesh, loses all intelligence: so that the reason why the Teacher was sent to men was, because in them the particle of God was stultified, etc." And Commonitor, de recip. Manich. Art. 3. (ibd.) ut credatur pars Dei polluta teneri in cucumeribus et melonibus et radicu-list et parris et quibusque vilissimis herbulis, etc.

25 to culon enqa prosedeqh kai emastigwqh. The `Pillar of Flagellation 0' is exhibited in the Latin Choir of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.

1 This must be taken as a hasty remark, unless (which is not likely) a sabbath extraordinary is meant.

2 The meaning seems to be, "he is not content to mention only James and John with Peter, but gives the full list of the Apostles."

3 The meaning of 'Ioudaj 'Iakwbou (1. 13, cf. Luke vi. 16) is a disputed point. Whether the genitive denotes the relation of orother or son has never been decided. The interpretation of the English translators is allowed to stand because it is, probably, the more common one and has many able modern exegetes in its favor among whom are Buttmann, Gram. N. T. Gk. (Eng. Trans.) p. 94. and, more doubtfully, Winer, N. T. Gram. (Eng. Trans., p. 190. It is, however, certain that usage is strongly in favor, of supplying uioj. The former view identifies this Judas with the author of the Epistle (Jud. i. 1) and is that of our older English Trans. The latter understands this Judas to be the son of an unknown James and is favored by Thayer's Lex., Meyer and the Revised Vs. To me this view seems probably correct.-G. B. S.

4 Palin de sunagagwn autouj outwj kathlqen. So the older text: i. e. When they were scattered every man to his own home, that disciple had taken her eij ta idia. But after the Resurrection Christ had gathered them together, and so (with all assembled) had returned to the usual place or mode of living.

5 Protimoteroj, b.c.: protimwmenoj A. and Catena: tou xorou prwtoj, E. D. F. Comp. Hom. in Matt. liv. t. ii. 107. "What then saith the mouth of the Apostles Peter ? He, the ever ardent, the coryphaeus of the choir of the Apostles."

6 Chrys. seems to have read on to the end of the chapter. The rest of the citation being omitted in the mss. the remodeller of the text makes alterations, and adds matter of his own, to make the exposition run smoother. "Why did he not ask Christ, alone, to give him some one in the place of Judas? And why of their own selves do they not make the election?" Then instead of beltion gegone loipon prwto/ men gar, k. t. l. he has, beltiwn loipon hn gegonwj o Petroj autoj eautou, k. t. l. "Peter has now become a better man than he was. So much for this point. But as to their request to have their body filled p not simply, but by revelation, we will mention two reasons; first." etc.

7 Edd. "Wherefore he uses this address, they all being present." But the old text has simply pantwn parontwn, i.e., all, both men and women. Chrys. is commenting on the address andrej adelfoi as including the women also who were before said to be present. Comp. Hom. in Matt. lxxiii. p. 712, B. on the separation of men and women in the Churches.

8 lanqanontwj legei thn aitian, paideutikhn ousan: i.e. "in speaking of the wages of Judas, he indicates, that the Jews, by whom he was hired, were the authors of the wickedness: but because this carried reproof, he does it covertly, by implication." In the next sentence, he goes on to another point of the exposition, Kai ou legei, k. t. l. i.e. "And observe also, that with the same wise forbearance, he says it not of the Jews, but of Judas, that a piece of ground was all that was gotten by this wickedness: now, in fact, not Judas earned this, but the Jews." The modern text has ou legei gar.

9 Touto paramnqian ekeinoij efere. Something seems to be omitted here.

10 Here also Chrys. seems to be imperfectly reported. His meaning may be gathered from what is said further on, in the recapitulation: i.e. in giving the field that name, "because it was the price of blood" (Matt. xxvii. 8), they unconsciously prophesied; for indeed the reward of their iniquity was this, that their place became an Aceldama.

11 So A. b.c. and the Catena. The other text has ez hmwn, which is less apposite.

12 #Allwj de kai metabolhj biou ioswj de kai proairesewj hn h onomasia. i. e. St. Luke gives both the names Joseph (or Joses) and Justus, perhaps for the sake of distinction. The name (as Latin) may have been given in consequence of a change of life (viz. of circumstances), and (as meaning `the Just 0') perhaps also from a change of character (proairesij.)-Or, proairesij (Bion) may be opposed to metabolh bion and then the meaning would be, that the name may have related to a change, i.e. reformation of life, or perhaps to his original choice or moral purpose of life. But iswj de kai seems best to suit the former explanation.

13 This clause of the text is added, though wanting in our mss. The comment is, wste mhde makran badizousin odon fobn tina genesqai tremousin eti kai dedoikosin autoij: i.e. "so that not being a long way for them walking, it was not, etc.," which construction being somewhat obscure, the modern text has, touto fhsin, ina deich oti makran ou badizousin odon, wj fobon tina mh genesqoi tremousin eti kai dedoikosin autoij.

14 Here again, as usual, in the renewed exposition, the text is omitted.

15 'H mhthr sou kai oi adelfoi sou ezhtoumen de. A. C. o pathr sou k. t. l. B. For ezht. we must read zhtousin. The passage referred to is Matt. xiii. 47, where however it is not Mary that speaks, but "A certain person said unto Him, Behold, Thy mother and Thy brethren stand without seeking to speak with Thee. "In the Homily on that passage, Chrys. interprets that Mary presented herself on that occasion ouden oudepw peri autou mega fantazomenh, "having as yet no high idea of His Person," and that both she and His brethren, wj anqrwpw proseixon wilw "looked upon Him as mere man." In the same way he adverts tomhthr that incident here, for contrast with the higher faith of Joseph; but as the statement, "His mother said," is not accurate, the modern text substitutes the passage, Luke ii. 48, and reads, h mhthr elegen, 'Egw kai o pathp sou odunwmenoi ezhtoumen se. It seems that Chrys. cited this passage also (hence our mss. have ezhtoumen for zhtousi). meaning, that it was not Joseph who said this, but Mary.-Oecumenius, however, gives a different turn to this passage of St. Chrys. "And if Joseph had been alive, he too would have been present; especially as he never, like his sons (oi ec autou viz. the adelfoi), entertained a doubt of the mystery of the Incarnation. But it is manifest that he was long dead; since even on the occasion when, as Jesus was teaching, His kinsfolk demanded to see Him, Joseph was not present. For what says the Gospel? "Thy mother and thy brethren without see: thee ; but not also, Thy father."

16 'Epi to auto: a comment on v. 15.

17 Kaitoige isotupon apasi/ eixe thn katastasin which Erasm. justly renders, Quanquam habebta jus constituendi por omnibus: i. e. the ordination by St. Peter singly, would have been as valid as the ordination by the whole body. D. F. have kaitoi oude, i.e. and yet he possessed a power of ordaining, in which they were not all upon a par with him: which reading is accepted by Morel. Sav. and Ben., and is rendered by the last, Quanquam non pari forma apud atones ejus vigebat auctoritas. This reading originated in a mistake as to the meaning of the other, as if that asserted only that St. Peter had the same power of ordaining as any of the rest.

18 kurioj erhmwsewj megalhj. Something perhaps is wanting between kur. and er. m. Indeed the text seems to consist o little more than a few rough notes.

19 Tafoj gegonen h polij twn cenwn, twn stratiwtwn. In the defective state of the text it is not easy to conjecture what this can mean. Perhaps, alluding to the words in St. Matthew, "a place to bury strangers in." St. Chrys, may have explained, that the strangers were not heathen (ekinouj gar oud an eiasan tafhnai, they would not have allowed such to be buried in or by the Holy City, much less have provided a place of burial for them), but foreign Jews: and if in tafoj gegonen h polij he alludes to the description in Josephus, B. J. v. 12. 3. and 13. 7. this explanation of the term "strangers" would be the more apposite, as the myriads who perished in the siege were assembled from all parts of the world. The `soldiers 0' seem to be the mercenaries on the side of the Jews: five thousand Idu-maeans are mentioned, B. J. v. 6. 1.

20 The requirement for the apostolic office is here clearly indicated. The candidate must have associated with Christ and his apostles during the period from John's baptism to the Lord's ascension, i. e. during His public ministry, The character of the apostolate is also significantly implied in the term martuj thj anastasewj autou. The resurrection was the great central theme of apostolic teaching and preaching (vid. Acts iv. 2, Acts iv. 33; Acts xvii. 18, Acts xvii. 32).-G. B. S.

21 Here the Edd. have hmeij: poqen dhlon\ ez wn qaumatourgoumen. "ourselves: how is this proved? by the miracles we work." C. has not these words, which are not needed, but rather disturb the sense.

22 The words of the text (v. 23) Kai esthsan duo are better rendered "put forward" (Rev. Vs.) than "appointed." (A.Y.) The meaning is that the company chose two persons as candidates, leaving the decision between them to the lot.-G. B. S.

23 Oux aplwj de prostiqhsin, D. and E. have oux aplwj de ou protiqhsin ekeinon, according to which the sense would be the same: "Not without reason does he avoid putting Mat-thias first."

24 Here the Edd. add, ouxi twn ecwqen, "not by those without:" but these words are not found in our mss. of either text, nor in the Catena.

25 So, except E. all our mss. and the Catena: and Morel. Ben. But Sav. and Par. "they did not yet think themselves worthy to make the election by themselves: wherefore they desire to be informed by some sign." An unnecessary alteration; for the sign means some miraculous token. So Oecumen.

26 mss. and Edd. pollw mallon entauqa eplhrwse ton, xoron, aphrtise thn tacin. The Catena adds o anadexqeij (anadexqteij), which we have adopted.

27 Edd. Panu ge. Ou gar episkopou. legeij ergon. Read Panu ge (ou gar\) episk. leg. ergon.

28 Qumbainei tina klhron diadecasqai andrwn moxqhrwn. The expression below, oti moxqhoj tij esti shows that the and. mocq., `ill-conditioned men, 0' are clerks. The offences meant seem to have been before ordination: and the difficulty is, How to deal with a clerk who ought not to have been ordained at all? You cannot cut him off from the order of clergy, there being no present actual delinquency to justify such a step. Then suppose you do not call him to account for the past, on the ground that the bishop who ordained him must be answerable: what are you to do, when this man should in the regular course be advanced to a higher order of the ministry? To refuse to ordain him, would be to publish his unworthiness, and call attention to the scandal of his having been ordained in the first instance: to advance him, would be even worse.

29 Here the Edd. add antisthson thn geennan, "put in the other balance-hell :" which, however, is not found in any of our mss.

30 ina en amarth amarthua monon ekolazeto pikrwj. On this peculiar construction, see Field, Adnotat, in Hom, in Matt. p. 404. E.-In the next sentence St. Chrys. in applying the term iereuj to Moses, does not mean that Moses was a Priest, but that he held a station similar in some regards to that of Bishops afterwards. Aaron was properly the High Priest, but Moses was a type of Christian Bishops, considered as Chief Pastors and Rulers.

31 Mallon de nun oude meta to ekbhnai dhloj toij polloij: ou gar estin autoij polemoj: alla kata touj poimenaj ekeinouj, k. t. l. Perhaps Chryss. is not fully reported here. The meaning seems to be: "The proverb, glukuj o polemoj apeiroij, may well be applied here; it is a fine thing to be a bishop, to those who have not tried it. Little do people think what this war is, before they have entered into it. But in our times, not only pro tou embhnai, but even meta to ekbhnai, after a good bishop has gone through with it, the generality of people do not see that there has been any war in the case. We bishops, in their view, are like Ezekiel's shepherds. And no marvel, for many among us are such." The author of the modern text has given a different turn to the sentiment. Here it is: "The same may well be said in the present case; or rather, we do say it before we have entered into the contest; but after we have embarked in it, we become not even visible to the generality. For to us now there is no war, against those who oppress the poor, nor do we endure to battle in defence of the flock; but like those shepherds, etc."

32 Vigils were celebrated in C.'s time with much pomp. A grand ceremonial of this kind was held in the first year of his episcopate, at the translation of the relics.

33 Poiw gar suneidopi an (l. kan) genh spoudasaj h, k. t. l. The meaning is strangely mistaken by the Lat. transl. Erasm. has, Quem enim conscium adibis si vel, etc. Ben. Quo uteris conscio si ambias vel, etc. The ofqalmoij following might have shown the meaning, not to mention the ungrammatical rendering of an genh spoudasaj.

34 See de Sacerdot, lib. iv. in the opening, where this question is considered at length.

35 Paraxwrhsw thj didaskaliaj imin: I will cede the teaching to you; let it be yours to teach by your actions, which is the more potent teaching.

36 Ta gar para filwn legomena, Kan ubrij h, forhta. Apparently a quotation.

37 Edd. apuloimhn ei mh: "May I perish if, etc." but none ofour mss. have this word.

1 i.e. in reference to the harvest. The modern text has, "therefore He calls this the harvest:" missing the author's meaning, i.e. the allusion to the parable of the sower.

2 toutesti, proj th penthkosth peri authn wj eipein. Proj, as in the phrase, einai v. ginesqai proj tini. Hom. in Matt. 289. B. Field, not. and similarly peri as in einai peri ti. Only Oecumen. has preserved the true reading, in his comment proj th p.\ peri authn hdh thn eorthn. A, B, C, read, pro thj penthkosthj peri authn wj eipein: so Cat. but with peri for pro. The others, ou pro thj p., alla peri authn, wj eipein.

3 In the mss. and Edd. the order of the following sentences is confused. It is here restored by bringing the clause, kai pantaj ekei sunhgagen into what appears to be its proper connection, and supplying the text to the comment pollhn thn rumhn legei tou Pneumatoj.

4 i.e. if the gift descended only upon the Twelve, there would have been specific and distinctive mention of them in this narrative, as there was in the former chapter; and with much more reason here than there. The writer would not have said merely, They were all together: it sat upon each one of them: they were all filled: if he had meant that the Spirit came only upon the Apostles.

5 i.e. Mark how the enumeration, "Parthians,' and Medes," etc., goes from east to west. This comment having been trans posed to the end of v. 12, was misunderstood: and E. has in stead of it, "Do you see how it was, that, as if they had wings, they sped their way through the whole world?"

6 Ta gar toiauta nhfouswn men yuxwn prospiptonta, ou polu exei ton qorubon: otan de mequswsin tote men outwj, toij profh taij de eterwj. In the modern text, which here also is followed by Erasm. and Edd. it is, alla tote men outwj ekeinoij, toij profhtaij de eterwj. "But here indeed it is on this wise with them (the disciples), but with the Prophets otherwise." -The expression "uninebriated" relates to the Old Testament: no such fire there, no mighty rushing wind, no vehement commotion: this comes of "the new wine" of the Spirit; otan mequswsin, with allusion to John ii. 10.

7 So de Sancta Pentecoste, Hom. i. t. ii. 465. "Why does Ezekiel receive the gift of prophecy not by the likeness of fire, but by a book, while the Apostles receive the gifts by fire? For concerning him we read, that one gave him in his mouth a roll of a book, etc.: but concerning the Apostles not so, but "there appeared unto them tongues as of fire." Why is it a book and writing there, here tongue and fire? Because there the Prophet went his way to accuse sins, and to bewail Jewish calamities: whereas these went forth to consume the sins of the whole world: therefore he received a writing, to call to mind the coming calamities: these fire, to burn up the sins of the world, and utterly abolish them. For as fire falling among thorns will with ease destroy them, even so the grace of the Spirit consumed the sins of men."

8 This, which we have marked as parenthesis, seems to be out of its place: it interrupts what is said about Ezekiel, and besides is not relevant to the matter immediately in hand, 'Entauqa de auto Pn. to #A. k. t. l. would come in more suitably after the mention of the fire in the bush, in which God appeared to Moses. And so Oecumenius seems to have taken it. "But it is in the likeness of fire, because the Spirit also is God, and to prove by this also that the Spirit is of one Nature (omofuej) with the Father, Who appears in this manner to Moses at the bush."

9 #Oti touto ekeino esti: i.e. The Spirit here given to, the disciples, is the same that was given to those: but more intense in operation; therefore it appears not merely under the emblem of cloven tongues, but as tongues of fire.

10 Chrys. seems to understand by diamerizomenai (v. 3), divided, distributed among the members of the company, rather than of a cloven form, a forked appearance, as indicating the shape of the fire-like tongues. The former is the preferable interpretation. (So the Rev. Vets. vs. A. V.). The latter view cannot explain the singular verb which follows, ekaqisen. - G. B. S.

11 ina deixqh autou gumnh h pistij. Not, "ut palam fieret fides ejus, fides ejus, Ben. but, quo ipsius nuda simplexque fides declararetur," Erasm. The meaning seems to be: David after the victory over Goliath, when the hearts of the people were turned to him, and he might have taken possession of the kingdom to which he was anointed, yet did not seek worldly greatness, but chose rather to suffer persecutions, etc.: as developed in the Homilies de Davide et Saule, t. iv. 752. Below, for anatrefomenon ("Samuel brought up in the temple,") A. has anstrefomenon, which we have adopted.

12 So C and Cat. B. transposes Elisha and Ezekiel, A. omits the clause. Chrys. elsewhere makes it a special praise of Ezekiel, that he chose rather to accompany his people into captivity, than to remain in his own land: Interp. in Isai. i. t. 1. 2. and ad Stagyr. ii. t. ii. 228. In this manner then (he would say here), Ez. "left all," and having thus given proof of his worth, received the gift of prophecy. The modern text reads: "Ezekiel again. And that the case was thus, is manifest from what followed. For indeed these also forsook all that they had. Therefore they then received the Spirit, when they had given proof of their own virtue." -By these (outoi) We must understand the Old Test. saints just mentioned. It should rather have been ekeinoi, but Chrys. is negligent in the use of these pronouns. See Hom. in Matt. Field. Adnot. p. 709, B.

13 'Hlattouto. Alluding to Numb. xi. 17. "I will take of the Spirit that is upon thee, and will put it upon them."

14 #Ina de ech. (Cat. ina deich.) Oecumen. ina exwsi, "that they may have it in their power, according to the law of their fathers, to appear thrice in the year, etc." The modern text has, epei echn <\=85_dia touto. "Because it was permitted ...therefore."

15 'Ekei de en aixmalwsia hsan polloi h kai ekei diesparto ta eqnh ta twn dogmatwn. A. b.c. N. As ta twn d taken as apposition to ta equh yields no satisfactory sense, we adopt from the modern text proj before ta efnh, and make, as there, ta twn d. the nom. to diesparto. And as in the next sentence Chrys. distinguishes citizens, foreign (Jews), and proselytes, and there is no mention of the last, unless it be in the clause h kai ekei diesparto, we infer that ta twn d. means the Law of Moses. "Or also in those countries (Parthia, Media, etc. in consequence of the dispersion of the Jews) the Law and its religion ad been disseminated among the Gentiles. So that from all quarters, etc." Thus it is explained how there came to be present at Jerusalem "devout men" from Parthia and those other countries: there were many Jews there in captivity, and also proselytes of the Law from among the Gentiles.-In the modenn text the passage is thus altered: "But, in, much as the Jews were in captivity, it is likely that there were then present with them many of the Gentiles: h oti kai proj ta eqnh ta twn dogmatwn hoh katesparto, kai dia touto polloi kai ec autwn parhsan ekei. Or, because ta twn d. had become disseminated among the Gentiles also, and therefore many also of them were there present, kata mnhmhn. wn hkousan. Here ta twn dogmatw/ is taken to mean `the doctrines of the Christian Faith: 0' as Erasmus renders the passage, Sive quod ad gentes quoque fidei dogmata seminars fuerint, et hanc ob causam complures ex iis aderant ut memorarent qua audierant. It can hardly be supposed that St. Chryostom meant to represent that some of these Parthians, Medes, etc. were Gentiles who had heard in their own country the tidings of the Faith of Christ, and therefore were present at Jerusalem: yet this is what he is made to say in this text.

16 It is impossible to gain from this language any clear view of the author's opinion of the gift of tongues. The uncertainty of the text here still further embarrasses the subject. That the narrative means that they received at Pentecost a miraculous gift of speaking foreign languages, is now almost unanimously maintained by modern scholars. The difficult question as to the gift of tongues as referred to in 1 Cor. xiv. should not lead to a weakening or explaining away of such unmistakable expressions as eteraij glwssaij hmeteraij glwssaij (4), hmeteraij glwssaij (II) and th idia dialektw (6, 8). Cf. Mark xvi, 17.-G. B. S.

17 Panu ge (ou gar\) anqwpoi k. t. l. See above, p. 47. note u. and 66, note c. The modern text has, Panu ge: oti anqrwpoi k. t. l. Below, "Since this was improbable, therefore, to impose upon the hearers, and show that the men are drunken, they ascribe, etc." But in the old text it is, oti ouk an emequsqhsan, meaning, "because [so early in the day] they would not have been drinking much," (this is the force of the tense mequsqhnai as in John ii. 10) "therefore they ascribe all to the quality (of the wine);" because as Oecumen. says, explaining is remark of Chrys., the fumes of gleukoj mount more quickly to the brain, etc. Erasmus, seemingly referring this to memestwmenoi, translates hebetudini crapulaeque rem totam ascribunt: Ben. even more strangely, 'agendi et loquendi modo totum ascribunt.

18 'Ekei: referring to ch. i. as expounded in Hom. iii. So Oecumen, in loc. #Anw men thn khdemonian epideiknutai, en oij tw plhqei epitrepei thn eklogh/ k. t. l..

19 Here the modern text (Edd.) enlarges by the additions "to account the wonder of the tongues the work of drunkenness? But not a whir did this annoy the Apostles; nor did it make them less bold at hearing such scoffing. By the presence of the Spirit they were now transformed, and were become superior to all bodily considerations."

20 The change of subject (from the Jews to the Apostles) is not expressed in the original. To remedy the confusion occasioned by this negligence, the modern text (Edd.) transposes this part: viz. after the sentence ending, "so great a multitude:" it has, "For tell me: did they not fight-in a picture? ' And then, "What? I pray you; did they not exhaust, etc." Clearly the other is the original order. It is shown, first, how the Jews were utterly worsted, and how awfully the whole posture of affairs was reversed for them; and then, how victoriously the preachers of the new Faith maintained their ground against the whole world.

21 Edd. "Were they not subjected to the ridicule and mockery of those present? For in their case both these befel together: for some derided them, others mocked." Which is weak enough; but the original text could not be retained, because on the supposition that all this relates to the Jews then present, the mention of "wrath" and "punishment" would be irrelevant.

22 Euqumiaij, i.e. "bursts of self-complacent mirth" (e.g. at Athens), opposed to qumoij "explosions of wrath," Ben. without specifying the authority, notes a various reading aqumiaij, which is found in none of the Paris copies, and is quite unmeaning. Edd. uaniaij.

23 Ben. interprets: "So unlooked for were these trials. that the Apostles seemed to themselves to be dreaming or beholding these things in a picture." But when the true order of the text is restored, no such far-fetched comment is needed.

24 The text is defective here, arxontwn foboi, oplwn isxuj: polesi kai teixesin oxuroij. The text of the Edd. has: "And the wonder is, that with bare body they took the field against armed men. against rulers having power over them: without experience," etc.

25 St. Chrysostom's habitual use of the term philosophy is thus explained in the index of Mr. Field's edition of the Com. on St. Matt. "Philosophy, according to the custom of Chrys. is not Christian piety, not the exercise of any virtue, not a pious and chaste life, not virtue in general, but that part of virtue, which consists in subduing the carnal appetites and affections. Thus to Christian philosophy are to be referred: forbearance and long suffering; humblemindedness; contempt of wealth; an austere and monastic life; every other mortification (apaqeia). Its contraries are: emulation (zhlotupia see below), envy and vainglory, and all other passions."

26 kai filosofa, fhsin, ina: "And `philosophical, 0' forsooth:" but perhaps it should be kai efilosofhsen ina: "this was the upshot of his philosophizing." 'H tou filosofou yuxh: "the soul of the philosopher himself (A tou didaskalou), viz. equally with the souls of other men, becomes, for instance, a fly," etc. Comp. infra: "our soul passes into flies and dogs," etc. and Hom. in Ev. Joann. t. viii. 8. D. "they say that the souls of men become flies, gnats, shrubs." -Edd. "For what is the benefit from learning that the soul of the philosopher," etc. The next sentence (ontwj muia-ouk eij muian metepipten (sc. h yuxh), all epebaine (sc. muia th en Plat. oikoush) yuxh seems to mean, `He talks of the soul becoming a fly: and truly the soul in Plato might be claimed by a fly: 0' epeb. thy. as e.g. is epibainein th eparxia to step into possession of, etc. Poiaj gar tauta ou muiaj; Edd. mutaiologiaj; adding, Pofen dh toiauta lhrein epebaleto; "What could put it into his head to rave in this fashion?"

27 The author's depreciation of Plato contrasts unfavorably with the more generous estimates of a long line of Church Fathers from Justin to Augustine.-G. B. S.

28 'Epei ekeino ge kai anhrei. Erasmus translates, Quandoquidem et illud quod Plato docuit, sustulit: whence Ben. Nam illud Platonis hic (Petrus) sustulit: i.e. for Peter's doctrine (of chastity) has made an end of that lewd dogma of Plato's. But the following sentence rather implies that the meaning is as above given.

29 Di' autwn, Ben. per illas, which they seem to refer to gunaikej. Erasm. per illos, which is doubtless right: by means of the philosophers, as below, en taij ekeinwn yucaij.

30 Kai zhloi par autoij o kuwn kata Platwna. Edd. have this after "polity and laws," where it is clearly out of place, whatever it means.

31 Edd. Sfodra ge. on gar frenoj baqdraj. Read Sfodra ge (on gar)\fr. b. as above, p. 22, note 1, and 28, note 2.

1 The ekeinoi, if the old text be correct, are the mockers, but these are not "the devout men out of every nation under heaven," therefore onj cenouj eipen anwterw can hardly be meant to refer to the following clause, entaiqa proj ekeinouj k. t. l. The omission of the text-words, and the seeming antithesis of anwtew and entauqa, caused a confusion which the modern text attempts to remedy by transposing touj diaxl. to the place of toutouj. "Whom the writer above called strangers, to those Peter here directs his speech, and he seems indeed to discourse with those, but corrects the mockers." This just inverts Chrysostom's meaning, which is clear enough from the following context. He says: "The `dwellers in Jerusalem 0' are especially the devout men out of every nation mentioned above, and to instruct these (toutouj) is the real aim of the discourse, which however is addressed in the first instance to the others (ekeinouj), whose mockery gave occasion to it. St. Peter stands up apparently for the purpose of defending himself and his brethren: but this is in fact quite a secondary object, and the apology becomes a sermon of doctrine."

2 Kai to en 9I. oikein. Below he explains andrej 'Ioudaioi to mean, "dwellers in Judea:" therefore the kai seems to mean, "to be not only such, but dwellers in Jerusalem also."

3 Here our leading Ms. after ou gar wj umeij, has apoplhroutai, fhsi, kai upolambanetai oti mequousin. "For not as ye."-It is fulfilled (he says) and it is supposed that they are drunken!" which may have been said by Chrys., but certainly not in this place.

4 There is no reason to doubt that the company who witnessed the scenes at Pentecost really supposed the Christians to be intoxicated. To this opinion they were, of course, the more readily inclined because of their prejudice against the new sect. The force of Peter's refutation of the charge of drunkenness: "Seeing it is but the third hour, etc.," lies partly in the fact that 9 a. m. was too early for any such general intoxication, and still more in the fact that the third hour was the first hour of prayer, at which time it would have been sacrilege to drink to excess.-G. B. S.

5 Here the innovator, again mistaking his author's meaning, as if it were -Peter did not say, "These are not drunk," but what he did say was, "They speak by the Spirit"-finds it necessary to add, Kai oux aplwj, And not merely so, but, etc.

6 apologian, as in 2 Cor. vii. 11. "Yea, what clearing of yourselves."

7 i.e. The brightness of the miraculous fire appears at a time when there would be many to see it, people not being engaged in their works, nor within their houses at their noontide meal. Oecumenius evidently had the old text before him, for he gives the same sense with the slightest verbal alterations. In the Catena the sense is altered by omission of the negatives. "When people are about their work, when about their dinner, etc. The innovator (followed by Edd.) makes it "For when the brightness of the light is shown, then men are not occupied in the business of dinner (ou peri erga ...ta peri arioton), then the day is cheerful faidra, the brisk and stirring time of day), then all are in the market." By to lampron tou fwtoj he seems to mean bright daylight.

8 Here, after eij deuteran, C. has 'Oldan (marg. gr. kai Lobnan. oion deb. kai. Lobnan. B. after Deb. kai 'Oldan adds h Lobnan) It does not appear who is meant by this Lobna, unless it originates in some strange misconception of 2 Kings xxiii. 31, "daughter of Jeremiah of Libnah," LXX. Q. 9I. ek Lobna. Clem. Alex. Str. i. §. 136. has no such name in his list of Old Testament prophetesses.

9 Edd. "For it was not expedient, because this also was obscure. I will show, etc. For it frightened them more, being obscure. But if he had interpreted, it would even have offended them more."

10 What follows in the edited text is obscure and perplexed. The original text seems to labor under some defects, besides the omission of the passages commented upon.

11 Something seems wanting here: e. g. as above, "There were signs in heaven, as Josephus relates. This however, in the full sense, has never been fulfilled." And then, a reference to the Babylonian compared with the Roman judgment.

12 First blood, i. e. the taking and slaughter of the inhabitants: then, fire, etc., i. e. the burning of the city.

13 As B. has this sentence, which is in fact necessary to the sense, the omission of it in C. A. may be referred to the homoeoteleuton, elenqeroj.

14 kai (=kaiper, or ei kai>\/) foberon to thj kolasewj. i. e. he alleviates the severity of his discourse by speaking of the effects of faith, at the same time that he shows the fearfulness of the punishment. Edd. kai ou fob. kruptwn to thj kolasewj, i. e. light ...and not fearful, by withdrawing out of sight what relates to the punishment: which however Ben. renders as if it were ou to fob. And not concealing the fearfulness, etc."

15 It is extremely doubtful if Peter understood by "the great and terrible day of the Lord" (20) the destruction of Jerusalem. (Chrys.) It probably refers to the Parousia which is thought of as imminent. The "last days" then would be the days preceding the Messianic age which is to begin at the Parousia. This view harmonizes with the Jewish conception and with the Christian expectation that the then existing period (aiwn outoj) was soon to pass into a new age (aiwn mellwn). The scenes of Pentecost were thought to be the harbingers of this consummation and were so significant both of the joys and woes of the impending crisis, that the bold imagery of the prophet Joel is applied to them. Cf. the prophetic terms in which the destruction of Jerusalem is foretold-an event closely associated with the personal return of our Lord in Matt. xxiv.-G. B. S.

16 wj otan legh en ampelwni pempein ta strateumata autou. Chrys. is misreported here, for the sending forth of the armies belongs to the parable of the marriage of the king's son.

17 Something must have been omitted here: viz. a brief exposition of the parable here referred to. The innovator endeavors to mend the text, by leaving out the following sentence.

18 Wn ouden wmoteron gegonen, agaphtoi, twn tote pepragmenwn pragmatwn. This may be explained as a negligent construction, but perhaps some words are omitted. The next sentence, Kai autoj apefhnato (which phrase is repeated below), refers to Matt. xxiv. 21. "There shall be great tribulation, such as has not been from the beginning of the world to this time."

19 'Obgiskoij (dagger-blades, or spear-heads, or spits) autouj diepran. In Hom. vi. p. 43. infra, we have the phrase tinej obeliskoi pepurwmenoi diepeiran swma. It is evident that something is omitted, and no more probable supposition presents itself, than that Chrys. here read out from Josephus or Eusebius the description of the famine among the besieged (which the reporter of the sermon omitted at the time, intending to insert it at his leisure); and that the short sentence in the text is the preacher's own parenthetical explanation of some part of the description. Thus, B. J. vi. 3. 3. speaking of the cruelties practised upon dying wretches suspected of having food concealed about their persons, Josephus says: 'Alla kai touj ekpneontaj oi lhstai dihreunwn, mhtij upo kolpon exwn trofhn skhptoito ton fanaton autn. Perhaps obeliskoij autouj diepeiran is C.'s comment upon dihreunwn.-Or, in like manner, it may refer to the description in B. J. v. 12. 3. how the lhstai, after ransacking the bodies of the dead, tried the edges of their swords upon them, etc. Taj te akmaj twn cifwn edokimazon en toij ptwmasi, kai tinaj twn errimmenwn eti zwntaj dihlaunon epi peira tou sidhrou. Perhaps, however, the expression may be taken in a metaphorical sense as in the phrase above cited: "they pierced themselves (eautouj for autouj) as with spits or lancets."

20 Against the Marcionites, he says: You say that the God of the Old Testament is a cruel God; whereas Christ, the good God, is all mildness. Yet was not the Roman judgment upon the Jews inflicted by Him? And was it not beyond comparison more ruthless (wmoteron, above) than the Babylonian or any former judgment, inflicted, as you say, by the God of the Old Testament?

21 Pwj oun fhsin, i. e. as it is said in the text, "Every one that calleth on the name of the Lord shall be saved." The question is the same as was put in the beginning of this section: "What? do you speak of salvation for them after crucifying the Lord? And this, when you have shown us how fearfully that sin was visited?" This question, as a very simple one, he leaves the hearers to answer for themselves, by distinguishing between believers and unbelievers, the penitent and the hardened.-The innovator quite alters the sense; "How then say some that Christ remitted them their sin?" which makes the next sentence idle.

22 Plhn otan kakeinoj eij ekeinhn metasth thn tacin The meaning is obscure: for it may be either, that he is displaced from office (metasthnai, metastasij are common in this sense), and makes one of the stasiazontej; or, that he lays aside the magistrate and demeans himself to take part in their excesses. (Tacij is the expression for the attendants of any high official, and may perhaps be taken in that sense here). Erasmus goes wide of the text: nec exultant eo quod et ille ad hoc opus ordinatus est: and so Montf. nec exultantes quod ille ad hoc officium sit constitutus.

23 meta ton Qeon, omitted in the modern text.

24 Hom. in Matt. lxxi. p. 699. C. Chrys. describes kenodocia (vainglory) in almsgiving, as the thief that runs away with the treasure laid up in heaven. And something of this sort seems to have been in his thoughts here, where however his meaning is evidently very imperfectly expressed. The texts cited show that ekei, ekeifen, refer to something more than, as above, good laws and government in general; for here he speaks of the Gospel discipline of the inner man. "Where this restraint is, no dissipation of our temporal or spiritual wealth has place: for God, as common Father, has raised a wall to keep out all robbers both seen and unseen, from all our possessions: from the former He guards us, by law and good government; from the latter, by the Gospel prohibition of all vainglory: "Take heed that ye do not your alms," etc.

25 Manfanei yuxh enteufen, opp. to ekeifen as in the following sentences: ekeifen swfrosunhn manfanei, enteufen akolasian-ek. epieikeian, ent. tufon-ek. kosmiothta, ent. asxhmosunhn. Therefore either something is wanting: e. g. pleonecian: ekeifen, or for ent. we must read ekeiqen.

26 The old text kai ebouleto ekeinoj o analiskwn kai thn oikeian eupragian mikran proj thn ekeinou, evidently requires correction, and the emendation assumed in the translation is, kai eb. ekeinoj einai (o anal. may perhaps be rejected as a gloss) kai thn oikeian eupr. m. orwn p. t. ekeinou. Thus the whole passage, from kai o men idiwthj, refers to the id. or person feasted, and ekeinou throughout is the entertainer. The edited text has: 'Ekeinoj de o anal. kai thn oikeian eupr. mikran oran edokei p. t. ekeinou: of which Erasm. makes, Ille autem qui sumptus impendit et suam felicitatem parvam cum ea quam ex sumptu habebat conspicere putabat. But even if this sense lay in the words, it is not easy to see the connection of the following sentence, Dia touto, etc., Montf. translates, Qui vero sumptus fecit, suam proe illius felicitate parvam putabat, as if ekeinoj and ekeinou in the same sentence referred to two different and contrasted persons. The meaning of the passage is, As, on the day before, the entertainer had to pleon thj eufumiaj, it is but fair that on the following day to pleon thj afumiaj should be transferred to him. This is expressed by Dia touto th ust. antididoasin: which however, Erasmus renders, Ideireo sequenti die reddunt sibi vestes iterum: Montf. redduntur vestes. (Perhaps there is an allusion to the legal phrase antidosij. v. Isocrat. peri antid).

27 Eij anafhmata oude eij, krubdhn. The modern text has eij aconaj oude eij, kurbeij, alluding to the peculiar form of tables on which the laws of Athens were written. On critical grounds we retain the reading of the old text, which, as being the more difficult one, is not likely to have been substituted for the other. Ouk eij anafhmata; "not on public monuments for display." Laws of an Emperor, for instance, engraved on handsome monuments, may be called anafhmata. Oude eij krubdhn, (also an unusual expression), `nor yet where no one would see them. 0'

1 tou propatoroj, A. C. F. D. and Cat. but tou Dauid eukairwj, B. E. Edd. Oecumenius fell into the same mistake and has tou propatoroj Dauid. But it is evident that Chrys. is commenting on the address !Andrej 'Israhlitai.

2 #Ora, poion hn touto mega, to eipein k. t. l. i.e. "He says as yet oudn mega, nothing great, concerning Christ: nothing even that would be great if said of an ordinary Prophet. For, observe: poion mega, what sort of great thing was it, to say that Christ was sent from God?" In the following sentences Chrys. seems to have been scarcely understood by his reporter. His meaning may be thus represented: "And yet, so It is: everywhere in the Scriptures we find examples of this remarkable meiwsij: "Christ was sent from God," seems to be the point most studiously inculcated (to spoudazomenon): nay, we find it carried to the utmost (meq' uperbolhj) in some of Christ's own expressions. And so here: when Peter stands up-he, the leader of the Apostles, the lover of Christ, the good shepherd, the man entrusted with the keys of the kingdom of heaven. the man who has received the deposit of the Wisdom of the Spirit-after he has subdued the audience by the terrors of the coming judgments, has shown that he and his company have received wonderful gifts as foretold by the Prophet, and has made it felt that they have a right to be believed: you may well expect after all this that his first word about Christ will be something great; that he will certainly launch out boldly into the declaration, He is risen! Only think, though, what boldness to say this in the midst of the murderers!-Nothing of the kind. He begins with, "Jesus the Nazarene, a man proved to be from God unto you by signs, etc. which-(He did? no, but) God did by Him, etc. Wait awhile, however: the Orator will say all that needs to be said in due time."

3 Ei gar kai wrismenon hn, fhsin, omwj androfonoi hsan. b.c. after apall. tou egklhmatoj, and before the text. As the sentence so placed seemed to make Chrys. contradict himself, the other mss. and Edd. before Ben. omit it. Something is wanting, which perhaps may be supplied from Oecumen. 'Alla kai apallasswn ouk afihsin autouj panth tou egklhmatoj. 'Epagei gar, oti dia xeirwn anomwn aneilete.

4 In v. 23, the preferable reading is dia xeiroj anomwn, "through the hand of lawless men," instead of dia xeirwn anomwn of the Text. Recep. So A, B, C, D, Tisch. W. and H., Lach. Treg. R. V. This reading is also to be preferred in accordance with Bengel's first rule of text-criticism-Lectio difficilior principatum tenet.-G. B. S.

5 The confusion may be cleared up by supposing that Chrys. here commented upon the words dia xeirwn anomwn as admitting of a double connection: viz.: with ekdoton labontej and with prosp. aneilete. In the former, it refers to Judas: while at the same time, it is shown that of themselves they had no power against Him. He was delivered up by the predestination and will of God, by means of the wicked hands of Judas; upon whom (already gone to his doom) the evil is shifted entire. But again, as ekdoton is not put simply and without addition (aplwj), so neither (oude) is aneilete: but "by wicked hands ye slew," i. e. by the soldiers.

6 The text seems to be corrupt: kai auto didontoj estin ti: deiknusin oti. B. omits estin ti. Perhaps kai auto is derived from an abbreviation of krateisqai auton: and didontoj estin ti: may be, "is (the expression) of one assigning something. i.e. some special prerogative to Him:" or, possibly, "For the expression, Kaqoti ouk hn dunaton even of itself implies the granting of something (in His case):" viz. as a postulate. E. kai auton didonta emfainei katasxein: kai oti, i.e. "that it Was even He that gave death the power to hold Him:" this, which is adopted by Edd. is, however, not a various reading, but only an attempt to restore the passage. Oecumen. gives no assistance: he has only, dia de tou, kaqoti ouk hn dun. auton krat., to megaleion autou paristhsi, kai oti ouketi apoqnhskei. In the next sentence E. and Edd. have: "For by `pains of death 0' Scripture is everywhere wont to express `danger: 0'" but Oecumen. and Cat. agree with the old reading, h Palaia. Possibly the meaning of the whole passage may be somewhat as follows. "It is something great and sublime that Peter has darkly hinted in saying, `it was not possible that He should be holden of it. 0' And the very expression kaqoti implies that there is something to be thought of (comp. Caren. in 1). Then, in the Old. Test., the expression wdinej qanatou means pains in which death is the agent; but here they are the pangs inflicted upon death itself, travailing in birth with Christ `the first-begotten from the dead. 0' It shows then both that death could not endure to hold Him, and, that Christ being raised from the dead dieth no more. For the assertion, etc. But then, without giving them time to ponder upon the meaning of what he has darkly hinted, he goes off to the Prophet," etc.-On the expression wdinaj luein Mr. Field, Index to Hom. in Matt. s. v., remarks, that "it is said sometimes of the childbearing woman herself, as p. 118. B., sometimes of the child born, as p. 375. A., sometimes of the person aiding in the delivery, as Job xxxix, 2. Hence the obscure passage Acts ii, 34 is to be explained. See Theophylact in 1."

7 It is noteworthy that this interpretation of wdinaj tou qanatou (24) is exactly that of Meyer who explains thus: "Death travailed in birth-throes even until the dead was raised again. With this event these pangs ceased, they were loosed; and because God had made Christ alive, God has loosed the pangs of death." Other interpretations are: (1) The snares or bands of death, on the ground that wdinej is used in the lxx. to translate the Hebrew lbx

(e. g. Ps. xviii. 5), which has this meaning. So Olsh. (2) That the pains of Jesus connected with the whole experience of death are meant. He is popularly conceived as enduring these pains until the resurrection when God loosed them, the conception being that he was under their power and constraint. We prefer this view. So Lechler, Gloag, Hackett.-G. B. S.

8 i. e. The former part of the passage cited, down to, "Thou wilt not leave my soul in hell," as far as the words go, is no more than David might say in reference to himself, or any other saint: viz. he set God always before his face, etc. therefore (dia touto, referring to v. 26. dia touto eufr.) death was not in the number of things that cause grief. And St. Peter instead of going at once to that in the prophecy which is peculiar to Christ, with wise management begins with what is less exalted, ate eisagwgikwterwn logwn deomenoij, Oecumen.-For dia touto ou twn lupountwn o fanatoj, E. and Edd. have ina deich, oti ou ..."to show that death," etc.

9 tewj manfanwmen kai hmeij outw katexein. As the text stands, this can only mean, "And here by the bye let us also learn how to hold fast Christ; not to hold Him withpain, like one in travail-pangs, who therefore cannot hold fast, but is in haste to be delivered," etc. But this can hardly have been St. Chrysostom's meaning. Something seems to be omitted after kai hmeij or outw.-Edd. tewj de manfanomen kai hmeij dia twn eirhmenwn ti esti to katexein. If this is: "What is the meaning of the expression katexein, the emphatic kai hmeij is superfluous; and besides, the word katexein does not occur in the text commented upon. Oecum. and the Catena give no help.

10 Edd. kai gumnhn tifhsi dhlwn pwj. "And gives it bare (of comment), showing." Montf. mistranslates gumnhn tif, nudam exponat, and notices the old reading (A. b.c.) with the remark, Unus Codex prof. ou gumnhn. Minus recte. But Chrys. is now commenting on v. 30, 31. "Above, St. Peter gave the prophecy by itself: now he adds his own exposition and reasoning, "Being therefore a Prophet." etc.

11 'Ecexee, fhsin, ouk aciwma zhtwn, kai oux aplwj. Edd. 'Ec., f. 'Entaufa to aciwma emfainei, kai oti oux aplwj. "Here he intimates the dignity: and that," etc. But the meaning is, "He poured it forth, not requiring merit: i.e. not giving here and there to the most deserving, but as the phrase implies, with unsparing liberality." meta dayileiaj. N. meq uperbolhj.

12 pofen touto; Edd. "Wherefore also to prove this very thing, he adds what follows." The connection is, "He has shed forth. How so? It must be He; for not David ascended," etc.

13 Here five of our mss. have mef' uperbolhj, "hyperbolically:" but the reading of E. mef' upostolhj is attested by Oecumen. and the Catena.

14 i. e. the expression "Lord" is derived from David's, "My Lord:" the expression "Christ," or rather kai Xriston o Qeoj epoihj en, is from the Psalm: meaning perhaps the second Psalm. Edd. have, "this he says from David and from the Psalm," after the text.

15 The two Old Test. pp. (Joel ii. 28-32; Ps. xvi. 8-11) which occur in this chapter are quoted from the lxx., the former freely, the latter with great exactness. The following peculiarities of phraseology are noticeable in the first passage. (1) "In the last days," more definite expression for the Heb. and lxx. "afterward." (2) The partitive expression: "I will pour out of my Spirit," is after the lxx. vs. the original which reads: "I will pour out my spirit." (3) The phrases: "saith God" and "they shall prophesy" (17, 18) are added to both Heb. and lxx. (4) "Vapor" is from lxx. for Heb. "columns." (5) If we read kai epifanh at the end of v. 20 (as Mey., W. and H.) it is from the lxx. an inaccurate trans. of Hebrew for "fearful," occasioned by misunderstanding on the part of the Seventy of the derivation of the Heb. word. The second pp. follows the lxx. exactly and in several deviations from the original.-G. B. S.

16 Alluding to the Psalm above cited, "Until I make Thine enemies Thy footstool."

17 In the modern text the connection is supplied, and the thought expanded. "And yet neither is it any ordinary being that promises it: but One who is beyond comparison greater than the Kingdom itself. Now when the promise is a Kingdom, and God the Giver thereof, it is a great thing, the very receiving from such a Giver.

18 In the original the pronouns are ekeinoj (God), outoj (the Devil; for which however our mss. have ou ta and auta): then inversely, ekeinoj (the Devil), outoj (God). The modern text reduces the antithesis to regularity by transposing the first and second clause, with ekeinoj, outoj, in each member. Mr. Field, however, Hom. in Matt. 709 B. not. has remarked, that St. Chrys. is negligent in his use of these pronouns, and this passage may be added to those cited.

19 !Idwmen ti xrhsimwteron, ti dai (de, A. N.) wfelimwteron. (Here N. adds: Mh touto dwmen ti xrhsimwtero/n ti de wfelimwteron\) Mh touto fhsin eiph=j all' ennohson oti diaboloj esti/n malista men an ekeino deixfh/ dei kai ponouj uposthnai kai palin, k. t. l. The addition in N. is perhaps the result of unintentional repetition. If meant for emendation, it supposes an antithesis of xrhj. and wfelimwteron: "let us grant which is more serviceable (to others): but (the question is) which is more profitable (to one's self)." This, however, is not what the context requires. Rather it seems that something is omitted after eiphj: e.g. all' idwmen ti eukolwteron, "But let us see which is more easy." In the following sentence, it is not clear whether malista men belongs to dei kai p. u. "of course, if the former appear to be the case, it is necessary," etc. or, to the preceding clause, as in the translation: "above all (consider that it is the devil who gives the bidding), if that appear to be the case (i.e. that it is the easier of the two): it is needful," etc.-Edd. "But not only this, but bethink you that he indeed is the devil: for above all if that be shown, again the prize of victory shall be greater."

20 dia touto, i. e. by enjoining ta sumferonta, although fortika, are fathers and masters shown to he truly such, whereas kidnappers who steal away children, seduce them by promising pleasure, and lumewnej, masters who ruin their servants, let them have their own way.-Morel. Ben. 'Ekeinoi de andrap. kai lum. kai panta ta enantia: "but the others are kidnappers and destroyers, and all that is contrary (to fathers and masters)." Savil. as above.

21 Plhn oti kai hdonhn exei, dhlon ekeifen. We have supplied the interpretation in the translation. 'Ekeifen, i.e. from that saying, "Come unto Me," etc. D. has enteufen: i.e. "is manifest from the following consideration."

22 Here is another instance of the negligent use of the pronouns ekeinoj and outoj noticed above (note 1). In the modern text this is altered, besides other changes intended as improvements upon the ornate description following. We have retained the original text throughout.

23 Ou th fea de monon oude th oyei terpei (Sav. terpoito an) tote o toioutoj, alla kai (en b.c.) tw swmati autw tou proj ton leimwna orwntoj, (tou p. t. l. o. om. Sav. with full stop at autw., ekeinon (gar add. B. Sav.) mallon anihsi k. t. l. Savile's reading, adopted by Ben. rests on the sole authority of the New College ms. and is manifestly a correction, as the Paris Editor remarks. (This ms. has the clause tou. <\=85_orwntoj, but dotted for correction or omission, and the gar is added by §later hand.) But the passage seems to be incurably corrupt and only so much of the sense can be guessed at, that the delight is said not only to affect the eye, but to be felt through the whole frame of the beholder.

24 alla yuxaj anihsin fermainomenh kai zeousa. (feousa A.) The latter words, "heated and glowing," as manifestly unsuitable to aura are omitted in the modern text. They seem to be a fragment of a sentence, describing the heat of fever, or of passion.

25 plhn ei mh eij ecin eauton tina toiauthn katasthseie. Edd. apac eij ecin .<\=85_ katasthsaj: "having settled himself down into some such habit." But the old reading is preferable. "You may pacify him again and again, but the fit is subdued for the time, not the temper changed. There will be a fresh outbreak by and bye, unless indeed by self-discipline (eauton kat.) he bring himself into a habit," etc.

1 This is strangely rendered by Ben. At alioquin, post-quam illos sic appellare dignati fuerant, et dixerant. Erasmus rightly, Et aliter: quoniam illi eos primum ita appellare dignati fuerunt. Oecumen. "And because Peter in the beginning of his discourse had so addressed them, hence they themselves had a handle for so addressing the Apostles."

2 Touto gar en tw baptismati parelabon. St. Chrysostom cannot mean to say that they received the gift of faith in baptism, not having it before: (see Mark xvi. 16, Acts viii. 37.) But the meaning seems to be, with allusion to the traditio symboli in baptism, "He does not as yet say, "Believe:" the question, "Dost thou believe?" would be put to them in their baptism, when the Creed was delivered to them. So that the injunction "Believe" is in fact included in the "Be baptized."

3 We adopt the reading of A. N. The other mss. have kai twn parntwn kai twn mellontwn apallattei kakwn, "both from present and from future evils." Below, v. 42, omofumadon, which Chrys. seems to have had in his copy, was probably derived into this verse after proskart. from proskart. omof. v. 46.

4 The exact force of koinwnia here has been much disputed. By many it is thought to mean communication (to the needy) in the having all things common (koina), Ols., Lechler, et al. By others it is understood to refer to the Lord's Supper, but against this view is the fact that koinwnia did not become a name for the sacrament until the third or fourth century. Others render: fellowship understanding either the participation in common meals (agapai) or the enjoyment of mutual sympathy, helpfulness and encouragement-the fellowship of Christian friendship. So Bengel, Mey., Hack., Gloag. This view is the preferable one.-G. B. S.

5 Of our mss. N. E. have the true reading, pepurwto, which is attested by the Catena: the rest, pepwrwto. "were hardened."

6 This citation from v. 44. is not misplaced: it refers to the words epi to auto with which in Chrysostom's copy and many considerable authorities, this verse ended. (9O Kurioj prose. t. swz. kaq0 hmeran epi to auto. Petroj de kai 9I. anebainon k. t. l. Lachm.)-In the opening of the next paragraph, the modern text has: "And with many other words he testified. This he says, showing that what had been said," etc. But it is evident that the recapitulation begins here, with v. 37. and ta lexqenta, and ekeina, mean the preceding discourse, v. 14-36.; tauta, not "the many other words," v. 40. but, "Repent and be baptized."

7 The main lines of the picture which Luke here draws of the Apostolic community are: (1) Constant teaching and exhortation on the part of the Apostles. (2) Christian fellowship, with prayer and the regular observance of the Lord's Supper. (3) The doing of miracles. (4) The contribution of all to the common fund-not all at once, but gradually and as occasion required-as the imperfects and kaqoti an tij xreian eixen (v. 44) show. (5) The confident hope and exultant joy with which the work of the new kingdom was carried forward in the conviction that the gospel was for all (v. 39). The pasin toij eij makran must, we think, refer to the heathen (Calv., Beng., Lech., De W., Lange, Alf., Hack., Gl.) and not merely to distant members of the Jewish nation (Baumg., Mey.).-G. B. S.

8 In the old text (mss. and Catena) after twn pleionwn logwn to kefalaion comes the clause touto esti, fhsin, h dwrea tou 9A. Pn. where it is clearly misplaced: for to eukolon k. t. l. is, "Be baptized, and ye shall receive," etc., and tote epi ton bion agei refers to v. 40.: "And with many other words," of which pleionwn logwn the kefalaion is, "Save yourselves," etc. Hence the clause must belong to v. 39. and accordingly the Catena gives the whole passage from 9Aciopistoj o logoj to epi to bapt. ecerxontai. as the comment on v. 30, 39. We have restored the proper order, and supplied the omitted citations.-The modern text after to kefalaion, has kai touto prostiqhsi, deiknuj, oti h dwrea tou 0A. IIn. "Since the hearer, etc. this also he adds, showing that it is the gift of the Holy Ghost."-But the "hearer" is the person hearing or reading the narrative.

9 Here E. strangely inserts the formula of recapitulation, 0All0 idwmen anwqen ta legomena: received by Sav., Ben. but bracketted by Morel.

10 Here the mss. have: "And fear came," etc., v. 43, with its comment, which we have restored to its proper place.

11 Ouxi omou de, all omoqumadon hsan. !kaq hmeran te fhsin, proskart. omoqum. en tw ierw,@ toutesti, mia yuxh. b.c. F. D. St. Chrys. here returns to v. 42. in which he read in his copy the word omoqumadon. Commenting on that expression, he refers to v. 46 (as his remark on that verse above was that they were taught, thj didaskaliaj apelauon, in the Temple). Or perhaps this clause may have been added by the scribe, because he did not find proskart. omoq. in v. 42, but did find it in v. 46.-E. "But he says not omou, but omoq since it is possible to be omou yet not omoq., when people are divided in opinion. And with words he exhorted. And here again," etc. So Edd.

12 'Epi touto, epi to pasi metadounai b.c. D. F. N. Cat. on v. 46, but on v. 45, Cat. has epi to auto, which is doubtless the true reading: for which the innovator. not understanding it, has 'epi to ta autwn pasi diadounai. On epi to auto compare the comment on ch. iv. 32. in Hom. xi. §1.

13 ama thj toutwn (N. and Cat. tou Pneumatoj) parrhsiaj (parousiaj B.) pollhj oushj, kaq hmeran te k. t. l. b.c. D. F. N. Cat. We have adopted the reading preserved by N. and the Catena.-E. and Edd. "Who also with boldness, seeing there was great boldness now, daily went up and continued in the Temple."

14 kai auth (l. auth de h timh eij ton topon diebaine to en tw oikw esqiein. poiw oikw; en tw ierw b.c. D. F. Cat. This "eating in the house" refers to the clause klwntej te kat oikon arton. If the passage be sound, Chrys. here represents that the Temple was honored by the breaking of bread (the Holy Eucharist?), there-Edd. from E. kai auth de h eij ton topon timh diebaine proj ton tou ierou Despothn. "And the honor itself paid to the place passed over to the Lord of the Temple."

15 Edd. add, to yuxron rhma, "That cold expression."

16 Despotika, i. e. of Christ their common Master. But Erasm. Erant enim ut dominorum, and so Ben.

17 kai tauta en mesoij kindunoij embeblhkotwn autwn. Erasm. omits the two last words: Ben. in media pericula conjectis. The meaning is: "Not even in the midst of dangers, which they themselves had boldly charged, or, invaded."

18 Although he speaks below of Joseph the Patriarch, it seems that the husband of Mary is meant here.

19 Monoj gar, fhsin, antlhsei ta kaka. A. omits this and the next clause: E. substitutes, "so is he even to himself an enemy. Of such an one the soul is," etc. so Edd.

20 We adopt the reading preserved by A. N. (what is also contained in the modern text with additions meant for explanation.) #Ti poihswmen&Eaxute\@ hrwtwn ekeinoi. 9Hmeij de to enantion. Ti poihsomen&Eaxute\ #Aper edei genesqai epoioun. 9Hmeij de tounantion. The modern text, after hr. ekeinoi, inserts, apoginwskontej eautwn. "despairing of themselves:" and, after the second question, legomen, epideiknumenoi proj touj parontaj, kai mega fronountej ef eautoij. "Say (we), showing off ourselves to those present, and thinking great things of ourselves." b.c. omit, perhaps by oversight, the clauses between, Ti poihswmen. (B. ti poihsomen); and, #Aper edei. In the following sentences, the force of the verbs kategnwsan, apegnwsan, egnwsan might be rendered thus: "They knew themselves guilty, knew that in them was no power to save themselves-knew what a gift they received."

21 proj andra mainomenon exwn, pur pneonta. E. F. D. and Edd. omit these words.

22 mh gar amfhrista ta pragmato; Erasm. negligently, non sunt aeque amabiles illae res: Ben. num res sunt mutuo comparabiles?

1 Oecumen, has preserved the true reading: af ou pantej ekinhqhsan. mss. and Cat. ekinhsen. (N. in the margin, by a later hand, enikhse.) E. and Edd. o de tollhn eixe thn ekplhcin kai pantaj ecenise, touto legei.

2 There is no evidence that Peter and John attended upon the Jewish worshipsimply "for expediency." There is much to the contrary. The early Christians had no idea of ceasing to be Jews. Peter at this time supposed it to be necessary for the Gentile converts to be circumcised (Gal. ii.). It was incident to the gradual separation of Christianity from Judaism that those who had been zealous adherents of the latter should suppose that its forms were still to be the moulds of the new system. They were not for this reason less honestly and genuinely Christian, but had not yet apprehended the principle of Christian liberty as Paul afterward expounded it. The point of difficulty was not so much the entrance of the Gentiles into the Kingdom of God as the question whether they should enter through the gate of Judaism-G. B. S.

3 kai oion shmein hsan poihsantej. E. "And a miracle such as they had not yet wrought." So Edd.

4 Oecumen. "That he leaped was either because he was incredulous of what had happened, or, by way of trying his power of stepping more surely and firmly, or, the man did not know how to walk."

5 E. and Edd. "But let us look over again what has been said. `They went up, 0' he says, 'at the hour of prayer, the `ninth hour. 0' Perhaps just at that time they carried and laid the lame man, when people," etc. In the old text the clause auton bastazontej aphnegkan (which should be oi oi bast. auton) seems meant to explain kaq hmeran: they bore him daily, and the same persons carried him away.

6 E. and Edd. toioutoi tinej hsan kai 'Ioudaioi (for oi 'I.) xwleuontej <\=85_oi de (for autoi) mallon xrhmata aitousi <\=85_oi kai dia touto ..."Such sort of people were also [the] Jews, being lame (i e. like many beggars among ourselves): even when they have only to ask for health, yet they rather ask for money ...who even for this reason beset the temple," etc. But the meaning seems rather to be: "See here an emblem of the Jews. Lame, and needing but," etc.

7 outw pasi gnwrimoj hn oti epeginwskon, A. b.c. D. F. Sav. Morel. Ben. But Commelin. and Ed. Par. Ben. 2. after Erasm. adopt the reading of E. ou mhn pasi gnwrimoj hn oqen kai: because of the following comment on epeginwskon. But the meaning is: They were all acquainted with him (it could not be otherwise): but seeing him walking and leaping, they found it difficult to believe that it was he, and yet they could not doubt it. This is well denoted by epeginskon: for we use this word, epi twn molij gnwrizomenwn: strange as it was, they were satisfied that it was he, the man whom they all knew so well.

8 #Edei pisteuqhnai dioto, b.c. di oti A. This seems to be the comment on the remaining clause of v. 10, which we have supplied: but the meaning is obscure. The modern text has edei goun p. oti.

9 oude gar an eyeusato, oud an ep allouj tinaj hlqen. It is not clear who are the alloi tinesj: and something is wanting. In fact, this part of the Homily is very defective. The next sentence seems to refer to the mention of the porch called Solomon's, but evidently supposes something preceding: e. g. "The miracle was performed at the Beautiful Gate, beside which was the Porch called Solomon's."

10 E. and Edd. Kornhlioj alla nhsteuwn huxeto, kai alla oea. "Cornelius prayed with fasting, for one object: and sees a vision of something other than he thought for."

11 It can hardly be imagined that St. Chrysostom's meaning is correctly reported here. 'En arxh tou dihghmatoj, can only mean, In the beginning of the narrative (of this miracle). It seems that the case of this man, who at first lies at the gate of the temple, unable to stir, and in the end, enters with the Apostles walking and leaping and praising God, furnished the theme for the ethical part of the discourse. "There is the like cure for our souls: let us not give over for want of success in the first attempt, but begin again after every failure."

12 Ouden mega esti gen. didask. thj oik. Ou mikron k. t. l. The passage is manifestly corrupt, and the mss. lend no assistance. Ben. conjecturally, Nihil majus est quam esse doctores orbis: nec parum, etc. Ed. Par. Ben. 2. Fortasse, oukoun mega. But it is more likely that something is wanting, e. g. "It is no great matter [to be free from the vice of swearing. But to set an example to others would be a great thing], to be teachers herein of the whole world," etc.

13 'Alla pou qeleij idein. agaphte, oti o poluj oxloj k. t. l. The modern text, 9O poluj oxloj, agaphte, k. t. l.

1 'All' oude touto ou gar, k. t. l. This seems to refer to eusebeia "but not by our holiness any more than by our own power." The modern text: Oude touto hmeteron, fhsin ou gar, k. t. l. "Not even this is our own, he says; for not," etc.

2 or, Child, ton paida. Oecumen. seems to have considered this as a lowly title, for he says: "And of Christ he speaks lowly, tw prosqeinai, ton Paida." But to this remark he adds, "For that which in itself is glorified, can receive no addition of glory."-Below kaqwj en tw prooimiw may refer to the prefatory. matter (after the citation from Joel) of the sermon in ch. ii.: see below, in the Recapitulation, whence we might here supply, anwterw elegen, "Ihsoun ton Naz. k. t. l." "As in the opening address [above, he said: `Jesus of Nazareth, a man approved of God, 0' etc.]." Or, "like as in the opening words of this discourse he speaks in lowly manner of themselves." Oecumen. "He still keeps to lowlier matters, both as to themselves, and as to Christ. As to themselves, in saying that not by their own power they wrought the miracle. As to Christ," etc.

3 h deutera etera, A. b.c. (N. om. h) Cat. Namely, the first, "Ye did it ignorantly, as did also your rulers." The second, "It was ordered by the counsel of God:" as below, "And he puts this by way of apology," etc. The Edd. have adopted the absurd innovation, "`Through ignorance ye did it: 0' this is one ground of excuse: the second is, `As did also your rulers: 0'" E. F. D.

4 Ei pepoiqen, A. C. F. D. N. Cat. and nun after katab. om. C. F. D. N. Cat.

5 Polemoij attested by Cat. and Oec. but A. has ponoij, E. and Edd. kakoij. In the following sentence, Proj gar ton kausoumenon kai paramuqian epizhtounta outoj an armoseien o logoj, B. and Oec. read klausomenon, C. F. D. N. klausoumenon, ("to him that shall weep,") A. kausamenon, Cat. kausoumenon, the true reading. The scribes did not perceive that Chr. is commenting on the word anayucewj, "refrigeration," as implying a condition of burning: hence the alteration, klausomenon, or in the "Doric" form (Aristoph.) klausoumenon. E. and Edd. Dio kai outwj eipen eiswj oti proj ton pasxonta kai paramuq. zhtounta k. t. l. "Wherefore also he speaks thus, knowing that it is to the case of one who is suffering," etc.-In the text here commented upon, opwj an elqwsi kairoi anay., E. V. makes opwj an temporal, "When the times of refreshing," etc. But here and elsewhere in the N. T. Matt. vi. 5; Luke ii. 35; Acts xv. 17; Rom. iii. 4; the correct usage is observed, according to which, opwj an is nearly equivalent to "so (shall);" i. e. "that (opwj) they may come, as in the event of your repentance (an) they certainly shall." And so Chrys. took the passage: Eita to kerdoj epagei #Opwj k. t. l. "Then he adds the gain: So shall the times," etc.

6 ton prokexeirismenon. Other mss. of N. T. read prokekhrugmenon, whence Vulg. E. V. "which was before preached."

7 E. V. has "all," and so some mss. pantwn, and St. Chrys. gives it a littte further on.

8 Instead of this clause, "by the mouth." etc. the Edd. have from E. "Still by keeping the matter in the shade, drawing them on the more to faith by gentle degrees."

9 Tewj kataskeuazei oti autoi epoihsan to qauma. i. e. "by saying, Why marvel ye? he makes this good at the very outset: You see that a miracle has been wrought, and by us (as the instruments), not by some other man (this is the force of the autoi here). This he will not allow them to doubt for a moment: he forestalls their judgment on the matter: you see that it is done by us, and you are inclined to think it was by our own power or holiness," etc. There is no need to insert the negative, oti ouk autoi: Erasm. and Ben. Lat.

10 Peter sharpens his accusation of them by the following contrasts: (1) This healing at which you wonder is to the glory of Christ, not of us. (2) God has glorified whom you have betrayed and denied. (3) This you did though Pilate himself would have released him. (4) You preferred to kill the holy and just one and let a murderer go free. (5) You sought to put to death the Author of Life. Vv. 12-15.-G. B. S.

11 The meaning of the following passage is plain enough, but the innovator has so altered it as to make it unintelligible. Yet the Edd. adopt his reading (E. D. F.) without notice of the other and genuine reading. "And yet if it was h eij auton pistij that did all, and that (oti) it was eij auton that the man believed, why did (Peter) say, not Dia tou onomatoj, but 'En tw onomati>\/ Because they did not yet," etc.

12 E. has oti ugihj esthken after ouk hdesan instead of after touto hdesan. So Commel. Erasm. Ed. Par. Hence D. F. have it in both places, and so Morel. Ben. All these omit oti before en tw on. "And yet in His name they knew not that he stands whole: but this they knew, that he was lame, (that he stands whole)." Savile alone has retained the genuine reading.

13 oude/ proeipen, A. b.c. N. i. e. foretold nothing concerning them. Edd. ouden peri eautwn eipen, "said nothing concerning (the hearers) themselves."

14 There is one extenuating circumstance: they did it in ignorance (Cf. Luk. xxiii. 34; 1 Cor. ii. 8; Acts xiii. 27). This fact forms the transition-point to the presentation of a different side of the death of Jesus. It was their crime, but it was also God's plan. They did it from motives of blindness and hate, but God designed it for their salvation. So that Peter, in effect, says: There is hope for you although you have slain the Lord, for his sacrificial death is the ground of salvation. To this view of the death of Christ he now appeals as basis of hope and a motive to repentance (oun v. 19).-G. B. S.

15 megalhn deiknusi thn boulhn, meaning the determinate counsel of God above spoken of. Above, after kai palin, some other citation is wanting, in illustration of his remark that the prophecies of the Passion are all accompanied with denunciations of punishment.

16 h gar kata agnoian, h kata oikonomian. Edd. omit this interlocution, Sav. notes it in the margin. "Repent ye therefore." Why repent? for either it was through ignorance, or it was predestinated. (Nevertheless, you must repent, to the blotting out of your sins, etc.)

17 touto monon, b.c. N. "this is all:" i. e. no more than this: he does not impute that one great sin to them, in all its heinousness: he only speaks of their sins in general. A. and the other mss. omit these words.

18 The reference is hardly to the resurrection, but to the Parousia. To the hope of this event, always viewed as imminent, all the expressions: "times of refreshing," "times of restitution" and "these days" (vv. 19-24) undoubtedly refer. So Olshansen, Meyer, Alford, Hackett, Gloag, Lechler and most recent critics.-G. B. S.

19 The modern text; "Saying this, he does not declare, Whence, but only adds," etc.-'Akmhn decasqai. Ben. Utique suscipere. Erasm. adhuc accipere. It means, Is this still to take place, that he should say on dei decasqai, as if the event were yet future? And he answer is, "He speaks in reference to former times, i. e. from that point of view. (So Oecumen. in loc. to dei anti tou edei.) And then as to the necessity; this dei is not meant in respect of Christ's Divine Nature (for of that he forbears to speak), but the meaning is, So it is ordered," etc. The report, however, is very defective, especially in what follows. He is commenting upon the words, "Until the time of restitution (or making good) of all that God spake," etc. pantwn wn elalhsen o Qeoj, which expression he compares with what is said of the Prophet like unto Moses, pantwn osa an lalhsn. Christ is that Prophet: and what He spake, the Prophets, obscurely indeed, spake before. He adds, that Peter's mention of the yet future fulfilment of all that the Prophets have spoken is calculated also to alarm the hearers. See the further comment on these verses at the end of the recapitulation.

20 Ou ouden newteron. Meaning perhaps, that as Christ was from the first designed for the Jews, the Gospel is no novelty, as if nothing had been heard of such a Saviour before. E. D. F. wste ouden newteron, which is placed before the citation ton prokex.-Below, A. b.c. N. 'Eplhrwsen a edei paqein\ 'Eplhrwqh a dei genesqai exrhn oudepw, which is manifestly corrupt. We restore it thus: 'Eplhrwsen; #A edei paqein eplhrwqh, a de genesqai exrhn oudepw. The modern text: 'Eplhrwsen a edei paqein\ 'Eplhrwsen, eipen, ouk eplhrwqh deiknuj oti a men exrhn paqein, eplhrwsen a de (deoi add. F. D.) genesqai leipetai eti, oudepw.

21 C. N. Ou gar dh kata Mwsea hn, ei gar paj o mh ak. ecoloqreuqhsetai, muria de eipen ta deiknunta oti ouk esti kata Mwsea. B. omits ou gar . ...hn, inadvertently passing from hn ou gar to the subsequent hn ei gar. A. omits the words muria . ...oti, which disturb the sense of the passage. In the translation we have rejected the second gar. For eipen, Sav. marg. gives eipoi tij an, which we have adopted. The modern text substitutes to, kai, estai for ei gar, and inserts kai alla after muria de.

22 Tauta ola epagwga is strangely rendered by Ben. hoec omnia adjecta sunt. But this is the comment, not upon the threatening in v. 23, but upon the matters contained in the following verses, 24-26.

23 Mh gar wj aperrimmenoi diakeisqe, B. N. oukoun mh gar, A. palin mh gar, C. mh oun, F. D. kai gar, Cat. oukoun mh. E. and Edd., which also add at the end of the sentence, h apobeblhmenoi, where the other mss. have, Palin h anastasij, as comment on anasthsaj.

24 To de, Wj eme oudamou logon an exoi. He had before said. that in the very description of "the Prophet like unto Moses," it is shown that He is more than like Moses: for instance, "Every soul which will not hear," etc. would not apply to Moses. Having finished the description, he now adds, You see that the wj eme nowhere holds as the whole account of the matter: to be raised up (from the dead) and sent to bless, and this by turning every one from his iniquities, is not to be simply such as Moses. The modern text adds, "Unless it be taken in regard of the manner of legislation:" i. e. Christ is like unto Moses considered as Deliverer and Lawgiver, not in any other respect.

25 E. and Edd. "that they shall hear all things which Christ shall say: and this not in a general way, but with a fearful menace" It is a powerful connection, for it shows that for this reason also they ought to obey Him. What means it, "Children of the Prophets," etc.

26 legw dh to mh orgizesqai, as the explanation of eij touto. The other text confuses the meaning by substituting kai to mh org. "Not to swear, and not to be angry, is a great help to this." Which increases the "intricacy" of which Ben. complains in the following passage, where oaths are first said to be the wings of wrath, and then are compared to the wind filling the sails. Here instead of, wsper gar pneuma thj orghj o orkoj, fhsin, esti, (cited as an apothegm), the modern text gives, wsper gar pn. h orgh kai o orkoj esti. "For wrath and swearing is as a wind." The imagery is incongruous: oaths, the wings of wrath: oaths the wind, and wrath (apparently) the sails: but the alterations do not mend the sense.

27 kan gar mh epiorkhte, omnuntej olwj ouk iste. The modern text, kai oute epiorkhsete, oute omosesqe olwj. Ouk iste. Which does not suit the context. "Make it a law with the passionate man, never to swear. ...The whole affair is finished, and you will neither perjure yourselves, nor swear at all." He seems to be speaking of oaths and imprecations, by which a man in the heat of passion binds himself to do or suffer some dreadful thing. "Suppose you do not perjure yourself, yet think of the misery you entail upon yourself: you must either study all sorts of expedients to deliver your soul, or, since that cannot be without perjury, you must spend your life in misery, etc. and curse your wrath."-'Anagkh tini kai desmw, with comma preceding: so Sav. but A. b.c. anagkh nom. preceded by a full stop: "For needs must you, binding yourselves as with a cord," etc: and so the modern text, with other alterations (adopted by Sav.) which are meant to simplify the construction, but do not affect the sense. Below, 'Epeidh gar hkousate, kai to pleon umin katwrqwtai. Ben makes this a sentence by itself, Quia enim audistis, magna pars ret a vobis perfecta est. Savile connects it with the following, fere dh k. t. l. See p. 53, where he alludes to some who laughed at him, perhaps even on the spot.

28 Touto gar orkoj esti, tropwn apistoumenwn egguh.

29 pistoumenwn eautouj, A. b.c. N. as in the phrase pistousqai tina (orkw), "to secure a person's good faith by oath." Edd. apistoumenwn eautoij, "being objects of distrust to each other."

30 omodoulon. So the mss. but we should have expected despothn, "the master."

31 'All' egw ou boulomai, fnsi. "I do not wish [so to insult God].-Then do not oblige the other to do so: [nay, do not suffer him:] just as, should he pretend to name as his surety some person with whom he has no right to take such a liberty, su ouk anexh you would not allow him." That this is the meaning, is shown by what follows: oti ton Qeon ubrisai anexh: "he insults God, and you suffer him to do it."

32 Touj perittouj, kai pantaj emoi agagete. E. and Edd. for touj perittouj kai have touj de mh peiqomenouj. The following passage relates to a practice of swearing by touching, the Sacred Volume on the Holy Table. Against this custom he inveighs in one of his Sermons ad Pop. Antioch. xv. §. 5. (t. ii. 158. E.) "What art thou doing, O man? On the Holy Table, and where Christ lies sacrificed, there sacrificest thou thy brother? .... sacrificest him in the midst of the Church, and that, with the death to come, the death which dieth not? Was the Church made for this, that we should come there to take oaths? No, but that we should pray there. Does the Table stand there, that we should make men swear thereby? No, it stands there that we may lose sins, not that we may bind them. But do thou, if nothing else, at least reverence the very Volume which thou holdest forth to the other to swear by: the very Gospel which thou, taking in thine hands, biddest the other make oath thereby,-open it, read what Christ there saith concerning oaths, and shudder, and desist."-Here, he forbids the sacristans to admit persons for any such purpose. "Let such be brought to me, since I must needs be the person to be troubled with these things, as if you were little children, needing to be taught such a simple matter as this."

33 i. e. to take an oath by_the head of your child. So in the Tract. de Virgin. t. i. 309 D. it is remarked, that "men of rude and dull minds, who do not scruple to swear by God in great matters and small, and break their oath without remorse, would not for a moment think of swearing by the head of their children: although the perjury is more heinous, and the penalty more dreadful, in the former than in the latter case, yet they feel this oath more binding than that."

34 kai xairontaj ekaterouj apopemyw. i. e. "both of them glad (to be rid of the quarrel):" unless it is a threat, in the form of an ironical antiphrasis. In a law-suit one party comes off rejoicing (xairwn): here let both exult-if they can.

35 Matt. v. 34. "Swear not at all:" which St. Chrysostom (as the surest remedy) would enforce literally, and without any exception.

36 A. b.c. N. Sav. Ben. 9Odoj epi filosofian eulabeiaj eisagousa: (N. agousa:) palaistra tij esti. E. F. D. omit eulabeiaj, and so Commel. Morel. It would be better transferred (as remarked by Ed. Par.) to the next clause: "a training-school for piety:"

1 It is more likely that kataggelein en tw 'Ihsou thn anastasin k. t. l. means "to declare in (the case of) Jesus the resurrection," i. e. that the reference is specifically to the resurrection of Jesus instead of (as Chrys.) to the resurrection generally.-G. B. S.

2 So A. C. N. Cat. but B. omits ouk. Edd. "They had their hands still reeking with the blood of their former victim and they were not chilled (enarkwn), but again laid them upon others, to fill them with fresh blood. Or perhaps also they feared them as having now become a multitude, and for this reason the captain," etc. But the statement, uko edeisan to plhqj is explained in the Recapitulation: they led Christ to trial immediately, for fear of the multitude; but not so here.

3 C. D. E. F. Ei gar o staurwqeij, fhsi toiauta epgazetai, kai ton xwlon a/esthsen, ou foboumeqa oude toutouj. A. B. N. ergazetai, oude toutouz foboumeqa: ton xwlon anesthse, and so Cat. which however has esthsan. The meaning is obscure, especially the emphatic oude toutouj: but perhaps it may be explained: "He was crucified; they did their worst to Him, to how little purpose! therefore neither need we fear these men, what they can do to us." But the report is otherwise so defective and confused, that perhaps what Chrys. actually said here was meant of the priests: "We were able to crucify the Master, therefore we do not fear these common men, His followers, though, as they say, it is He that does these works, that made the lame man walk."

4 Something is wanting here: perhaps a remark on the mention of Annas as the high-priest, whereas elsewhere Caiaphas appears to have been high-priest shortly before.

5 apo tou prooimiou diekwmwdhsen, i. e. "You, the rulers of the people, and elders of Israel,-to make it a crime," etc. For this, which is the reading of the other mss. and the Catena, E. alone has kai diekwdwnise, mallon de autouz kai anemnhsen k. t. l. "And he rung them, nay, rather also reminded them," etc. Diakwdwnizein is a word elsewhere used by St. Chrys., and would suit the passage very well, either as "he put their unsoundness to the proof (like false metal, or cracked earthenware)," or "he sounded an alarm in their ears:" but the other is equally suitable, and better accredited here. Below, 'Epeidh de kai krinomeqa k. t. l.-Cat. epei de. Edd. nun de.

6 #Oran gar mh h ti katorqwsai. Quando enim non est aliquid praeclare agendum. Ben. Nom est corrigendum aliquid, Erasm. But see the comment in the recapitulation. "Where need was to teach, they allege prophecies; where, to show boldness, they affirm peremptorily." katorqwsai, "to carry their point," "to come off in the right;" viz. here, to convince by argument.

7 anatreyai (fhsin) to genomenon ouk eni, A. b.c. Cat. A proverbial expression. Edd. anatreyai to renomenon ouk isxusan, "Since then they had not power to undo," etc.

8 We have supplied the text, instead of which C. inserts, "What shall we do to these men?" adopted by E. and Edd. Below, after the text 5. 28. E. inserts the latter part of v. 17. "Let us straitly threaten them," etc.

9 All our mss. and Cat. peisqentoj oti anesth, kai touto (A. C. N. toutou, Cat. to) tekm. lab., oti esti Qeoj, except that B. reads oti an esth Qeoj. Hence we read, oti anesth. The repetition of these words may have led to the alteration.

10 The modern text adds, "And marvel not that they again attempt what had been vainly essayed before."

11 Kai mhn anw kai katw elegon. E. F. D. for the sake of connection insert dia touto before elegon, adopted in Edd.

12 The same mss. and Edd. "And that in the Name of Jesus, this man stands before you whole." And below: "And besides, they themselves held, etc. ...: but now they disbelieve and are troubled, taking counsel to do something to them." Again, after "the wickedness of the many:"-"And pray why do they not deliver them up to the Romans? Already they were," etc. All these variations are due to the innovator, who did not perceive that the recapitulation began at the place marked above.

13 The modern text inserts Kai ti dhpote ou paradidoasin autouj 9Rwmaioij; "And why do they not deliver them over to the Romans? Already they were," etc. And after wste mallon eautouj ekakizon, the same adds, upertiqemenoi thn autwn endeiyin: and below, "But concerning these, they neither were bold, nor yet do they take them to Pilate."

14 pwz exei kai to baru ta rhmata; kai en toutoij egumnazonto. i. e. "how their words have the rhetorical quality of to baru-grave and dignified impressiveness. Even in these, i.e. in the use of words," etc.

15 Chrys. rightly remarks upon the great boldness and force of Peter's answer to the Sanhedrin (8-12). The ei anakrinomeqa, k. t. l. (9) is ironical: "If for doing a good deed a man must make answer." Then follow the bold declarations which are almost of the nature of a challenge (10) "Be it known to you all," etc., and the assertion that it was in the name which they despised-the "Nazarene"-that the miracle had been wrought and all this is pointed by the contrast: "Ye crucified" but "God raised" and the charge of opposition to the divine plan in that they had rejected the stone which God had made the head of the corner.-G. B. S.

16 Ou gar ta rhmata monon, kai ta sxhmata edeiknunto to afpontistwj estanai peri toioutwn kpinomenouj. A. C. but the former has edeiknuon, N. edeiknu. Our other mss. have, ou gar toij rhmasi monon edeiknunto afrontistountej p. t. krinomenoi: which is only an attempt to make the passage grammatical. The comment is on the word qewrountez: they beheld the boldness, for not words only, their gestures also, declared it.-Below, thn parrhsian enefainon thn kata tou laou. 'Ey wn efqeggonto eqaumazon iswj. Edd. thn parr. enefainon epi rou laou ey wn efqeggonto. 'Eqaumazon de iswj.

17 af wn elegon; Edd. and Erasm. take this affirmatively: but this can hardly be the Author's meaning; as he has just said that "from the things they uttered, they marvelled" that the speakers should be illiterate and common men. Something perhaps is wanting: e. g. "Not from the matter, but from the dialect, or from the brevity and abruptness of Peter's style, or, from the appearance of the men.-In the mss. the next sentence is, wste epeskhyan an autoij, Extrema auctoritate mandassent iis, Erasm. Acrius in eos egissent, Ben. Here and in what follows we have endeavored to restore the proper order. In the mss. in consequence, as it seems, of a confusion between the two clauses, ou, dunameqa apnhsasqai, and ou dunameqa gar <\=85_mh lalein, the order of the comments is deranged: viz. "So that they would-been with them." "And they recognized-stopped their mouths:" "`Whether it be right-judge ye. 0' When the terror-mere bravery. `Whether it be right, 0' he says, and, `We cannot deny it. 0' So that they would-better to let them go. `Whether it be right-more than unto God. 0' Here by God-His Resurrection."

18 The author seems to give two different interpretations of the statement: "They recognized them that they had been with Jesus." (1) They perceived that these were the men whom they had before seen in company with Jesus. (2) They saw that their words and acts betokened association with Jesus. It is evident that the former only is meant in this place.-G. B. S.

19 Kaitoi pantaxou ai arxai deinai kai duskoloi. "If at the beginning you failed, how can you expect to succeed now? for the beginning being always the hardest part of any difficult undertaking, if you could not stop it then, much less afterwards." The modern text unnecessarily alters it to oupw p. ai a. xalepai te kai dusk.

20 Pollw mallon autoij beltion hn autouj afeinai. N. has a colon at autoij, which perhaps is better; then the first clause may be the comment on to kaqolou mh fqeggesqai: "not to speak at all: much more to them. It had been better to dismiss them (at once)." For this sentence E. alone has, Panu ge, touj ouden umaj hgoumenouj kai apeilountaj: "Aye, men who make nothing of you for all your threatening:" which is adopted by Edd.

21 E. and Edd. "That a notable miracle is done, we cannot deny:" and below "Here they say, of God, for, `of Christ. 0' Do you see how that is fulfilled which He said unto them, `Behold I send you as sheep in the midst of wolves; fear them not. 0' Then once more they confirm," etc. For tou Qeou, A. B. have tou Xristou.

22 The various readings are qsmatwn for dramatwn, and merh for melh. Below, twn de ekelse legomenwn kai khrugmatwn kai rhmatwn memnhtai pantwn. The mod, omits kai khr. The meaning is, "He cannot carry away in his memory the preaching which he hears in Church: but the preachments (proclamations) which he hears in the theatre he remember, every word."

23 A description of the attire of a philosopher. Lucian mentions the long beard and the staff, but as the vestment, the tribwnion or tritum pallium. The ecwmij elsewhere denotes (in opposition to epwmij) a tunic without sleeves, forming part of the dress of old men, and slaves, and also used in comedy. Here it seems to mean a cope, perhaps (Doun. ap. Savil.), the original of the academic hood, caputium.

24 Tertull. de Corona militum. "Ad omnem progressum atque promotum, ad omnen aditum et exitum, ad calceatum, ad lavacra, ad mensas, ad lumina, ad cubilia, ad sedilia, quaecunque nos conversatio exercet, frontem crucis signaculo terimus."

25 uper twn fugadeusantwn auton. When the "intercession" of Moses is spoken of, it is natural to suppose that the reference is to Exod. xxxii. 11 ff. But Sav. and Ben. refer this to Num. xii. 13, perhaps because of eboa (LXX. ebohse). But the addition, "for those who had driven him into banishment," does not suit the latter and less memorable occasion: for Miriam and Aaron did but "speak against Moses," not attempt to banish or expel him. More fully expressed, the meaning may be, "For a people who began by making him a fugitive, Ex. ii. 15, Acts vii. 29, and now had put the finishing stroke to their ingratitude." Comp. Ex. xvii. 4; Num. xiv. 10, Num. xiv. 13, etc.

26 an men ton birron enallac pepibalh. A. N. biron. b.c. bion (the word birroj, birrhus having perhaps become obsolete). Mod. thn esqhta.

1 The various readings are: o tou patroj hmwn dia Pneumatoj 9Agiou stomatoj D. paidoj sou, A. N. tou p. hmwn, om. C. o ek stomatoj tou p. hmwn D. kai paidoj sou, B. o dia stom. D. rou paidoj sou, D. F. rou, om. E.

2 'Epi to auto, At the same, as interpreted in a former Homily, vii. §. 2. For the next sentence, E. has Palin entauqa dhlwn to auto legei, oti tou plhqouj, k. t. l. "Here again explaining the `to auto, 0'" etc.-It is in allusion to the same expression that he says a little further on, 'Idou kardia kai yuxh.

3 i. e. the epi to auto is not local, but moral, the union of all believers in one heart and soul: q. d. "Do not object that it is impossible for all believers to be together now."

4 The Catena has preserved the true reading, tewj, for which A. C. N. have ate wj, B. F. D. ate. E. substitutes uioi.

5 A. b.c. N. twn 'Apostolwn. ora to atufon. !Idwmen loipon anwqen ta eirhmena. Kai twn 'Apostolwn thn filosofian. The clause ora to arufon is to be restored to its place after the second twn 'Apostolwn, as in the modern text, ora twn 'A. to a. kai rhn f.

6 Against the Arians, who from such texts as Matt. xii. 28, inferred the inferiority of the Son, Chrys. says, "Observe, the Father Himself is here said to speak by the Holy Ghost." This is lost in the modern text, which substitutes Swthr for Pathr. The text is given in our mss. with these variations. Comp. note a. A. C. Despota o Qeoj (o Cat.) tou patroj hmwn (o N.) dia Pn. 'A stomatoj D. B. Desp. o Q. twn patrwn hmwn o dia Pn. 'A dia stom. D. E. F. D. Desp. o Q. o dia stom. D. omitting dia Pn. 'A., but recognizing this clause in the comment. "Observe how they say nothing idle, but speak of His power only: or rather, just as Christ said to the Jews, If I by the Spirit of God do speak, so these also say, `By the Holy Ghost. 0' Behold, the Saviour also speaks by the Spirit. And hear what it is that they my, `Lord, the God Who by the mouth of David, 0'" etc.

7 In the mss. this clause of v. 27, with the following comment, ora pwz, k. t. l. is set in the midst of the comment on v. 29: viz. before the sentence which (in the old text) also begins with ora pwj. It is certainly misplaced there. See note 5.-Diairousi to paqoj seems to refer to the mention of Herod and Pontius Pilate.

8 o epitreyaj, o kai egkalwn kai eij peraj agagwn. The meaning seems to be, that though permitting, He calls to account, and though holding men responsible, yet brought it to pass. The modern text omits o kai erkalwn, and adds eirgasw at the end.

9 to auto legein thn dunamin kai boulhn. i. e. "hand" means "power," and "hand" (or, power) and "purpose," or, "will" here make one notion, "Thy will which is also power," for to Thee to will is to prevail: not two notions, for we do not say that power determines, but only the will.-The Edd. however, adopt from E. rhn xeira for to auto, which spoils the sense. "By the hand he means the power and the purpose."-Below, b.c. have oti rh xeiri dietatten (A. omits the clause), we retain from E. F. D. diepratten.-Oecum. "The hand and the counsel mean the same thing: for where there is power, there is no need of counsel. What Thou didst order from the beginning is done."

10 Here the mss. insert, $On exisaj, fhsin. #Ora pwj, k. t. l. "Observe how, even in prayer, they circumstantially describe the Passion, and refer all to God" etc. And then: "Observe how they ask all," etc. See note 2.-Here for the latter ora or oraj pwj of the old text, E. has eidej pwj.

11 Edd. kai eij parrhsian pleiona aleifwn, as the conclusion of the preceding sentence before the (omitted) text. "And anointing them (as wrestlers) unto greater boldness." Then, "For since it was the beginning (of their work), they besought also a sensible sign in order that they might be believed (proj to pisteuqhnai autouj, but after this, etc.). Great was the encouragement they thus received from their prayer. And with good reason they crave the grace of signs, for they had no other means," etc.

12 'Epei tote cenwj gegonen. Kai gar ote estaurwqh, esaleuqh h gh. Edd. 'Epi de tou swthriou paqouj cenwj kai para fusin gegone: kai gar tote pasa esaleuqh h gh. "But at the Passion of our Saviour it happened in an unusual manner and preternaturally: for then all the earth was shaken." Instead of the next sentence, "And the Lord Himself," etc. E. has, "to the intent the power of Him that was crucified should everywhere be known, and that the Sufferer was God, and not simply man. But further: although it was a token of wrath, yet was it of His wrath against the adversaries," etc., but Edd. follow the old text here.

13 A. b.c. omit the text: D. F. Edd. insert from v. 33, 34. "And great grace was upon them all, neither was there any among them that lacked:" E. "And with great power, etc. and great grace," etc. Tou pragmatoj h dunamij, i. e. of the having all things common, as below, p. 163. C. has pneumatoj, which Saville adopts.

14 The innovator, mistaking the meaning of to deuteron (viz the reference to ch. ii. 44), has, Saying above (v. 32), Neither said any of them, etc., and here (v. 34), "Neither was there any among them that lacked." So Edd.

15 The strong expressions of Chrys. concerning the community of goods at Jerusalem are quite different from the guarded and limiting statements of most modern commentators who seem bent upon showing that it was only a case of remarkable liberality, e.g. Hackett in loco: "Common in the use of their property, not necessarily in their possession of it." Our author's statements agree better with the New Test. notices on the subject. The main facts are these. (1) There was a real and general community of property. The statements in Acts on this point are clear and strong: kai elxon apanta koina (ii. 44); They were selling and distributing their real and personal property-ta kthmata kai taj uparceij (ii. 45). Nor did any one say that anything of his possessions was his own, all hn autoij apanta koina, (iv. 32); "As many as (osoi) were possessors of lands or houses," sold them, brought the money and distribution was made to the needs of each (iv. 34, 35). This is more than distinguished liberality or mere prevailing willingness to give. (2) This peculiar phenomenon was connected with the habit of living together as a group or family, on the part of the Jerusalem Christians (i. 13; ii. 42-44). It was an evidence that they were peculiarly one in heart and soul, that no mere. her of this closely-knit community was allowed to suffer while others could supply him (iv. 32-34). (3) The arrangement was purely voluntary. There was no law or demand in the case. Ananias and Sapphira (v. 1-11) were not punished for contributing to the common treasury only a part of the price of the land but as verse 4 clearly shows, for falsely presenting it as the whole. Yet the fact that they wished to have it thought that they had brought all seems to show that to bring all was customary and expected. (4) This community of goods was both local and temporary. It seems to have been confined to Jerusalem. There is no allusion to it in the Epistles. It sprang out of the ardor of brotherly love in the early years of the Christian community at Jerusalem and in view of the special needs of many of its members. The special poverty of the church at Jerusalem which made contributions from other churches necessary, may have resulted in part, as Meyer suggests, from the working of this plan. (5) The custom can hardly be explained apart from the expectation of the nearness of the Parousia. In the Thessalonian church all labor for self-support was upon the point of ceasing for the same reason. 1 Thess. iii, 10, sq.-G.

16 eiz poson iouywn ariqmon sunteinei; The word here used perplexed the scribes of later times when it had become obsolete, and N. has ioulwn, B. iouggwn, C. oggwn (sic), only A. ex cart. iougwn. The innovator substitutes migadwn and suntelei. The meaning is, At what number of juga is our city assessed to the imperial tributes? Justinian Novell. xvii. c. 8. prescribes that the imperial praktorej, exactores, shall be compelled to insert in their returns (apoxai) the exact quantity "of zygocephala or juga or jugalia or whatever else be the term used in different localities:" to poson twn zugokefalwn h io ugwn h iougaliwn, h opwj dhpote an auta kata xwpan kaloien. See Du Fresne Gloss. s. vv. It seems that each holding of land was rated or assessed at so many juga or yokes of oxen; moreover the term jugum is equivalent to a measure of land, as Varro remarks that land is measured in some places by juga, in others by jugera.

17 i. e. People now are more afraid of this (the cenobiticals way of life, than they are of launching into the sea of this world's temptations: whereas if we had made trial of this, we should boldly venture upon the practice so happily adopted by the first Christians. (tou pragmatoj as above, p. 73, note 3.)

18 'Ean odw probainwmen. B. unnecessarily inserts taurh, which Ben. adopts. "Si hac via progrediamur." 9Odw probainein (or odw badizein) is a common phrase in St. Chrys. Applied to persons, it means "to be fairly started and getting on:" to things, "to be in train," as in Hom. i. odw kai ta alla proubainen, "the rest would follow in course."

1 Chrys, evidently regards the death of Ananias and Sapphira as a miracle wrought by Peter (so Meyer). All that the narrative states is that Peter disclosed the sin of Ananias and foretold the fate of his wife (Lechler). The middle position seems preferable: Peter acted as the instrument of God, the agent of the divine retribution. His will acted in conscious harmony with the divine purpose of which it was the organ (so Gloag).-G. B. S.

2 Ei oudeij etolma kollasqai antoij t. apost. For ei, which is the reading of A., and seems to be the true reading, b.c. N. have h. The passage is corrupt, but the sense may be restored by inserting the words of the sacred text as above: i. e. To them, the Apostles, none durst join himself, but believers were the more added to the Lord, etc. Then o gar Petroj k. t. l. falls into its natural place as the comment on Petrou kan h skia. But with the other reading, h, the sense may be completed as below, p. 78, viz. "or, no man durst," etc., [so that they were allowed to remain undisturbed in Solomon's porch.] The modern text, after "the people magnified them," substitutes: Eikotwj: kai gar o P. k. t. l. "With reason. For indeed Peter was henceforth terrible, inflicting punishment, exposing even the thoughts of the mind: to whom also they gave more heed by reason of the miracle," etc.

3 The modern text inserts here: "But not so Ananias: he secretes a part of the price of the field which he sold: wherefore also he is punished as one who did not manage his business rightly, and who was convicted of stealing what was his own."

4 Edd. from E., omitting this and the following sentence, insert v. 14, 15, and below, John xiv. 12, both of which are wanting in the old text.

5 Edd. from E. "But not only for this reason, but because, being exceedingly humane and beneficent, they succored some with money, some with healing of their bodies. Why hath Satan filled thine heart? Peter," etc.

6 E. Edd. "therefore both in the case of the man himself,and in that of the wife, he makes the judgment terrible."

7 Our author touches upon the difficulty which has so often been found in this narrative on account of the apparent disproportion of the penalty to the offence. But it is to be remembered that: (1) The narrative presents the sin as the most heinous-lying to God-trying to deceive the Holy Spirit whose organs the Apostles were. It was a deliberate conspiracy for this purpose. (2) These persons were members of the church who professed to possess and should have possessed the Holy Spirit. Instead they had been overcome by a Satanic principle which here makes its manifestation in pride and hypocrisy. The selfishness of the deed is the more grievous because of the great piety and sacrifice of the act which was counterfeited. Pride is the greater evil, the higher the virtue which it simulates. (3) Such a retributive miracle, besides being just in itself, may have been specially necessary in this early stage of the church's life to warn against deception and fraud and to emphasize the principles of honor in the early church. "So terrible was this judgment in order to guard the first operations of the Holy Spirit" (Neander).-G. B. S.

8 Edd. from E. "Now if, their sin being inexcusable, he had not inflicted such punishment on them both, what contempt of God would thence have arisen! And that this was the reason, is evident from the fact, that he did not immediately," etc.

9 E. Edd. "There will be none to war upon us: just as, if we be put asunder one from another, on the contrary all will set upon us. Hence it was that they henceforth were of good courage, and with boldness attacked," etc.

10 Eukairon kai apo thj Palaiaj deicai to xalepon thj epiorkiaj thmeron. Meaning perhaps that this had occurred in one of the Scripture Lessons for the day. Below, Kaqaper gar drepanon opouper an empesh ouk an kaq eauto anelkusqeih monon, alla kai apotemnomenhj thj kefalhj. So A. B. N. Savil. and C., which last however has apo for apotemnomenhj. Hales ap. Sav. suggests, that apotemn. thj kef. ought to be rejected: it is better however to supply eij traxhlon before empesh as in the translation. The meaning is explained in Serm. ad. Pop. Antioch. xv. t. ii. 158. D. "A flying sword, one might manage to escape from, drepanhn de eij ton traxhlon empesousan kai anti sxoiniou genomenhn, oudeij an diafugoi, but from a sickle darted round the neck and catching it as a halter would, there can be no escape." Hence it appears that the innovator has quite mistaken the Author's meaning. He reads, Kaqaper gar drepanon eij traxhlon empeson ouk an kaq eauto anelkusqeih, menei de pwj eti kai apotemnomenhj thj kefalhj: i. e. "having cut off one head, it still remains, that it may cut off more:" which is irrelevant to the matter in hand, viz. how. to drepanoeidej denotes to afukton thj timwriaj. Of the Edd. Savile alone retains the old and genuine reading. Montf. strangely remarks, "Savilianam lectionem esse Morelliana quam sequimur obscuriorem."

1 Oecumenius has in part preserved the true reading, t. e. diegerqeij, kinhqeij, epi toij ginomenoij [text omitted] sfodroteron autoij epitiqetai. A. b.c. Cat. t. e., dihgerqh, kinhqeij epi toij gen. <\dq_Kai eq. autouj en t. d.<\|dq_ Nun sfodr. autoij epitiqentai. And again after praouj esesqai,-Kai sfodr. epitiqentai (Cat. epitiqetai): eqento autouj, f., en t. d. Aggeloj de k. t. l.-E. D. F. Edd. "Nothing more reckless than wickedness, nothing more audacious. Having learned by experience the courage of these men, from the attempts they had made before, they nevertheless attempt, and again come to the attack. What means it, `And having risen up, the high-priest and they that were with him? 0' He was roused, it says, being excited at what had taken place. `And laid their hands on the Apostles, and put them in the common prison. 0' Now they assault them more vigorously: but did not forthwith, etc. And whence is it manifest that they assaulted them more vigorously? From their putting them in the common prison. Again they are involved in danger, and again they experience succor from God. And in what manner, hear from what follows."

2 Oti outw mallon h ekeinwj episteuqhsan: outw kai ouk an epi to erwthsai hlqon, ouk an eterwj episteusan. If it be meant that the Apostles were more believed because the miracle itself was not seen, than they would have been if the Angel had brought them out in open day, this may be understood in a sense which St. Chrys. expresses elsewhere, viz. with reference to the nature of faith: "in the latter case there could have been no room for doubt; people would have been forced to acknowledge the claims of the Apostles." Thus Hom. vi. in 1 Cor. "Put the case that Christ should come this moment with all the Angels, reveal Himself as God, and all be subject unto Him: would not the heathen believe? But will this be counted unto the heathen for faith? No: this were no faith; for a compulsory power from without-the visible appearance-would have effected this. There is no free choice in the matter: ouk esti to pragma proairesewj." But then the next sentence ought to be, Ekeinwj gar oud an epi to er. hlqon: ei de oux outwj, ouk an eterwj ep., or to that effect.-Perhaps, however, the meaning is rather: "It was so plain to common sense that a miracle must have been wrought, that had the Angel brought them out in the sight of all men (outw), they could not have been more believed than they had a right to be as the case was (ekeinwj). Had the miracle been performed openly (outw), people would have had no occasion even to ask, How is this? And they who, as it was, were not brought to ask such a question, would certainly not have believed under any other circumstances. So in the Old Testament, Nebuchadnezzar, when he sees the Holy Men praising God in the furnace, is brought to ask in amazement, Did we not cast three men, etc.: but these priests are so hardened, that instead of asking as they ought to have done, How came ye out? they only ask, as if nothing had happened. Did we not straitly charge you, etc. And observe, they have no excuse for their wilful apathy: for they have had a full report of the circumstances from the officers: the prison shut, the guards at their posts." If this be the meaning, we must replace ouk an or oud an in the sentence oti outw mallon k. t. l. But the text is too corrupt to be restored by any simple emendation.-Edd. "Because in this way, etc. especially as they would hot have been brought to ask the question, nor yet in another case would they themselves have believed;" allwj te kai oti ouk an, and oute mhn eterwj an kai autoi episteusan.

3 Here the mss. insert v. 21-23, inconveniently; for it interrupts the connection. Chrys. here deviates from his usual method, not following the narrative point by point, but reflecting first upon the conduct of the priests. Of course it is to be understood, that the whole text, at least to v. 28, had been first read out.

4 In the mss. this comment is placed before v. 24.

5 Here A. b.c. N. insert v. 29 omitted above by the two first. The following sentence, omitted here by D. E. F. and inserted after v. 31, is there repeated by A. b.c.

6 E. Edd. "Observe the excess of their wickedness. When they ought to have been struck with alarm at what they heard, here they are cut (to the heart), and take counsel in their temerity (bouleuontai eikh) to slay (them)." The innovator did not perceive the reference to ii. 37 in oi alloi "tauta akousantej katenughsan."

7 E. and Edd. "`Having brought them forth. 0' He does not himself bring them away, but lets them go: that in this way also their intrepidity might be known; which also they showed, in that by night they entered into the temple and taught." In the following sentence perhaps the purport of what St. Chrys. said was, that "if, as the priests supposed, the guards had let them out, the guards themselves would have absconded, and the Apostles would not have stood in the temple, but would have escaped." Ei ge peisqentej may have been said of the guards, "if they had been bribed or otherwise induced to let them out;" but all the mss. have ei ge p. echlqon, in the sense, "supposing, which is not likely, that the Apostles had been induced to come forth at the request of the guards." Savile gives this clause to the latter part, beginning as E. and Edd. with mallon de ei eceb. for kai ei eceb. "Supposing they had been induced to come out, or rather if those had put them out:" Ben. refers it to what precedes; "they would have fled, if they had come out at their request: nay, if those had put them out," etc.

8 The meaning of the council's statement: "Ye intend to bring this man's blood upon us" (28) probably is: You would cause an insurrection against us and thus be avenged for the crucifixion of Jesus (Meyer): others take it to mean: You would carry the idea that we had murdered an innocent man in crucifying Jesus (Hackett). The strong language of Peter in reply (29) which seems to imply: We cannot help consequences; we must obey God in our preaching and healing, favors the former view. The confusion of the text of Chrys. here (see note in loco) makes his view on this point uncertain.-G. B.S.

9 fonikaj loipon boulontai deicai taj proaireseij twn 'Ioudaiwn. As the latter part of the sentence, wj ou di' alhqeian tauta poiountwn all' amunasqai boulomenwn, seems inapplicable to the Jews, and to be meant for the Apostles, it may be conjectured that the true reading is twn Apostolwn: "that the Apostles were bent upon having blood." But all the mss. have twn 'Ioudaiwn, and the sense so far is satisfactory: viz. They want to make it appear now indeed what bloody-minded men the Jews are: now, not when Christ was crucified.

10 The modern text: "So artlessly did they preach the Gospel of life. But when he says, `He hath exalted, 0' he states for what purpose, namely, `to give repentance 0' he adds, `to Israel, and remission of sins. 0' But, it will be said, these things seemed incredible. How say you? And why not rather credible. seeing that neither rulers," etc.

11 Here begins a second recapitulation or rather gleaning, partly of matter not touched upon before, partly of further remarks on what has been said.- 9Wj eudokimountej egguj twn profhtwn emellon istasqai: This relates to v. 13-16, as the reason why they were "filled with indignation." The innovator (E. F. D. Edd.) not perceiving this, alters wj eudokimountej to h wj eudokimountaj, which he joins to the former sentence, "How else could any one have persuaded them than (by treating them) as persons in high repute?" and adds, "And mark their malignity: they set on them the Sadducees who were most sore on the subject of the Resurrection: but they got nothing by their wickedness. But perchance," etc.

12 St. Chrysostom frequently contends against the common excuse, "We cannot attain to the holiness of the first Christians, because there are no miracles now." Thus, he urges, Hom. in Matt. xlvi., that it was not their miracles that made the saints, both of the Old and of the New Testament, great and admirable, but their virtues: without which, no miracles would have availed for themselves or others: that if they wrought miracles, it was after they, by their noble qualities and admirable lives had attracted the Divine grace: for miracles proceed from a holy life, and this is also their goal: only he that lives a holy life receives this grace; and he that receives it, receives it only that he may amend the life of others ...Let no man therefore wait for miracles. It afflicts the evil spirit when he is expelled from the body, much more when he sees the soul set free from sin: for in this lies Satan's great power, and to destroy this, Christ died. In expelling this from thyself, thou hast performed a miracle greater than all miracles. This is not my doctrine; it is the doctrine of the Apostle Paul. 1 Cor. xii. 31, the "more excellent way" is not miracles, but Charity, the root of all good. If we practise this we need no miracles; and if we practise not from miracles we shall get no good.

13 tauta thj anastasewj pistotera. E. omits this, and inserts aphggeilan upostreyantej aper eidon. "They reported on their return just what they had seen:" so Edd. except Savile, who retains the reading of E. and adds to it as above (from N.)

14 eqnesi tosoutoij omilwn uper metastasewj politeiaj monhj.

15 Edd. "And why," you will ask, "is poverty thought a thing to be fled from!" Why, because other good things are, in the judgment of many, things to be fled from, not because they are to be deprecated, but because hard of attainment.

16 The Epigram is preserved in the Palatine Anthology, 7. 676.

But our mss. except E., for \Iroj have ieroj, "sacred."

17 Something is wanting in the old text to complete the sense: the matter in the brackets is supplied from E. D. F. Below, the same have: "to swear not at all: a haven, that one be not drowned by the storm bursting. For though wrath, though (sense of) insult, though passion boil over, yea though anything, be what it may, the soul is in security, so that it will not even utter aught that should not be spoken: for one has laid himself," etc.

18 Diarrhcwmen ta sxoinia: en eukolia katasthswmen eautouj: pashj aporiaj apallagwmen kai thj satanikhj pagidoj. i. e. "The cords of this snare are, the ties of worldly business in the possession or pursuit of wealth: there is a condition, as was said above, in which it is full easy not to swear; let us bring ourselves into that condition: all that makes us say, `We cannot help swearing, 0' (pashj aporiaj), let us have done with it, and break loose from the snare of the devil." The exhortation connects both parts of the "Morale"-the commendation of voluntary poverty, and the invective against swearing. In the modern text (E. F. D. Edd.) this is lost sight of: it reads: diarr. ta sx. kai en euk. katasthsomen (al. -swmen) pashj fulakhj: apallagwmen thj sat. pag. "Let us hurst the cords, and we shall bring ourselves into a facility of all watchfulness: let us break loose," etc.

1 In the Clementine Recogn. i. 65, Gamaliel is spoken of as having been early a Christian in secret. Lucian the Presbyter a.d. 415, writes an account of the discovery in consequence of a vision in which Gamaliel himself appeared to him, of the reliques of St. Stephen, together with those of Nicodemus and Gamaliel. See note on St. Augustine Comm. on St. John, p. 1048. Photius, Cod. 171, p. 199 read in a work of Eustratius how Gamaliel was baptized by St. Peter and St. John. (According to the Jewish tradition, Wolf. Bibl. Hebr. ii. 882. he died President of the Sanhedrim, eighteen years after the fall of Jerusalem.)

2 The modern text: "As if he had said, Forbear; and it these men came together of themselves, nothing will hinder them also to be overthrown." C. reads hmaj, "What to hinder us?" Catena, as above.

3 oute gar ellhnisti dielegonto. So A. b.c. N. but Cat. outoi, and E. D. F. add 9Ebraioi ontej. "For these used the Greek language, being Hebrews." There is no need to adopt this reading: the comment seems to belong to the words, against the Hebrews: viz. "they murmured against them, seeing they were overlooked, etc., for neither could these Hebrews converse with them in the Greek language."

4 ara (Cat. ora) kai ekeinoi plhreij pistewj hsan (E. D. F. add uoj kai ecelecanto). ina mh ta auta k. t. l. The meaning seems to be: "If Stephen was a man full of faith, so were the others: (they were careful to choose only such,): in order that," etc.

5 Omitted in the old text: supplied by E.-Below, E. omits, "for, saith the Scripture, in the mouth of two witnesses:" and amplifies the rest, adding, "even a third, superabundantly: both showing how well he himself speaks, and leading them away from their sanguinary purpose."

6 Edd. from E. "Saying this, he speaks nothing blasphemous against Christ, but what he most wishes, he effects. `If, 0' says he, `it be of men, it will come to naught. 0' Here he seems to me to put it to them by way of syllogism, and to say: Consequently, since it has not come to naught, it is not of man. `Lest haply ye be found even to fight against God. 0' This he said to check them," etc.-Below, alla to ergon touto dhloi, might be rendered, "but he is declaring this work" (viz. "if this work be of men," etc.): the modern text, to gar ergon touto edhlou.

7 Meyer finds in the expression of Gamaliel (38, 39): "if it be of men-ean h ec anqrwpwn" and "if it is of God-ei de ek qeou estin" an indication that he leaned to the latter opinion. While this distinction is grammatically valid it can scarcely be justified as intentional. Gamaliel, although tolerant toward Christianity, as the Pharisaic party in general were at this time, was not a Christian in secret, but an orthodox Jew. His advice was politic even from a Jewish point of view. He saw, as the more bitter party did not, that this sort of opposition would only serve to rouse all the energy and perseverance of the Christian disciples and thus indirectly tend to the increase and spread of their doctrines among the people.-G. B. S.

8 E. F. D. and Edd. (except Savile) add, mallon de mononouxi toiauta dikaiologoumenoj troj autouj apoteinetai. "Or rather he all but with just remonstrance thus expostulates with them: "Ye were persuaded," etc. Below, 'Ekei tetrakosioi, ekei tetrakisxilioi: kai wde k. t. l. But the mention of the four thousand, here referred to the second instance (Judas of Galilee), is in fact derived from the case of the Egyptian, ch. xxi. 38, being the third instance which "he might have cited." Accordingly the modern text substitutes, "There four hundred stood up, and after this a great multitude."

9 E. and Edd. omit the following sentence, substituting the first two clauses of v. 40 and after "the character of the man," add, "wherefore also they desist from their purpose of killing the Apostles. and having only scourged they dismiss them."

10 Standing here by itself, this last clause of v, 7 is quite out of its place. It is best explained as marking the conclusion of the text v. 1-7 here again read out. In the old text it is followed by the comment, 'Ekeino gar to genoj edokei timiwteron einai: as if "this description of people" meant the priests: and then, "And there arose," it says, "a murmuring," v. 1. We have restored the comment to its proper place.-The innovator adds as comment on v. 7: Touto ainittomenou esti kai deiknuntoj oti af' wn o kata Xristou fanatoj eskeuasfh, polloi apo toutwn pisteuousin. "This is by way of hint, to show that of those very persons, by whose machinations the sentence of death against Christ was procured, of those same many believe. "There arose," it says, "a murmuring," etc. And so Edd.

11 The murmuring arose from the "Hellenists" who are not mentioned by Chrys. (probably because of a defect of the text). These Hellenists are distinguished from the "Hebrews" and were probably Greek-speaking Jews resident in Jerusalem who had become Christians and who are here distinguished by their language from the great mass of the Jewish Christians who spoke the vernacular.-G. B. S.

12 The neglect here referred to was doubtless, as Chrys. says, unintentional (vs. Meyer) and arose from the increasing difficulties of administering the affairs of so large a society as the Christian community at Jerusalem had now become, on the plan of a common treasury. The narrative gives the impression that the complaint was not unfounded. It is not unlikely that the natural jealousy between the Greek and Palestinian Jews may have sharpened the sense of neglect. This is the first record of dissension in the Christian Church. We may note thus early the conditions which tended to develop a Jewish and a Gentile party in the church; the germs of dissenting sects of Ebionites and Gnostics which developed into so many dangerous and harmful forms in the apostolic, and especially in the post-apostolic age.-G. B. S.

13 9Qraj ta ecw diadexomena ta esw; E. omits this and so Edd. The antithesis here seems to be, not, as before, of evils from without and from within the Church; but of the concerns of the body and of the soul.

14 E. D. F. Morel. Ben. omit this sentence, and go on with, "Now when Matthias," etc. Savile: "And a very good decision this is. And they present seven, not now twelve, full," etc.

15 'Epeidh gar eidon ton arxonta kai didaskalon toiauta apofhnamenon, apo twn ergwn loipon thn peiran elambanon. Meaning, perhaps, that these priests, acting upon the counsel of Gamaliel, put the question to the test of facts and experience, and learned that it was of God.-In the next sentence, a covert censure seems to be implied: q. d. "Would it be so now? Would there not be parties and factions in the choosing of the men? Would not the Bishop's overture be rejected, were he to propose a plan for ridding himself of the like distracting demands upon his time?

16 alla twn presbuterwn estin h oikonomia, interrogatively (so in Conc. Quinisext. Can. xvi., see below), but in the Edd. this is put affirmatively; Ben. Sed presbyterorum erat oeconomia. Atqui nullus adhuc erat episcopus. Erasm. Sed presbyterorum est hoec dispensatio, tametsi nullus adhuc esset episco pus." But to say that the oikonomia, i.e. stewardship and management of Church funds (in Chrysostom's time). was vested in the presbyters, would be contrary to facts. Therefore we take it interrogatively: the answer not expressed, being, "No: it belongs to the Bishops." Perhaps, however, the passage may be restored thus; 'Alla twn presbuterwn; 'Alla twn episkopwn (or Oude twn presb.) estin h oik. Kaitoi k. t. l. "Well, was it that of presbyters? Nay, this stewardship belongs to Bishops. (Or, No, neither does it belong to presbyters.) And yet," etc.-The following sentence, #Ofen oute diakonwn oute presbuterwn oimai (Cat. om.) to onoma einai dhlon kai faneron, as the text stands, might seem to mean, "Whence I think that neither of deacons nor of presbyters is the name clearly sad manifestly expressed:" i.e. "there is no express and clear mention in this narrative either of deacons or of presbyters: and I account for this circumstance by the fact, that there were no Bishops." Ben. Unde puto nec diaconorum nec presbyterorum tunc fuisse nomen admissum nec manifestum. But transposing oimai and einai, or indeed even as the words stand, we get the sense expressed in the translation, which is more suitable. So Erasmus: Unde neque diaconorum neque presbyterorum nomen esse opinor quod clarum ac manifestum. St. Chrys. says, "Their appellation and office is neither deacons nor presbyters: they were ordained upon a special emergency."-It seems to have been commonly held in earlier times, that Acts vi. 1-6 is the history of the first institution of the Diaconate. Thus the Council of Nicocaesarea ordains (a.d. 314) that in each city, however large, the number of deacons according to the Canon ought to be seven, and for proof appeals to this history, peisqhsh de apo thj biblou twn pracewn. In the third century, Cornelius Ep. ad Fab. ap. Eus. H. E. vi. 43 states, that the clergy of Rome consisted of one Bishop, forty-six presbyters, seven deacons, etc. (Accordingly St. Jerome, Ep. 146 al. 101 ad Evang. remarks: Diaconos paucitas honorabiles facit. Comp. Sozomen. vii. 19.) But the rule which assigned to each Bishop seven deacons, neither more nor less, was not always followed in large cities, as appears even from the Canon above cited: how greatly that number was exceeded in later times, may be seen in the Novellae of Justinian, when it is enacted (iii. c. 1.) that the number of deacons in the metropolitan Church at Constantinople should be a hundred. The Council or Councils commonly called the fifth and sixth General (Conc. Quinisextum, or Trullanum,) held under the same Emperor, a.d. 692, sanctioned this departure from the earlier rule, in the following Canon (xvi). "Whereas the Book of Acts relates that seven deacons were appointed by the Apostles, and the Council of Neocaesarea in its Canons determines that "The number of deacons in each city," etc. (as above): we, having applied the sense of the Fathers to the Apostolic text, find that the said history relates not to the deacons who minister in the mysteries, but to the service of tables, etc.: the history in the Acts being as follows, "And in those days," etc. (Acts vi. 1-6.) The doctor of the Church, John Chrysostom, expounding the same, thus speaks: "It is a subject for wonder §neither deacons nor presbyters is their designation," (as above.) Hereupon therefore do we also publish, that the aforesaid seven deacons be not taken to mean those which minister in the mysteries, as in the doctrine above rehearsed: but that these are they which were charged with the service of the common need of the people then gathered together; albeit herein these be unto us a pattern of humane and diligent attendance on them that be in necessity.

17 There is no sufficient ground to doubt that this narrative describes the formation of the diaconate which we find existing later in the apostolic age (Phil. i. 1; 1 Tim. iii. 8-12). Although the word diakonoj does not here occur, we have the corresponding verb diakonein and abstract noun diakonia (1, 2). The chief grounds of this opinion are: (1) the substantial identity of the duties here described and those of the later diaconate; (2) the almost universal testimony of patristic tradition to their identity: (3) the continuance for centuries of the number seven in the diaconate of churches (like that at Rome) where more than seven would naturally be required, out of deference to the apostolic mode. See Lightfoot, Com. on Philippians, pp. 187-9.-G. B. S.

18 kai touto, wsper to khrugmq, outwj hnueto:-touto, the "serving of tables" itself: outwj, by this arrangement. Ta gar pleiw tautaij hnuon: the more time the Apostles had for prayer, the better for the Church: so much depended on their prayers. Therefore the plan was every way beneficial: outw ta pneumatika epelegonto, (Erasm. adnumerabantur, Ben. praeferebantur, but the meaning is, "they chose to themselves,") outw kai apodhmiaj estellonto, outwj enexeirisuhsan outoi ton logon: "by this arrangement, the Apostles were free to give their undivided attention to spiritual matters; to leave Jerusalem, if need were, on journeys to distant places: by this arrangement, in short, the Word was their proper charge-not secular matters, such as Bishops are now burdened with, in addition to their proper duties," Comp. note 1, p. 90. He adds: The writer, indeed, does not say all this, nor extol the devotion with which the Apostles gave themselves up to their work, and how beneficial the arrangement proved: but it is said, "It is not reason," etc. Moses had set the example in this regard: and in token of their concern for the poor, observe the charge which they afterwards gave to Paul and Barnabas, to "remember the poor."

19 Pwj de prohgon toutouj; 'Ehsteuon. Edd. from E., "But how they also brought these forward, learn thou. They fasted, they continued in prayer. This ought also to be done now."-As there is no mention of fasting in Acts vi. 1-6 perhaps this refers to 'the history xiii. 2, 3 of the mission of Paul and Barnabas, to which he has just alluded.-Below, kai tauth de qaumastoj hn a f. The clause to which this refers is misplaced in the old text, viz. before the sentence, "In Jerusalem," etc. where E. and Edd. restore the proper clause of v. 7 kai eplhquneto, k. t. l. The connection is: "The Apostles desired seven men full of the Holy Ghost and of wisdom:" and such was Stephen, "a man full of faith and of the Holy Ghost:" such doubtless were the others likewise; (supra, p. 88) certainly Philip was eminent in this regard, for [besides the history of his preaching at Samaria, ch. viii.] he is afterwards conspicuous in the history as Philip the Evangelist.

20 kai meizona telhsai patein h boulestai: so all our mss. Erasm. "Et majora voluisse pati, vel velle." Ben. Et majora velle pati." But the meaning is, "To be ready to suffer greater wrongs than an enemy chooses to inflict:" alluding to Matt. v. 39-41 Comp. Hom. xviii. in Matt. p. 238. D. to kai parasxein eauton eij to paqein kakwj: ...to kai pleon parasxein h ekeinoj bouletai o poihsaj. If for boulestai we read bouletai, the sense is clearer: h boulestai, "than that he should wish it," is somewhat abrupt.

21 Ou dunatai eipein auton kakwj: kai dedoikaj mhpwj ouk hn, fhsin, toioutoj. Here and in the following sentences we seem to have a string of apothegms from heathen moralists: ta ecwqen eirhmena, as he says below. But in this sentence the text appears to be corrupt, and the mss. lend no real assistance for the reading adopted by Edd. from E. F. D. is only meant for restoration: viz. "Therefore, when any would compel thee to speak evil of some person (kakhgorhsai tina, Sav. marg. apextwj proj tina exein) say to him, `I cannot speak evil of him: for I fear lest perchance he were not (hn, Sav. eih) such. 0'"-A. as usual in cases of difficulty, omits the passage as unintelligible. Whether fhsin denotes a citation or an interlocution, and whether hn is the first or the third person, must be left doubtful; but the words might be rendered, "Lest perchance I, says he, (i.e. the person attacked), be not such." Below, mh entuxhj kata toutou tw Qew is strangely rendered by Erasm. Ne in hoc cum Deo pugnes: "Lest herein thou fight against God."

22 oti exoi ti twn allwn twn adiaforwn. E. D. F. Edd. diaferon "something about him, better than other men." Below, for ennohsanta gar "for when one has considered," Edd. have ennohsantaj de kai, "but when you consider also:" i. e. "but if the case be not so," etc. In fact something is wanting: for the case here supposed is that the charge is true: the person has been guilty of some immorality, which the other publicly exposes.

23 ta legomena sunagomen, b.c. N. omiting ecwqen, which Sav. supplies. A. E. D. F. Ben. ta ecwqen eirhmena legomen.-Below, for kaqwj ta eqnh (fhsin) poihsate, which is not found in Scripture, E. Edd. have, Ouxi kai oi eqnikoi to auto poiousin; Matt. v. 47.

24 Touto men oun auto kakon, fhsin. Auto men oun touto kalon to mh kat acian paqein. Morel. from E. kakon for kalon: which supposes it to be put interrogatively: "this thing itself an evil, say you?"-The philosopher, whose apothegm is here referred to, is Socrates: of whom Diog. Laert. in Vit. relates: "His wife having said, Thou art unjustly put to death: sn de, efh, dikaiwj eboulou; wouldst thou rather it were justly?" But Xenophon, in Apol. relates a similar answer made to Apollodorus, "a simple-minded but affectionate disciple of Socrates. This, said he, O Socrates, is what hurts me most, that I see thee unjustly put to death. And he, stroking the head of his disciple, replied: And wouldest thou, my friend, rather see me justly than unjustly put to death?" Down. ap. Sav.

25 We supply this from the modern text, which, however, has ton oux outwj; But ekeinon is better, as this will account for the omission. Our mss. have: touj dikaiwj apotanontaj, h ekeinon kai taumazeij

1 The accusations against Stephen were probably true in part and false in part. He had doubtless spoken against Jewish legalism and narrowness and had perhaps shown the bearing of O. T. prophecy and of Jesus' doctrine of fulfilment upon the fate of the Jewish system. The charge that he had spoken "against Moses" had, then, a certain verbal truth which made its moral falseness all the more subtle. The perversion of his words was due in part to their utter incapacity to apprehend Christianity as the fulfilment of their own religion which necessarily involved the passing away of the latter, and partly from their bitter jealousy and hatred of the Christian "sect" and the determination to find some excuse to bring against it all the legal and social forces of the whole Jewish people. In his preaching Stephen had doubtless sought to set forth the distinctive character of Christianity as a religion historically founded in Judaism. but not to be limited and bound by its forms. He but developed germs of truth found in the teaching of Jesus concerning the Sabbath, ceremonial purifications, etc. He was the forerunner of Paul, who brought upon himself the same accusations (Acts xviii. 13; xxi. 21).-G. B. S.

2 E. "And observe how the charge is twofold. `Shall destroy, 0' say they, `the place, 0' and, 'shall change the customs. And not only twofold, but bitter," etc. So Edd. but Savil. adds, "and shall introduce others instead."

3 A. b.c. N. Ouxi shmeiwn edehqh, kai (A. B. ou) pollhn epedeicato thn parrhsian. Cat. has pollwn for shmeiwn, and reads it affirmatively. Edd. oux shmeia eirgasato; ou (D.F. kai) pollhn k. t. l. Perhaps the passage may he restored thus: "Did he not work miracles-though he needed not many-and show great boldness?"

4 Chrys. commonly denotes the oriental nations, generally, by the name "Persians." Ben.

5 Edd. from E. "And how, it may be asked, doth the Scripture say this concerning Abraham's father? Because it does not trouble itself about matters that are not very essential. What was useful for us to learn, this only it has taught us, that in consequence of his son's vision, he went out with him: the rest it leaves untold, by reason that he died soon after settling in Charran. `Get thee out of thy kindred. 0' Here he shows that these men," etc.

6 E. Edd. "but these disobedient: or rather, we learn from what he does, as he was bidden, that he endured," etc.

7 A. C. N. Ei gar eipen, dwsei, dwsei, dhlon oti, kai ouden par autwn Cat. Ou gar k. t. l. B. Ou gar eipen, dwsei, all, Ouk edwke, dhlon oti ta par ekeinou, kai ouden par autwn. So E. D. F. Edd. except that for dhlon oti ta these have dhlwn oti panta. The meaning seems to be: "They boasted of their possession of the land, as the token of God's favor to themselves. See how Stephen will not allow them to rest in this conceit. Abraham was `the friend of God, 0' yet to him `He gave none inheritance, 0' etc. True `He promised to give it 0': but if God said (that) He will give it (spoke of giving it at some future time); this very circumstance shows that the Jews had it from Abraham, in consequence of God's favor to him; not as deserved by themselves."

8 touj swzomenouj. Edd. from E. touj qaumazomenouj, "they that are admired."-Below. all our mss. and the Catena have 'Epi men twn apostolwn elegon, "In the case of the Apostles, they said." We read, conjecturally, hlgoun.

9 C. N. have ouxi idiwtwn ontwn alla kai elaunomenwn pantoqen: B. F. D. E. Edd. oude ej dikasthrion agomenwn, alla kai el. p. In the translation we assume the full reading to be, ouxi, idiwtwn ontwn, ej d. agomenwn, alla kai e. p. In the next sentence E. alone (followed by Edd.) has the unnecessary alteration, 'Entenqen kai yeudomartuntwn autwn, ou monon ouk ekratoun, all k. t. d. A. ouxi id. ontwn alla kai rhtorwn, ou monon [oux ?] htwnto, alla kai [kata ?] kratoj enikwn, kaitoi k. t. l. i. e. ["their adversaries"] being not private individuals, but public speakers too, they not only were [not] worsted, but mightily conquered: [so that `they were not able to resist 0'] though," etc.-Below, for plattontaj: A. E. prattontaj C. we read prattontaj kai plattontaj: after which, Edd. have (from E. alone): "As also in the case of Christ: who did everything to compass His death: insomuch that it became manifest to all men that the battle," etc. And, instead of the next sentence; "And mark what say the false-witnesses, who were got up by those who murderously dragged Him before the council: `We have heard, 0'" etc.

10 to euripiston tou oxlou. Edd. add anerqizontej, "irritating the fickle-minded multitude." Below, for 'All' o oxloj o ataktoj k. t. l., A. has 'All' oux o oxloj tauta all oi grammateij. 'Hmeij ak. k. t. l. "But not the multitude (said) this, but the scribes: We have heard," etc. Edd. from E., "But such is envy: it makes them demented whom it possesses, so that they do not so much as consider the meaning of the words they utter."

11 ou para ton nomon. For this, E. alone has kai suggenelan, and instead of the text, "Then came he out," etc. kai to klhronomian entauqa mh labein: so Morel. Ben. Savile retains the reading of E., but adds ou para ton nomon after suggeneian.

12 E. F. D. Edd. "And how there may be rejoicing where these are, learn (thus). He who in nothing is conscious of evil," etc.

13 parrhsiaj upoqesin exwn ta traumata. Ben "argumentum audaciae." Erasm. "testimoniumn libertatis."

14 stigmata, "the marks of Jesus may be gained in these encounters also, and the spirit of a confessor may be exhibited under these tortures likewise."

15 alla ton agroikon. Edd. from E., alla ton oikethn: which is idle, for it appears below that the paij here is a servant. We supply ekalese or eipen: and indeed an palin eiph below shows that the insult spoken of was some contumelious speech.-Also before Mh nomishj, something needs to be supplied, e.g. Mh su mimhsh touton, "Do not thou imitate him." And perhaps indeed ton agr. may belong to this: "He insulted my boy." But do not thou imitate the rude, uncivil man: deem it not, etc.

16 wj zhtoumen skepasai. A.B.C. The other mss. omit the clause, and Edd. except Savile who reads from N. ou zhtoumen authn spasai, "we do not seek to draw it." We adopt spasai.-Below, E. F. D. Edd. tou Despotou, "thy Master's sufferings," for sautou, which the context shows to be the true reading.

17 an mh para sautw ta nikhthria idhj an mn lamprouj labhj stefanouj. This depends on ina maqhj at the beginning of the sentence. Erasmus wrongly, "Si non videas:" Ben. "Si non videbis."

18 gunh en sklhra hmera eimi, Chys. gunh h sklhra hmera (or hmera) LXX.

19 Memphibaal, Chrys. here and Synops. Sacr. Script. t. vi. 349. and Theodoret Quaest. 31, in lib. 2. Reg. Memfibosqe, LXX. Elsewhere he is called Meribbaal, 1 Chron. viii. 34. So Jerubbaal, Judg. vi. 32. Jerubbesheth, 2 Sam. xi. 21. Memphibaal is compounded of the two forms. Ben.

1 kaitoi ouden exwn autoij egkalein. A. b.c. N. Cat.-E. F. D. Edd. omit this clause, and read: "to be afflicted: and that they did not," etc. So Edd.

2 Ina gar mh toutw (Cat. toutwn, A. C. N. touto B. om.) nomiswsiu euqebeij (N. euebein) einai, dia to legein k. t. l. The wording of the passage is not strictly grammatical, but the sense seems to be as expressed above.-E. D. F. omit this sentence, and substitute, "Seest thou?" So Edd.

3 The relation of v. 6 and 7 to v. 5 is, as Chrys. intimates, to show that the apparent incongruity between the promise of God to give the land to Abraham and his seed, and the fact that Abraham never personally possessed the land, was not accidental nor did it involve the failure of the divine promise. Accompanying the promise were divine assurances (Gen. xv. 13, Gen. xv. 14) that a period of bondage and oppression was to precede the occupation of the land which was to be the inheritance of the nation.-G. B. S.

4 E. Edd. omit this sentence: and below for "Here again," etc. the same substitute: "This happened also in the case of Christ: for indeed Joseph is a type of Him: wherefore also he narrates the history at large, hinting (at this meaning)."

5 If it be too strong language to say, with Chrys., that Joseph is set forth here as a "type of Christ," it is clear that the narrative of his ill-treatment by his brethren, subsequent exaltation and his return of good for evil to those who had sold him into bondage, is meant to suggest that their treatment of Jesus had been similar.-G. B. S.

6 h de anastasij kaq eauthn. This clause is found in the Catena alone. Something seems to be required as the antithesis to the preceding clause, tauta men gar meta proair. anqr. hn-for which E. Edd. have tauta goun ouk apo proair. hn. "These things however did not come of man's purpose."-At the end of the next sentence, Edd. (with E. alone) omit the clause, o ofeilwn apoqanein: and for Eita palin, have, "This he says, by way of showing both him (Moses) as savior, and these ungrateful to their benefactor."

7 Ti gar ei mh aneilon auton tw pragmati; tw logw aneilon wsper kakeinoi. N. and Catena read aneilen, both times, as if the Compiler understood the passage in the sense of a preceding comment extracted from S. Clem. Alex. Strom. "fasi de oi mustai logw monw anelein ton Aiguption: the initiated say that Moses struck the Egyptian dead by a word, as in the Acts Peter is related to have done in the case of Ananias," etc. But Chrys. nowhere thus interprets the fact, and the context, wsper kakeinoi, is against this view.-Below, di on ezh meta Qeon: i. e. the Hebrew whom Moses saved, v. 24, who is here supposed to be one of the parties in the strife mentioned in v. 26. This however not being clear, A., as usual omits: and the innovator assuming the passage to be corrupt, substitutes, di wn esontai meta Qeou, giving them counsel by means of which they shall be with God." So Edd.: only Sav. notes in the margin the genuine reading of the other mss. and Cat.

8 E. "But do thou, observing this, stand amazed at the riches of God's wisdom and resources: for, had those not been plotted against, these had not been saved." So Edd.

9 Touto kai entauqa armottei eipein. Edd. from E. only, touto kai autouj hrmotte tote eipein: "This was also suitable for them to say at that time." It was not perceived that the recapitulation begins here. See note 5 p. 102.

10 Edd. from E. D. F. "how they exhibited a great (example of) philosophy."

11 Edd. (from E. alone) kai ouk atimwrhti, "not unavenged (upon their enemies)." But the meaning is, "Their enemies shall not be able to be avenged of them."

12 E. D. F. insert for explanation, patriarxaj de fhsi touj progonouj: "he calls their ancestors, patriarchs." This is the "humoring" spoken of above: in C.'s time, "patriarch" had become a title of honor.

13 Edd. from E. "But they not only did not loose (the afflictions), but even cooperated with those afflicting them, when they ought rather to have cut through them (the afflictions)."

14 Morel. Ben. with E. D. F. omit this clause: Savile transposes it. "But as this (Joseph) reigns there as king where they sold him, so does Christ in His death," etc.-In the next sentence, touto seems to refer to the description in Gen. xli. 42, Gen. xli. 43, of the distinctions conferred upon Joseph, which perhaps Chrys. cited.-After this sentence, Edd. have (from E. only) the formula of recapitulation, 'All' idwmen k. t. l., which is quite misplaced.-Below, A. and the mod. t. insert #Ora, before dia limon oia kataskeuazei.

15 The reading of tou Suxem (T. R.), doubtless meaning the "father of Sychem" (Gen. xxxiii. 19), is replaced by Tisch., W. and H. (after )

.B.C.) with en Suxem, making Suxem the name of the place just mentioned-not of the person referred to in the O. T. The Vulgate renders filii Sichem thus coming into collision with the O. T. l. c.-G. B. S.

16 kai paideia kai grammasin, as the comment on epaideuqh v. 22, which must be supplied. Cat. has, kai paideia kai grammata. E. omits the clause, and substitutes, as the beginning of the next sentence, 'Emoi qaumazein eperxetai pwj. "To me it occurs to wonder how he could be forty years," etc. So Edd.

17 ef eautou, b.c. F. D. N. but A. E. Edd. epi toutou "in the case of this man." So perhaps Oecumen. epieikwj nun tw adikounti prosferetai.-Below, E. Edd. "With the same spirit they appear to say the same with reference to Christ, `We have no king but Caesar. 0' Thus was it ever habitual to the Jews to act, even when receiving benefits. Do you mark their madness? Him who was to save them, they accuse, by saying, `As thou, 0' "etc.

18 So A. B. N. Cat. (in C. the sentence !Idou-'Iakwb is omitted by an oversight caused by the homoeoteleuton 'Iakwb.) Edd. "Not only does he here show that the Angel which appeared unto him was the Angel of the Great Counsel, but he shows also what loving-kindness God exhibits by this manifestation."

19 i. e. "I have heard their groaning:" not simply ("I have come down) because of their calamities." The expression, "I have heard" denotes His ready sympathy.-But the modern text: "He does not simply say, `I have heard; 0' but because of their calamities."

20 Edd. from E. "Therefore in order that having come out of much affliction into rest, they may not be insolent, he permits them to be afflicted."

21 diakroueqe ta legomena. Edd diamwkasfe, "make a mock at."-Below all the mss. agree in oioj hn o Kain pro toutou. Either the text is corrupt, or something is needed for explanation.

22 malista de oudeij auton atimazei. Savile justly retains this sentence from the old text. Montf. rejects it, as superfluous, and disturbing the sense. Downe ap. Sav. proposes oti ouk htimasqn: "non ambit honorem, sed bene secum actum putat si nulla affectus sit ignominia." But in the old text there is no alla before agapa: and the meaning is not, "he thinks himself well off," etc., nor as Ben., "he rejoices that," etc., but, "he is content not to be honored; knowing this at any rate, that nobody can dishonor him."

23 E. Edd. "Thence also the gormandizers (gastrizomenoi) themselves complain of one another, are in ill humor, haste to be rid of the filth within. Still, even after it is cast out," etc. And below:-"fever and diseases. `Yes, 0' say you, `they are sick and are disgusting; it is waste of words to tell us all this, and make a catalogue of diseases: for it is I that am diseased. etc, ...while these luxurious livers one may see in good plight, sleek, merry, riding on horseback. 0'"

24 Edd. from E. "in the sea, under a violent storm in winter," and below, "the fishes floating at top, dead, which by reason of the cold had not power to sink to the bottom."

1 Here the innovator, not perceiving that the renewed exposition began above, inserts the formula 'All' idwmen anwqen ta eirhmena, and then has: "This, it says, is Moses, which said, A Prophet, etc. To this, I suppose, Christ refers, when He says, `Salvation is of the Jews, 0' hinting at Himself. This is he that was in the wilderness, with the Angel that spake unto him. Lo, again he shows, that it was He," etc. So Edd.

2 The meaning of v. 38 is that Moses became (genomenoj) a mediator between God (represented by the Angel) and the people. Cf. Gal. iii. 19 where the law is said to have been "ordained through angels, by the hand of a mediator" (Moses). No mention is made of angels as revealers of the law in Exodus xix. the first mention of angels in connection with the giving of the law being in a highly poetic passage in Moses' benediction, Deut. xxxiii. 2. (Even here the Heb. text is uncertain. Cf. the lxx. in loco). The function of angels in the giving of the law has a prominent place in later Jewish theology as opposed to the action of mere human ministers. The New Testament notices on the subject reflect this later phase of thought (Cf. Acts vii. 53; Heb. ii. 2). See Lightfoot on Gal. ii. 19.-G. B. S.

3 By logia zwnta are meant living oracles in the sense of operative, effectual, as Jesus affirmed his words to be "spirit and life" (John vi. 63). They contain vital truth. The law was indeed "weak" (Rom. viii. 3) but it was so "through the flesh," i.e. human sinfulness. It was not inherently weak but was so relatively to the great power of sin in man which needed to be overcome.-G. B. S.

4 It is not probable that this passage (v. 39, 40) means that the people proposed to return to Egypt (as Chrys.). In the O. T. the constant representation is that the golden calf (or bull) was worshipped as the image of the divinity who had led them out of Egypt (Ex. xxxii. 4; 1 Kings xii. 28). It seems clearly implied in Ezek. xx. 7, Ezek. xx. 8, Ezek. xx. 24, that the Israelites while in Egypt had been much addicted to the idolatry of the country. The meaning here is that, being discouraged and disappointed on account of Moses' continued absence in the mount, they were ready to transfer their allegiance from Jehovah to some of the divinities to whose worship they had previously been accustomed. The worship of cattle was especially common, as of Apis at Memphis and Mnevis at Heliopolis.-G. B. S.

5 !Enqa men euxaristein edei, A, B, C. D. F., but N. and Cat. axaristein.-E. Kai enfa men autouj axaristein hn. Edd. eux.

6 This clause, omitted by A. b.c., is preserved by N. and the Catena. The calf was one, yet they called it Gods: on which St. Chrys. remarks elsewhere, that they added polytheism to idolatry.-The next sentence may perhaps be completed thus: "that they did not even know that there is One God."-Edd. from E.F.D. "So frantic are they, that they know not what they say."

7 dia gar touto epishmainetai. The meaning is: Stephen was accused of speaking against "the customs,"-sacrifices, temple, feasts, etc. Therefore he significantly points to that critical conjuncture. from which these "customs" date their introduction: namely, the Provocation at Horeb. Prior to that, he tells of "living oracles," life-giving precepts: after it, and as its consequence, sacrifices, etc., those statutes which were not good, and ordinances by which a man shall not live, as God says by Ezekiel. Not a word of sacrifice till then: and the first mention is, of the sacrifices offered to the calf. In like manner, "they rejoiced," "the people ate and drank, and rose up to play:" and in consequence of this, the feasts were prescribed: kai eufrainonto, fhsin: dia touto kai eortai.-'Epishmainetai might be rendered, "he marks," "puts a mark upon it" (so the innovator, who substitutes, touto kai Dauid epishmainomenoj legei): we take it passively, "there is a mark set over it-it is emphatically denoted." In the active, the verb taken intransitively means "to betoken or announce itself," "make its first appearance."-In the Treatise adv. Judaeos, iv. §6. tom. i. 624. C. St. Chrysostom gives this account of the legal sacrifices: "To what purpose unto Me is the multitude of your sacrifices? etc. (Isaiah i., 11, ff.) Do ye hear how it is most plainly declared, that God did not from the first require these at your hands? Had He required them, He would have obliged those famous saints who were before the Law to observe this practice. `Then wherefore has He permitted it now? 0' In condescension to your infirmity. As a physician in his treatment of a delirious patient, etc.: thus did God likewise. For seeing them so frantic in their lust for sacrifices, that they were ready, unless they got them, to desert to idols: nay not only ready, but that they had already deserted, thereupon He permitted sacrifices. And that this is the reason, is clear from the order of events. After the feast which they made to the demons, then it was that He permitted sacrifices: all but saying: `Ye are mad, and will needs sacrifice: well then, at any rate sacrifice to Me. 0'"-(What follows may serve to illustrate the brief remark a little further on, Kai h aixmalwsia kathgoria thj kakiaj.) "But even this, He did not permit to continue to the end, but by a most wise method, withdrew them from it ...For He did not permit it to be done in any place of the whole world, but in Jerusalem only. Anon, when for a short time they had sacrificed, he destroyed the city. Had He openly said, Desist, they, such was their insane passion for sacrificing, would not readily have complied. But now perforce, the place being taken away, He secretly withdrew them from their frenzy." So here: "Even the captivity impeaches the wickedness (which was the cause of the permission of sacrifice.")

8 Our passage here follows the lxx. which speaks of Moloch and Remphan. The terms in the original (vid. R. V.: Amos v. 25-27) are "Siccuth" and "Chiun." It is a disputed point whether these are in the prophecy names of divinities or whether they mean respectively "tabernacle" and "shrine" (or image). The difficulty lies in the ambiguity of the Hebrew text. The name Moloch being akin to the Hebrew word for king (rlm

), confusion might easily arise. The N. T. text varies from the lxx. only in adding the word proskunein (43) to lay emphasis upon the charge of idolatry, and in replacing Damascus by Babylon (43), an interpretation from the standpoint of subsequent history. The statement of our text that the Israelites fell into the worship of these divinities in the wilderness rests upon extra-Pentateuchal tradition, derived, perhaps, from such prohibitions of Moloch-worship and similar idolatries as are found in Lev. xviii. 21, and Deut. xviii. 10. The charge in the prophecy of Amos is a general one referring to the frequent lapses of the people into image-worship down to his own time.-G. B. S.

9 wste en tw orei h upografh gegone. In the following sentences, there are numerous variations in Edd. from the old text, but they do not materially affect the sense, and certainly do not improve it.

10 The expression here used-h skhnh tou marturiou is the constant but inexact lxx. translation of dcwm lh)

"tent of meeting"-i. e. the tent where God met the people. From a misunderstanding of the etymology of dcwm

(it being taken from dwc

to witness, instead of from dcy

to assemble) it was translated by marturion-a rendering which has occasioned frequent misunderstanding. Marturion is rightly used in the lxx. to render hzdc

(from dzc

) in Exod. xxv. 22; Num. ix. 15.-G. B. S.

11 E. F. D. Edd. add, "that they knew (Him) not, and that they murdered (Him):" but the meaning is, that they betrayed, and that they murdered: or, as below, Their fathers slew the Prophets, and they, Him Whom they preached.

12 ton ekeina poihsanta, A. b.c. N. Cat. i.e. that Christ, Who, as the Angel, did those works, etc. The modern text touj ek. poihsantaj: that those who did those wickednesses, etc.: and so Oec. seems to have taken it: "If ye killed them who preached Him to come, no wonder that ye kill Me," etc.-Below, for Oi toinun antipoiountai tou nomou, kai elegon, A. B. N. (N. corrected outoi nun) have ou toinun k. t. l. and A. legontej: "Therefore they claim not the Law (on their side), saying," etc.

13 'Aggelwn (53) cannot refer (as Chrys.) to the Jehovah-angel of the bush. It refers to angels as the mediators in the giving of the law, an idea which appears in the lxx., the N. T. elsewhere (Gal. iii. 19; Heb. ii. 2) and is prominent in later Jewish theology (Cf. Josephus, Ant. XV. v. 3) Vid. note *, p. 107.-G. B. S.

14 Ou gar dunatai omou kai kata tauton (kat auton A. C. and N. originally) kai katorqwma ei/ai kai elattwma. 'H parrhsia, katorqwma: o qumoj, elattwma.

15 Edd. from E. Sainei o diaboloj pollakij wj o kuwn, alla gnwtw paj oti. "The devil fawns full oft as the dog, but let every man know that," etc. A. b.c. N. wj o kuwn eidetw (idetw X.) oti. We restore the true reading by omitting wj. "The dog" is anger: the devil sainei, not as the dog, but upon the dog, as the allotrioj in the preceding sentence. "Let our faithful watch-dog see at once that he is an intruder." In the following sentence the image is so far incongruous, as sainwmen here has a different reference: viz. "as the dog fawns upon the friend though beaten, so let us," etc.

16 an de autouj kai trefh o allotrioj kai outw blaptousin (A. blayousin). The antithesis seems to require the sense to be, "While, if the stranger even feed them, for all that, they do him a mischief." But the words trefh and blaptousin are scarcely suitable in the sense, trofhn didw and lumainontai. Edd. have from E. alone, pwj ou mallon blayousin; in the sense, "If however the stranger (not merely caresses but) also (regularly) feeds them, how shall they not do more hurt (than good)?" i. e. "If the devil be suffered to pamper our anger, that which should have been our safeguard will prove a bane to us."-Perhaps this is the sense intended in the old reading; but if so, kai outw is unsuitable.

1 In our mss. the Homily opens abruptly with the question, Pwj ouk elabon ek twn eirhmenwn aformhn eij to [mh Cat.] anelein auton; which is left unanswered, till some way further on. See note 2.-Montf. notes, "Unus, eisto mh anelein." But this reading does not appear in any of our mss. though the Catena has it. Edd. from E, have; "How it was that they did not take occasion from what he had said to kill him, but are still mad, and seek an accusation, one may well wonder. So ever in trouble are the wrong-doers. Just then as the chief priests, in their perplexity, said," etc. F. D. adopting part of this addition, "but are still mad, and seek an accusation. See once more," etc.

2 ouden padxomen. Kai eboulonto, fhsin (om. D. F.) anelein auton. (as if these words were part of the sacred text. Then) Profasin ('Alla prof. D. F.) hqelon eulogon k. t. l. A. b.c. D. F. The modern text substitutes, 'Eboulonto men oun anelein: all' ou poiousi touto, aitian qelontej eulogon k. t. l.-Oecumenius, however, begins his comment thus: Ei eboulonto anelein, pwj ouk aneilon e/qewj tote; #Oti profasin eulogon k. t. l. Hence we restore the true reading, and the proper order. Namely, for Kai we read Ei, and transpose to this place, as part of the interlocution, the question pwj ouk elabon-; So, the fhsin is explained, the question is followed by its answer, and there is no abruptness.

3 touto de eusebeiaj hn to rhma. i. e. all that Stephen had spoken in accusation of their wickedness, especially v. 51-53, was the language of piety, of a devout man zealous for the honor of God: they could not say, "This is impious;" and they were waiting to catch at something which might enable them to cry out, "He blasphemeth:" and, disappointed of this, they were cut to the heart.-Below Ben. retains (from E. alone) mh palin kainon ti peri auton allo genhtai, though Savile had restored the genuine reading mh palin aidesimwteroj genhtai. They had desired to injure his reputation for sanctity, and now feared that his speech would have the opposite result.

4 Edd. from E. outw de autw legei fanhnai, wj pou dieceisin, ina kan outw decwntai ton logon. "And Stephen describes Christ as appearing to Him in this manner, as one somewhere relates at large. in order that," etc.: meaning, that he might have said "sitting at the right hand," but forbears to do this, because it was offensive to the Jews, and accordingly tewj peri thj anastaewj kinei logon, kai fhsin auton istasqai. The clause wj pou dieceisin seems to have been intended by the innovator, not as part of the text, but as a gloss, "as is somewhere shown at large." But what Chrys. says is, that Christ was pleased to appear in this attitude to Stephen for the sake of the Jews, in order, etc.-Hom. vi. in Ascens. (Cat. in 1,) he says, "Why standing, and not sitting? To show that He is in act to succor His martyr. For thus it is said also of the Father, `Stand up, O God, and, Now will I stand up, saith the Lord, I will set him in safety. 0'"-Below, Dia touto k. t. l. Comp. de Mundi Crest. Hom. ii. t. vi. 447. C. "Why did He cause the face of Stephen to shine? Because he was to be stoned as a blasphemer for saying `Behold, 0' etc., therefore God, forestalling this, crowned his face with angelic beauty, to show those thankless ones, that if he were a blasphemer, he would not have been thus glorified." But E. (Edd.) apo toutou stoxazomai dedoc. "I conjecture that it was from this vision (Erasm.,from this time: Ben. hence) that his face was glorified." In the next sentence, Edd. from E. di wn epebouleuonto ekeinoi, di autwn ebouleto autouj ekkalesasqai, ei kai mhden pleon egeneto. Kai ekbalontej k. t. l. "by means of the very machinations wherewith those were assailed He desired to call (the doers) themselves to Himself, even if nothing more had been done."

5 A. E. N. Cat. omit the ton Qeon.

6 katesthsan epi twn xhrwn, A. C. N. Sav. xeirwn, Cat. xwrwn, B. D. E. F. Morel. Ben. versati sunt in regionibus, Erasm. constituti sunt tier regiones, Ben.

7 oti th xapiti monon katwrtoun. Or, "that by grace they only succeeded," i.e. always, without failure.

8 Chrys, seems to assume that andrej eulabeij refers to Christian men, a view that has been taken by some modern expositors (as Ewald and DeWette). It is better to understand by the term. pious Jews who were favorably disposed to Christianity (So Meyer, Olshausen, Lechler, Lange, Gloag, Hackett). The usage of eulabhj in the N. T. favors this view as it is applied to devout persons who were not Christians (vid. ii. 5; Luke ii. 25) in every case, except in xxii. 12 when it refers to Ananias, a Christian, but is used in describing him in a legal point of view: eulabhj kata ton nomon. Moreover, if Christians had been meant, they would not probably have been designated by so vague a term, but, as uniformly, would have been called disciples or brethren. The burial of Stephen by devout Jews recalls the burial of Jesus by Joseph of Arimathaea and Nicodemus (John xix. 38, John xix. 39).-G. B. S.

9 Thn aitian thj oyewj fhsin. b.c. Sav. marg. meaning, That his face was as the face of an angel was caused by the glory of Christ which he now beholds. The modern text omits this, having said the same thing above in the words apo touton, see note 4, p. 112.

10 Ben. after Morel. from E. without notice of the true reading (A. b.c. N. Cat.), received by Savile, has: #Oqen qeioj auton kai o qanatoj gegone. Mexri gar toutou sugkexwrhto taij yuxaij en tw adh einai. (The latter part is adopted also by D. F.) "Whence also his death became divine. For until this time it had been granted to the souls to be in Hades." This comment is derived from St. Cyril. Al. from whom the Catena cites: "Since we are justified by faith in Him ...He hath wrought a new thing for us, to mhketi men eij adou trexein taj twn swmatwn apallattomenaj yuxaj kaqa kai prwhn, pempesqai de mallon eij xeiraj Qeou zwntoj: that our souls, on their deliverance from our bodies, no longer as aforetime haste into Hades, but are conveyed into the hands of the Living God. And knowing this, Saint Stephen said, "Lord Jesus receive my spirit." Oecumen, repeats this, almost in the same words.

11 In the old text, v. 4-10, are given continuously, and v. 11-19; between them the brief comments which we have restored to their proper places, viz. here and after v. 15: and after v. 19, the comment which we have placed after v. 17. In the modern text, the first comment (omitting legwn einai k. t. l.) is placed after v. 10; in the second, the words, kai shmeia megala egeneto, are omitted; the rest is given after v. 19.

12 The modern text E. F. D. Edd. "But although the persecution then most gained strength, nevertheless God again delivered them, epiteixisaj autoij ta shmeia. Stephen's death, however, did not quench their rage, nay, increased it rather, wherefore also the teachers, etc. But observe again how good things take their turn with them, and how they are in joy. `For there was great joy, 0' it says, `in that city. 0' And yet there had also been `great lamentation. 0' Thus is God ever wont to do, and to temper things grievous with things joyful, that He may be more held in admiration. But of a long time had this disease been upon Simon; wherefore not even thus is he rid of it." But in the genuine text, (A. b.c. N. Cat. ad. v. 15-17, and 3, 4.) the subject to eceileto and epeteixise is not Qeoj, but diwguoj: and the persons delivered are not the disciples, but the Samaritans, described as prokatexomenoi, viz. under the influence of Simon's sorceries. In the last sentence, the meaning is entirely mistaken: for the noshma is the infatuation of the Samaritans, not the wickedness of Simon.-'Epeteixise gar autoij ta shmeia can hardly be rendered without an awkward periphrasis: epiteix. ti tini, a phrase frequently used by St. Chrys., means to raise up something against a person as an epiteixisma, (as Decelea in Attica against the Athenians in the Peloponnesian war:) see Mr. Field's Index to Hom. in Matt.

13 So A. b.c. N. Cat. Of the Edd., Savile alone retains this clause, the rest follow the mod. text, which rejects it. And indeed it can hardly be doubted, that St. Chrys. himself would have expunged, or altered this statement, had he revised these Homilies: for in the next Hom. he shows that the Philip of vv. 26 ff. was certainly not the Apostle, but probably one of the seven deacons. The fact seems to be, that having had no occasion until now to discuss this question, he had assumed (as others had done before him) that the Philip of the Eunuch's history was the Apostle of that name: thus in Hom. ad Gen. xxxv. §2 (delivered but a few years before), he takes this for granted. Here, however, he perceives that the Philip who preached at Samaria could not be the Apostle: but at present he is still under the impression, that the person by whom the Eunuch was converted was St. Philip the Apostle, and accordingly speaks as in the text, "This Philip, I take it, was one of the Seven; he of the story of the Eunuch was one of the Apostles." Of course it was impossible on a review of the circumstances to rest in this conclusion; and in the very beginning of the next Homily he tacitly revokes the notion here advanced, and points out how the command, "Arise, and go to the south," must have been addressed to Philip in Samaria (the deacon), and not Philip the Apostle in Jerusalem. (See the note there.) The early writers frequently confound the Philip of this chapter (the deacon and evangelist, Acts xxi. 9, with the Apostle: Polycrates ap. Eus. H. E. iii. 30, and v. 24, (see Vales and Heinichen on the former passage.) Const. Apol. vi. 7. S. Clementine Strom. iii. p. 192. Comp. St. Augustine Serm. 266. §5.-S. Isadore of Pelusium, Ep. 448, in reply to a correspondent who was not satisfied with his statement (Ep 447), that "Philip who baptized the Eunuch and catechized Simon was not the Apostle, but one of the Seven," and requested proof from Scripture ('Epeidh kai marturian zhteij gpafikhn ...'Epeidh pollown apodeicewn eraj,) bids him observe, ch. viii. 1. that the Apostles remained at Jerusalem: that Philip the Apostle would have been competent to impart the gift of the Spirit: and further suggests, that Philip the deacon, fleeing from the persecution, was on his way through Samaria to Caesarea his native place, (where we afterwards find him xxi. 9), when these events befell, viz. the preaching, etc., at Samaria, and the conversion of the Eunuch.-In the next sentence, ekeinoi (i.e. the Apostles) ouk echesan: wkonomhqh toutouj (i.e. Philip the deacon and others) ecelqein: kai ekeinouj (the Apostles) usterhsai: "should come after," or rather, "should be lacking, be behindhand, not be forthcoming (at the time):" but Cat. kai ekeinouj eterwj, "and those (the Apostles) otherwise."-The modern text, after "next to Stephen," proceeds thus: "Wherefore also, when baptizing, he did not impart the Spirit to the baptized, for neither had he authority to do so, since the gift belonged only to the Twelve. But observe; those went not forth; it was Providentially ordered that these should go forth, oi kai usteroun thj xaritoj dia to mhpw labein Pn. #A., who were deficient in the grace because they had not et received the Holy Ghost. For they received power, etc. Consequently, this was the prerogative of the Apostles."

14 Kai ora touj korufaiouj ouk allouj tinaj alla Petron. b.c. D. F. N. Cat. but A. adds, seemingly from a marginal gloss, kai 'Iwannhn mhn, "and John, however," E. (Edd.) oten kai touj kor. ouk allouj tinaj estin idein touto poiountaj. "Whence also the leaders, not any others, are to be seen doing this."

15 Ouk an de eipen, A. B. D. F. ouk an didotai tote eipen, C. ouk an eiden, Cat. Sav. marg. iden N. Read, ouk an "idwn de" eipen.-E. ouk an outwj eipen.

16 Chrys. a propriately remarks that the word idwn (18) implies that there were visible manifestations connected with the gifts of the Spirit here spoken of. This would seem to show that when it said (16) that the Holy Spirit had not fallen upon any of the Samaritans. that the ordinary influences of the Spirit which accompany conversion, were not referred to, but some special and miraculous endowments such as the gift of tongues. and of prophecy and perhaps of miracles were meant.-G. B. S.

17 Kai touto afosiwsei (monon add. D. F.) epoiei, deon klausai kai penqhsai. Cat. afosiwmenwj, l. afosioumenwj "as a mere formal ceremony ominis causa."

18 What follows, to the end of the Exposition, has by some accident fallen into strange confusion. In the Translation we have endeavored to restore the proper order. In the first place it should be observed, that the portion beginning Oi men diamarturamenoi, p. 148. D. Ben and ending at ote prwton episteusan, p. 149. A. consisting of about 20 lines, is interchanged with the portion of about 25 lines, beginning Deon oun touton, and ending ekei tou apostolou, p 149, C. These being restored to their proper order, which is evident from the contents of the two portions, we have, to the end of the Recapitulation, two portions, dividing at ouk isxusen elein touj apostolouj (ecistato,) p. 148, B. the former beginning with the exposition of v. 4, the second with v. 7, and both ending at v. 24. These, it may be supposed, are two several and successive expositions. But it will be seen on comparing them, that each in itself is often abrupt and incomplete, and that their parts fit into each other in a way which can hardly be accidental. It may also be remarked, that the length of each is the same; each containing about 46 lines. We have marked the order of the mss. and Edd. by the letters a, b, prefixed to the several parts.

19 This sentence alone seems still to be out of its place. 'Epeidh de antisthnai ouk isxusen k. t. l. might be very fitly inserted in the passage below, ending ouk isx. elein t. ap. which is otherwise mutilated: see the note there.

20 Between this and the following sentence the mss. and Edd. give the exposition of v. 25.

21 Ei gar meta afeleiaj egineto, kai kan F.) apedecato (apedecanto C. F.) autou thn proqumian. b.c. F. The preceding sentence from (a) is kai mhn afelh edei einai. The connection being lost, this passage was not understood, and A. omits it, B. F. N. read asfaleiaj, and E. D. substitute, "If however he had come (proshlqen) as he ought to have come, he would have been received, he would not like a pest have been driven away."

22 #Ora auton miaron onta. The modern text (Edd.) alters the sense: ora pwj, kaitoi miaroj wn, omwj. "See how, miscreant though he is, nevertheless, etc."

23 Simon believed (13) only in an intellectual sense, being impressed with wonder, rather than convinced of sin. So, now, it is fear of calamity and penalty, not repentance, which leads him to ask the apostles to pray for him.-G. B. S.

24 Qewrwn autou ta shmeia, enomize dunasqai lanqanein: enomize texnhn einai to pragma: epeidh de ouk isxusen idein (Sav. marg. elein) touj apostolouj, ecistato kai proshlqen. A. b.c. This, which is the conclusion of (a), is both corrupt and defective. He is enlarging upon the miaria of Simon's conduct, as shown in the preceding ote hlegxqn ...ote palin hlegxqn: comp. the following sentence. It looks as if the sentence epeidh de antisthnai ouk isxusen k. t. l. must belong to this place. The reading elein t. ap. is probably the true one: oti ealw is twice said of Simon. Perhaps the passage may be restored somewhat thus: "Seeing his miracles, he was amazed, and came over." He thought to escape detection, he thought the thing was an art: but when he had not power to resist, he plays the hypocrite, as the magicians did, who said, "This is the finger of God. Having seen the Apostles," (hence the reading idein t. ap.) how by laying on of hands etc.; again he thought it was an art, he thought to purchase it with money: but when he was not able to defeat the Apostles (as it was said above, "he wished to get matter of accusation against them,") again he plays the hypocrite, and says, "Pray ye for me. etc."-Edd. from E. "Seeing signs wrought he was amazed, showing that all was a lie (on his part). It is not said, Proshlqen, but, 'Ecistato. And why did he not do the former at once? He thought to be able, etc. epeidh de ouk isxuse laqein t. ap., proshlqen."

25 allwj de, kai tupon autoij ededwkei tote, ote oi Samapeitai episteusan. A. B. D. F. Sav. marg. But C. "to rid them of magic, to put them in mind of the doctrine which they learned from Christ when first they believed:" which reading is adopted by E. and Edd.

26 The preaching of Philip in Samaria was the first Gentile mission, for the Samaritans were a mixed people and were regarded as heathen by the Jews. An interesting concatenation of events took its rise in the bold preaching of Stephen. On the one side there proceeded from this the increased opposition of the Jewish nation and the sad calamity of the preacher's own death, but on the other there flowed from this opposition and the persecution which was consequent upon it great benefit. The Christians were indeed scattered abroad by ill-treatment, but with them went the gospel message, and the great work of heathen missions dated directly back to the martyrdom of Stephen. Christian history furnishes no more impressive illustration of the saying of Tertullian: "The blood of martyrs is seed."-G. B. S.

27 In St. Chrysostom's time, little had been done for the conversion and instruction of the peasantry: hence in the latter half of the fourth century paganus came to be as synonymous with "heathen." Even Christian proprietors neglected their duty in this regard, while they improved their properties, and swelled their revenues by great oppression of their tenants and laborers : see Hom. in Matt. xliii., lxi. and at the same time connived at the practice of the old idolatries , for the sake of the dues accruing to them from the temples which still remained. Thus Zeno of Verona, Serm. xv. p. 120, complains: In proediis vestris fumantia undique sola fana non nostis, quoe, si vera dicenda sunt, dissimulanda subtiliter custoditis. Jus templorum ne quis vobis eripiat, quotidie litigatis. The Christianity which was outwardly professed in the country parts was often for want of Churches and Clergy little more than nominal: and the heathen orator Libanius, in his Oratio pro Templis, addressed to the Emperor Theodosius: perhaps did not greatly exaggerate in the following description: "When you are told , that through this proceeding on your part (viz. the destruction of the Temples and suppression of the sacrifices) many are become Christians, you must not forget to distinguish between show and reality . They are not a whit changed from what they were before: they only say they are so. They resort indeed to public acts of religion, and mingle themselves with the general body of Christians . But when they have a show of praying, they invoke either none or the Gods."-Moreover, the country clergy were often themselves ill-taught and needing instruction. Thus Hom. in Col. (t. xi. p. 392) delivered at Constantinople, Chrys. says: "How much instruction is needed by your brethren in the country, and by their teachers (kai touj ekeinwn didaskalouj)!" Which perhaps was the result of a law passed a.d. 398, Cod. Theodos. xvi. tit. 2 l. 33 which enacted, that the clergy for the Churches founded on states, or in villages, should be from no other state or village, but that to which the Church pertained: and of these a certain number, at the discretion of the bishop, according to the extent of the village, etc.-On the other hand, Chrys. "on the Statues," Or, xix. t. ii. p. 189 dwells with much delight on the virtues and patriarchal simplicity of the rural clergy in Syria, and the Christian attainments of their people.

28 9Wsanei gunaika agagwn h numfhn, h qugatera, th 'Ekkl. outw diakeiso. Before qug., A. B. F. N. insert kai, E. alone douj, and so Edd. Perhaps we may read wsanei numfh, h gun. ag., h douj qug.

29 "The first-fruits of corn and of grapes, or wine were presented as oblations at the Altar, and the elements for the Holy Eucharist thence taken. See Can. Apost. ii. Cod. Afr. c. 37. Concil. Trull. c. 28. In a Sermon of St. Chrys. on the Ascension, this peculiar usage is mentioned, that a handful of ears of corn in the beginning of harvest was brought to the Church, words of benediction spoken over them, and so the whole field was considered as blessed. #Oper ginetai epi twn pediwn twn staxuhforwn, oligouj tij staxuaj labwn, kai mikro/ dragma poihsaj kai prose/egkwn tw Qew, dia tou mikrou pasan thn arouran eulogei: outw kai o Xristoj k. t. l. (t. ii. 450. C.)" Neander.

30 dia se. Erasrm. propter te, Ben. pro te, but this would be uper sou, as below where this benefit is mentioned, uper tou kekthmenou.

31 aitai pleoneciaj. Edd. from E. itamouj: ta de entauqa pan tounantion. "make them forward and impudent. But here all is just the reverse." Below, wj eikona badizonta tou 'Abr. in the sense above expressed, as if it had been badizousan_. E. has eij for wj, "walking after the likeness:" and Sav. marg, eij oikon bad. meta ton 'Abr. "walking into his house after (the manner of) Abraham."

32 kai riyai eauton uption kai meta thn aiwran thn swmatikhn kai luxnikoij kai ewqinoij umnoij paragenesqai. This passage has perplexed scribes and editors. Aiwra "a swing, swinging bed, hammock," or, as here, "litter," or rather, "a swinging in such a conveyance: after the swinging motion in his litter, pleasant and healthful for the body." The meaning is: "without fatigue, lying at his ease on his back, he is borne to Church in his litter, and after this wholesome enjoyment for the body, gets good for his soul, in attending at evening and morning prayer. Ben. seipsumque projicere supinum, et past illam corpoream quietem: as if it related to taking rest in his bed, which is inconsistent with the scope of the description. Erasmus, et quiescere "in villa" securum, et habere "deambulationem" servientem corpori, "to sleep securely `in his villa. 0' and to `take a walk 0' which is good for the body." Neander simply, und sich niederzuwerfen, "to prostrate himself," (viz. on entering the Church)-overlooking both urtion and aiwran swm. Of the mss. A., for kai riyai k. t. l. substitutes, kai meta trofhn swm. "and after taking food for the body." C. ex corr. gives ewan for aiwran, F. wran, Sav. marg. "wran al. ewan:" both unmeaning: N. wran with two letters erased before it; and B. kai meta thn enathn wran thj swmatikhj metalabein trofhj kai en luxn., "and after the ninth hour to partake of the food for the body, and to attend at evening and morning hymns:" quoe lectio non spernenda videtur,' Ben. On the contrary, it is both needless and unsuitable, for the repast is mentioned afterwards. The "hymns" are the yalmoj epiluxnioj s. luxnikoj, ad incensum lucernoe, which was Psalm cxli. yalmoj ewqinoj, Psalm lxiii. St. Chrysost. in Psalm cxl. and Constit. Apost. ii. 59, viii. 37.

33 Sumbainei tiuaj ek yeitonwn oikein kai epitropouj exein. Sav. marg. legein. The meaning is not clearly expressed, but it seems to be this; "It chances that some important personage has an estate in your neighborhood, and occasionally resides there. His overseer informs him of your Church: he sends for your presbyter, invites him to his table, gains from him such information about your village, as he would never have acquired otherwise; for he thinks it beneath him even to call upon you. In this way, however, he learns that yours is a well-ordered village: and should any crime be committed in that part of the country by unknown persons no suspicion even wall light upon your people; no troublesome inquisition will be held, no fine or penalty levied on your estate." The v. 1. legein cannot be the true reading, but something of this sort must be supplied: oi kai legousin autw. It seems also that something is wanting between tinaj and ek geit. e. g. tinaj ek twn dunatwterwn ek geit. oikein.

34 olwj ei ouwtw poleij mh poihshj. Ben. Si omnino id facias, ne facias tamen. Neander, Wenn du so handelst, wirst du nichts thun, as if it were ou poihseij.

1 So all the mss. and the Catena: except E. which having already made Chrys. affirm that Philip was one of the seven. supra, p. 115, and note 1, gives a different turn to this passage. "It seems to me, that he received this command while in Samaria: because from Jerusalem one does not go southward, but to the north: but from Samaria it is to the south." An unnecessary comment; for it would hardly occur to any reader of the Acts to suppose that Philip had returned to Jerusalem.

2 "Behold, an eunuch (comp. p. 122, note 4), a barbarian-both circumstances calculated to make him indisposed to study -add to this, his dignified station and opulence: the very circumstance of his being on a journey, and riding in a chariot: for to a person travelling in this way, it is not easy to attend to reading, but on the contrary very troublesome: yet his strong desire and earnestness set aside all these hindrances," etc. Hom. in Gen. xxxv. §1. Throughout the exposition of the history of the eunuch there given (t. iv. p. 350-352) he is called a barbarian: so in the tenth of the "Eleven Homilies," §5, t. xii. 393, 394, he is called a "barbarian," and "alien," allofuloj, but also "a Jew:" all' oux o barbaroj tote ekeinoj tauta eipe (viz excuses for delaying baptism) kai tauta 'Ioudaioj wn k. t. l. i.e. as Matthai explains in l., "a Jewish proselyte." -Both expositions should be compared with this in the text.

3 akribeian. Below, oraj oti ta dogmata aphrtismena eixe. The 37th verse (Philip's answer and the Eunuch's confession) seems to have been absent from St. Chrysostom' copy (unless indeed it is implied in the passage just cited). It is found in Laud's Gr. and Lat. copy of the Acts, part is cited by St. Irenaeus p. 196. and part by St. Cypr. p. 318, but unknown to the other ancient authorities.

4 wste oun usteron auton qanmasqhnai, touto egeneto: i.e. as below, the eunuch saw that it was the work of God: it was done in order that he might not think oti anqrwpoj estin astin aplwj.-Edd. from E. "Why, it may be asked, did the Spirit of the Lord carry Philip away? Because he was to pass through other cities, and to preach the Gospel. Consequently this was done, etc. that he might not think what had happened to him was of man, but of God."

5 sunapelqein (Oec. sumparelqein) auta. As there is no auton, the meaning seems to be as above expressed, not, "would have desired Philip to go with him."

6 What follows is confused in the mss. and Edd., by transposition of the portions of text here marked a, b; and c, d: the order in the mss. being b, a, d. c, e.

7 Kai gar to twn pioteuontwn aciopiston ikanon autouj arai ei de epmmeinen (B. epemenon) ekei, poion to egklhma; Meaning, perhaps, that the character and station of such converts as the eunuch would weigh much with their countrymen (touj allofulouj). Though if the eunuch had stayed behind in Judea, who could have blamed him?-The modern text: "-sufficient to persuade the learners to be roused up themselves also to the same zeal."

8 euxerwj, ora meqÖ\ oshj afqoniaj. Cat. The mss. omit euxerwj. He means, angelic manifestations.

9 It is probable that this eunuch was an Ethiopian by birth and a Jewish proselyte. It was customary for such foreign proselytes, as well as for Jewish non-residents, to go up to Jerusalem to worship. Others suppose him to have been a Jew, resident in Ethiopia; but he is designated as "an Ethiopian." The fact that those in his condition were not admitted to full standing in the congregation of Israel (Deut. xxiii. 1) is not a sufficient reason for the opinion of Meyer that this man must have been an uncircumcised heathen-a "proselyte of the gate," since he could occupy the same relation as native Jews in his condition. Ethiopia lay to the S. of Egypt and Candace was queen of Meroe, the northern portion of the country. Eunuchs not only served as keepers of the harem but sometimes, as here, as royal treasurers.-G. B. S.

10 ti de ekwlusen panta auton akribwj maqein kai en tw oxhmati onta\ kai gar erhmoj hn kai ouk hn to pragma epideicij. We conjecture the first clause to be meant as the answer to an objection: How should Philip know all these particulars? It may indeed relate to the eunuch's accurate knowledge (akribeia) above mentioned, note 1. The latter part, however, seems to belong to v. 28 to which the Catena refers the mention of the xalepwtaton kauma.-Edd. (from E. alone), "Pray what hindered, say you, that he should learn all, even when in the chariot, and especially in the desert? Because the matter was not one of display. But let us look over again what has been read. And beholds," etc.

11 arpazei: but this, derived from v. 39 is not the right word here.-This, with the clause immediately preceding in the mss., is thus altered by the innovator (E. Edd.): "So little did P. know (outwj ouk hdei F.) for whose sake he was come into the desert: because also (oti kai, F. D. oqen) not now an Angel, but the Spirit bears him away. But the eunuch sees none of these things, being as yet not fully initiated (atelhj, imperfectus Ben.); or because also these things are not for the more bodily, but for the more spiritual: nor indeed does he learn the things which Philip is fully taught (ekdidasketai)."

12 !Idete (ide B.) to (ton N.) atufon. ouden lampron epefereto sxhma. Read to sxhma.-E. D. F. Edd., Eide and oude gar. Vidit illum esse a fastu alienum: neque enim splendidum gestabat vestitum. Ben. and similarly Erasm. as if the meaning were, "the eunuch saw there was no pride in Philip, for he had no splendid clothing." But it is the eunuch in whom this (to atufon) is praised, (see below, §4 init.) that he did not disdain Philip for the meanness of his appearance: comp. Hom. in Gen. xxxv. §2. "For when the Apostle (supra, p. 115, note 1) had said, "Knowest thou," and came up to him in mean attire (meta eutelouj sxhmatoj), the eunuch did not take it amiss, was not indignant, did not think himself insulted. ...but he, the man in great authority, the barbarian, the man riding in a chariot, besought him, the person of mean appearance, who might for his dress have easily been despised, to come up and sit with him," etc.

13 edeiknu boulomenon eipein. This seems meant to explain why the eunuch at once besought Philip to come up into the chariot: his running showed that he wished to say something.-E. Edd. "was a sign of his wishing to speak, and the reading (a sign) of his studiousness. For he was reading at a time when the sun makes the heat more violent."

14 The rendering of h de perioxh thj grafhj given in the text (A. V.) is also that of the R. V. Another interpretation is referred by many scholars: "the content of the Scripture" (grafh being used in the limited sense of the particular passage in question). This view harmonizes with the derivation of perioxh (periexel/) meaning an enclosure, or that which is enclosed. Irafh is also used in the limited sense in v. 35 (So, Meyer, Hackett, and Thayer's Lex.)

15 @H (N. om. Cat. to) olwj eidnai ooti allwj kai (om. C.) peri allwn legousin oi profhtai, h oti k. t. l. A. b.c. Cat. We read, to olwj eidenai h. ...But the modern text: "It seems to me that he knew not that the prophets speak of other persons: or if not this, he was ignorant that they discourse concerning themselves in another person;" omitting the last clause, sfodra epskemmenou (Cat. perieskemmenh) h erwthsij.-In the next sentence B. has retained the true reading, ektomian, for which the rest have tamian. N. tamieian.

16 The eunuch must have heard much said about Jesus at Jerusalem for he had been crucified but five or six years before. In this time of persecution and excitement, discussions would be rife concerning the Christian interpretation of prophecy. The eunuch seems to have heard two theories concerning the prophecies (e.g. Is. liii.) relating to the "Servant of Jehovah," one that the prophet was speaking of the Messiah (whom the Christians asserted Jesus to be) and the other that the prophet spoke concerning himself in these prophecies, an opinion not wholly abandoned in modern times. The eunuch's sudden conversion presupposes prolonged consideration of the claims of Jesua to be the Messiah and a keen interest in religious truth.-G. B. S.

17 Edd. "on what danger casting himself, still even so he is afraid lest he should suffer some harm. This is the reason why he takes others with him, probably to rid himself of his fear: or also, because they were many against whom he was going, he takes many, in order that the more boldly, whomsoever he should find, both men and women," etc. Just the opposite to C.'s meaning: viz. "It is not to be supposed, because he took many with him, that he had any fears for himself: he was above all such regards. The fact is, he wished to show them all (both the Jews at Jerusalem, and the companions of his journey), how they ought to act:" dia thj odou pasin autoij deicai ebouleto. C. however has pasin autou, N. pasin autouj, meaning: "by means of his journey, he wished to show them (the Christians bound) to all." Perhaps the true reading is autou thn proqumian, or the like. E. D. F. Edd. "Especially as by means of the journey he wished to show them all (pasin autoij), that all depended on him (autou to pan on)."

18 o dia touto apiwn: i.e. who would have a right to be believed, because it was known that he left Jerusalem for the purpose of persecuting. Had it taken place in Jerusalem or in Damascus, some would have given one account of the matter, some another-as, in the case of our Lord, when the voice came to Him from heaven at Jerusalem, "some said it thundered, some that an Angel spake to Him," (so Chrys. explains below, p. 125)-but, happening in the way it did, the person most interested in it, and who by this very thing was caused to take so momentous a step, was the authentic narrator; i.e. the story was to come from him, as the only competent authority: all' autoj aciopistoj hn dihgoumenoj (so Cat.: C., hn dihghsasqai: the other mss. hdihgoumenoj) o dia touto apiwn: Infra, p. 125, outoj de aciopistoj hn apaggellwn mallon ta eautou.-In the next sentence, Touto goun legei, kai proj 'Agrippan apologoumenoj, something seems wanting before kai, as supplied in the translation: but also both before and after these words: e.g. For the men which were with him, heard not the voice, and were amazed and overpowered. In fact, he says this in his oration on the stairs, "They heard not the voice of Him that spake to me," and when pleading before Agrippa, he says, "And when we were all fallen to the ground, I heard a voice." etc.

19 'Alla touton monon ephrwse: may be rendered, They all saw the light, but it blinded only Paul:-or, Him however it only blinded, did not cast him into insensibility, but left him otherwise in possession of his faculties.

20 The remainder of the verse and the first part of v. 6 to proj auton, were absent from Chrysostom's copy (and Cat. Oec. Theoph.) as from Codd. A. b.c. (of New Test.) and Laud's Gr. and Lat. of Acts: but the last have the clause, sklhron soi p. k. l. after diwkeij, v. 4. St. Hil. omits the clause durum est, etc. but has, tremens et pavens, etc.-"The voice of Paul:" Didymus in Cat. gives this as Chrysostom's solution of the seeming contradiction between this statement and that of St. Paul in xxii. 9. "In the first narrative, they heard Paul's voice, saying, Who art thou, Lord? But saw no man save Paul: in the second, they saw the light, but did not hear the voice of the Lord."

21 outw kai touj maqhtaj ekalesen ek deuterou (Cat. and Sav. marg. join ek d. to the next sentence). The meaning is: As here, there is an interval between the conversion of Saul, and Christ's announcement of the purpose for which he was called (which in Acts xxvi. 15, Acts xxvi. 16 are put together as if all was said at the same time), so in the case of the disciples, Andrew, John, and Simon, there was a first call, related in John i.; then after a while, Christ called them a second time, (see Hom. in Matt. xiv. §2) namely, to be fishers of men, Matt. iv. In both cases there was an interval, during which he and they were prepared for the further revelation of His will concerning them. The mod. t. (E. Edd.) omits this clause, and substitutes, kai di wn parakeleuetai auton poiein paraxrhma k. t. l. "And by what He bids him do, straightway gives him." etc.

22 !Estw ekeinoi autw exarizonto. Hom. in illud, Saulus adhuc spirans, etc. §5, t. iii. p. 105. "But shameless objectors may say (of Peter), that because he was Christ's disciple, because he had been partaker at His table, had been with Him three years, had been under His teaching, had been deluded and cajoled by Him (ekolakeuqh up' autou apathqeij), therefore it is that he preaches His resurrection: but when thou seest Paul, a man who knew Him not, had never heard Him, had never been under His teaching: a man, who even after His crucifixion makes war upon Him, puts to death them that believe in Him, throws all into confusion and disorder, when thou seest him suddenly converted, and in his toils for the Gospel outstripping the friends of Christ: what plea canst thou then have for thine effrontery, in disbelieving the word of the Resurrection?"

23 'Epeidh de eplhrwqh (eplhroforhqh, A. om., Cat. ephrwqh, E. D. F. Edd.) thj despoteiaj autou ta tekmhria kai thj filanqrwpiaj tote apokrinetai (for t. a. E. D. F. Edd. gnwrizei, Cat. eiden) ina (gar add B.) mh tij eiph oti upekrineto, o kai aimatwn epiqumwn k. t. l. (h kai ina mh tij <\=85_upekr. IIwj gar o kai aim. ep. k. t. l. E. D. F. Edd.) We read 'Epeidh de ephrwqh, ...thj f. eide. Tote ap. Kurie, k. t. l. ina ln k. t. l.

24 Dia ti kai eij geennan hucato apelqein uper tou Xristou; The modern text substitutes, "that he wished even to be accursed (Rom. ix. 2.) for Christ," See Hom. xvi, ad Rom. in 1. But Chrys. elsewhere uses as strong expressions as he does here. Hom. ii. in 2 Thess. §4 oude thn peeran thj geennhj hgeito ti einai dia ton tou Xristou poqon. And, dia ton tou X. poqon, katadexetai kai eij geennan empesein kai thj basileiaj ekpesein, (cited in the Ecloga de Laud. Paul. t. xii. p. 659, E.)

25 to atufon, above, p. 122, 2. Comp. x. §5. of the Eleven Homilies, t. xii. p. 393. "Admire how this man, barbarian as he was, and alien, and liable to be puffed up with his great authority, demeaned himself towards a man, poor, beggarly: unknown, whom until then he had never set eyes on. ...If our rulers now, believers though they be, and taught to be humble-minded, and with nothing of the barbarian about them, meeting in the public place, I do not say an unknown stranger, but one whom they know, would be in no great hurry to give him a seat beside him (in their carriage), how came this man to condescend so much to a perfect stranger-for I will not cease to insist upon this-a stranger, I say, one whom he had never seen, a mean-looking person, apt to be de. spised for his appearance, as to bid him mount and sit beside him? Yet this he did, and to his tongue committed his salvation, and endured to put himself in the position of a learner: yea, beseeches, intreats, supplicates, saying, `I pray thee, of whom saith the Prophet this? 0' and receives with profound attention what he says. And not only so, but having received, he was not remiss, did not put off, did not say, `Let me get back to my own country, let me see my friends, my family, my kinsfolk 0'-which is what many Christians say now-a-days when called to baptism: `let me get to my country, let me see my wife, let me see my children with my other kinsfolk: with them present, and making holiday with me, so will I enjoy the benefit of baptism, so partake of the Grace. 0' But not these words spake he, the barbarian: Jew as he was, and trained to make strict account of places, especially with (the Law) ever sounding in his ears the duty of observing the Place, insomuch that he had gone a long journey to Jerusalem, on purpose that he might worship in the place which God commanded: and behold, all at once casting away all that he had been used to in this regard, and relinquishing this strict observance of place, no sooner is the discourse finished, and he sees a fountain by the roadside, than he says, `See, here is water, what doth hinder me to be baptized? 0'"

26 The letters (a) (b) denote the order of the two parts in mss. and Edd.

27 dia to asqenej eti: Edd, give this to the preceding sentence, and then: Oude proteron outwj hn eukolon, wj ote o profhthj auton kathxhsen: "nor was it so easy before, as (it was) when the Prophet had catechized him:" which is irrelevant to the question: for Philip might have found him engaged in the same study then as afterwards. The old text has: ouk hn eukoloj, o profhthj gar auton kathxhsen, but A. rightly omits gar. Something is wanting; e. g. either, "until Philip catechized him," or rather, "but yet the prophet catechized him." What follows is much confused in the mss. By "the prophecy itself" Chrys. probably means more than the two verses given in the Acts, viz. Isai. liii. 7-12.-"It is likely he had heard that He had been crucified," so C. D. F. (i. e. as appears further on, the eunuch when at Jerusalem had heard of the Crucifixion, had seen the rent in the rocks, etc., another reason why it was fit that he should have first visited Jerusalem:) but B., "Perhaps he had not heard:" and E. Edd., "Hence he learnt." After "taken from the earth," C. alone has, kai ta alla os' (sic) amartian ouk epoihsen, the others, oti am. ouk ep. after which Savile alone adds, "nor was guide found in His mouth." After estaurwqh something is wanting, e. g. nun de emaqen or kathxhqh. In kai ta alla there seems to be a reference to the sequel in "the prophecy itself," viz. "and the rest which may be read in Isaiah, as that He did no sin," etc.-A., as usual, omits the whole passage: E. refashions it thus; "Hence He learnt that He was crucified, that His life is taken away from the earth, that He did no sin, that He prevailed to save others also, that His generation is not to be declared, that the rocks were rent, that the veil was torn, that dead men were raised from the tombs: or rather, all these things Philip told him." etc. so Edd.

28 In the quotation the N. T. follows the LXX. (Is. liii: 7, Is. liii: 8), which but imperfectly renders the original. The meaning is obscure in Hebrew, but the best rendering is probably that of the R. V. which renders v. 8 thus: "By oppression and judgment he was taken away; and as for his generation, who among them considered that he was cut off out of the land of the living?" for which the LXX. and N. T. have: "In his humiliation his judgment was taken away: His generation who shall declare, for his life is taken from the earth." It is almost useless to inquire what the LXX. translators could have meant by this rendering. Concerning the meaning of the first clause, there are four theories: (1) The judgment announced by His enemies was taken away, i. e., annulled by God (Bengel, Lechler). (2) His judicial power was taken away during his humiliation, i.e., he did not appear as men's judge (Humphrey). (3) His judgment (punishment) was taken away, i. e., ended-by death (Meyer, Robinson). (4) The judgment due him-the rights of justice-was withheld by his enemies (Gloag, Hackett).

The latter part of the LXX. trans.: "who shall declare," etc., has been understood in the following ways: (1) Who shall declare his divine Sonship?-the reference being to the "eternal generation" of the Son (the Patristic view). (2) Who shall declare the number of his spiritual seed, i.e., predict the extent of his kingdom? (the Reformers). (3) Who shall declare the wickedness of his contemporaries, for he was put to death (Meyer, De Wette, Lechler, Alford, Gloag). This interp. assigns to the word "generation," the same meaning which the R. V. gives to it in the original passage and is the preferable view. It should be admitted that this is a probable theory of what the LXX. ought to have meant by the words which they used; that they did consciously mean this is far less certain.-G. B. S.

29 wsper oun ouden outw skandalizein eiwqe touj paxuterouj: i.e. Saul's conversion would have weighed with the Jews ei noun eixon, but it was a great stumbling-block to them as paxuteroi: "as indeed nothing is so apt to prove a stumbling-block to men of duller minds," as this is-viz. the sudden conversion of one of their own party to the opposite side.

30 kai oti ouk an epeisqh 'Ananiaj, A. b.c. But Edd. omit Ananias: "because he (Paul) would not otherwise have been persuaded." In the next sentence, C. F. have 'Entrefomenoi, "nurtured:" B. entrufwntej, "luxuriating:" A. E. D. Edd. enstrefomenoi.

31 dhson. i.e. tie them up, and keep them shut. E. Edd. kataxwson, "Bury." Below, for kai mh akouoi autwn, we read ina mh. C. however has akouei, which may imply that the sentence should be joined to the preceding one, ou toiauth kolasij, ei tij kataxwseien auta en koprw, kai ei mh akouei autwn: "not such the punishment, were one to bury, etc., as it is if he refuse to hear them."

32 All the mss. and Edd. Mh laleite, "Speak not." But the context plainly requires the sense. "Speak on, if you will: we will not do what you bid us:" though it should rather be, Ouk akouomen.

33 E. umin, "your mouths," so Edd. except Sav. and below, o akouwn kai mh peiqomenoj meizonwj katafronei, where the old text has, o akouwn meiz. kat. kai dia toutou kwluwn, "by this," viz. by putting his hand on the speaker's mouth.

34 When the Deacon had ordered silence by proclaiming, if need were, several times, IIrosexwmen' the Reader commenced the Lesson, if from the Old Testament or the Gospels, with the formula, Tade legei Kurioj, "Thus saith the Lord:" (for the Epistles. with, "Dearly beloved Brethren.") See Hom. in 2 Thess. iii. §4. p. 527. D.

35 Eipon, ej ofisqhn, fhsi, kai tote apesth ap' emou. Ben. rendering the passage with Erasmus, "Deceptus sum, et tunc recessit a me," remarks. "I do not see how this agrees with what precedes." The Paris Editor, "Novi. inquiunt. et tum miki effluxit," as if it were a proverb. In the LXX, it is, Eipa, sofisqhsomai, kai auth emakrunqh ap' emou. E. V. said "I will be wise, but it was far from me."

36 \Ara mh apatwmen eautouj, nomizontej tauta ellhnisti umin legein; mss. and Edd., ara mh without the interrogation. Ben. "Igitur ne decipiamus nosmetipsos hoec Groeco more dici." The meaning seems to be, "When we tell you these things as euaggelia, do we deceive ourselves in thinking that we are speaking Greek-that we are using the term aright?-Yes to judge from your looks, one may see that they are anything but euaggelia to you. 9Ymeij kathfeite, umeij kekwfwsqe: apoplhktoi tugxanete katw kuptontej." The innovator (E. Edd.) quite alters the meaning, as if it were, "You look as indifferent as if it were no concern of yours;" viz. "Or, have you nothing to do with thesse things? But you are struck deaf (kekwfwsqe), and as if you were in a fit, hang down your heads."-Below, for kai palin etera erw, oion, the same have, oiaper esti kai ta toiauta, "such as are also these."

37 Edd. Kala ge: ou gar tauta euaggelia: read Kalage (ougap;) tauta euaggelia. In the next sentence, Ti moi twn euaggeliwn; Ben. "Quid mihi est evangeliorum."

1 Oecumen. adds from some other source, "but Ananias who was one of the Seventy:" and afterwards, "And this Ananias was a deacon, as Paul himself testifies in the Canons:" the latter from Ammonius the Presbyter, in the Catena.-Below, Kai oti (Cat., #Oti gar) ou twn sodra epishmwn hn, dhlon, C. comp. p. 279. But Edd. "But that Ananias also was one of the very distinguished persons, is plain both from what (the Lord) reveals and says to him, and from what he himself says in answer: Lord, I have heard," etc.'

2 Kai foboumenon idwn, oude outwj eipen. Ouk apisthqhsh. The mod, t. prefixes Mallon de, and adds, alla ti\ 'Anastaj poreuqhti. "Nay, even seeing him afraid, even then He said not, Thou shalt not be disbelieved: (Erasm. negligently, Be not unbelieving:) but what? Arise," etc. So Morel. Sav. but Ben. puts a full stop at idwn: as if the meaning were, "because He would teach us," etc.: or rather, "because He also saw him to be afraid. Nor did He speak thus. Thou shalt not," etc. But the full stop should be placed at eipen: "nay, though he saw him afraid, He did not tell him what had happened to Paul-the victory He had won over this adversary. But only, Fear not to be disbelieved for he hath seen," etc.

3 ina wsper eceplhtten toutw, outw kakeinw. (Sav. marg. touto, kakeino.) "That as He (Christ) astonished (Ananias) by the one, so He may by the other." toutw, by the announcement of Saul as a believer; ekeinw, by that of his becoming a preacher, and before Gentiles and kings. (Chrys. is negligent in his use of the pronouns outoj and ekeinoj.) Or it may be, "that as he (Saul) astonished (men) by his conversion, so by his wonderful boldness as a preacher."-E. Edd. omit this, and substitute, "as to prevail over all nations and kings."

4 "But when was the name of Jesus put upon Paul, that he should recover his sight? Here is either something wrong in the text, or we must say that Ananias put the name of Jesus on Paul, when, having laid his hands on him, he told him that it was Jesus from whom he should receive his sight." Ben.,-who surely must have overlooked the clause oper epaqen epi tou nomou, to which these words belong.-Above, Tinej fasi thj phrwsewj einai touto shmeion, the meaning is, that this falling off the scales, etc., is an emblem of his mental blindness, and of his recovery therefrom, The innovator, not understanding this, alters it to, tautaj tinej fasi thj p. autou einai aitiaj. "Some say that these were the cause of his blindness:" which is accepted by Edd.-And below, "lest any should imagine," etc., where tij, E. bracketted by Sav., adopted by the other Edd. is due to the same hand.

5 For 'Ihsoun (the reading accredited by the leading authorities in v. 20) here and in the second exposition, E. alone has Xriston (with text recept.) adopted by Edd.

6 Kai euqewj ek trooimiwn, qanatwn o anqrwpoj hn viz. ch. vii. 58. C. has qanatwn, for which A. conjecturally substitutes qaumastoj.

7 The narratives given by Paul himself of his conversion in Acts xxii. and Acts xxvi. as well as allusion to the subjects in his epistles, present some harmonistic difficulties, which have, however, been greatly exaggerated by a criticism which is unfavorable to the historical character of the Acts. The constant factors in all the accounts are: the light from heaven, the voice of Jesus and Saul's answer, and the solemn charge commissioning Saul to bear the name of Christ to the Gentiles. In Acts xxvi. the interview with Ananias is omitted; in chap. xxii. it is narrated, but the occasion of Ananias' going to Saul is not given; in chap. ix. the Lord is represented as speaking to him and bidding him go, and it is affirmed that at the same time Saul has a vision of his coming. In xxii. the address of Ananias is considerably more extended than in ix. Some minor points of difference have been noted, as: in ix. 7 it is said that Saul's companions heard the voice but saw no one, while in xxii. 9, it is said that they saw the light but heard not the voice of Him who spoke. The discrepancy is resolved by many by translating hkousan (xxii. 9) "understood"-an admissable sense (so, Lechler, Hackett, Lange). It is certainly an unwarranted criticism which rejects the common matter of the various narratives upon the ground of such incidental variations in the traditions in which a great and mysterious experience has been preserved.-G. B. S.

8 Skeuoj de kaleitai dikaiwj: deiknuntoj tou logou oti ouk esti fusikh h kakia: skeuoj, fhsin, ekloghj: to dokimon gar ekleg-omeqa. A. b.c. N. i.e. "Justly is he called a skeuoj, for he is well-fitted for the work of Christ by his energy and earnestness. These need but to be turned to the right objects. It is contrary to right reason to say, that evil is a physical quality or essence, and therefore unchangeable. (See this argued Hom. lix. in Matt. p. 596.) A fit implement, therefore, and of no common kind: a skeuoj ekloghj, of all others to be chosen, because of its approved suitableness for the purpose." Thus St. Chrysostom constantly interprets this expression. Hom. xviii. in Rom. §6 t. ix. 638. "When the stars were created, the Angels admired: but this man Christ Himself admired, saying, A chosen vessel is this man to Me!" Comm. in c. 1. Gal. §9, t. x. 674 "Called me by His grace. Yet God saith, that He called Him, because of his virtue, (dia thn arethn,) saying, A chosen vessel, etc.: i.e. fit to do service, and do a great work. . But Paul himself everywhere ascribes it all to grace." Hom. iii. in 1 Tim. §1, t. xi. 562. "God, foreknowing what he would be before he began to preach, saith, A chosen vessel etc. For as they who in war bear the royal standard, the labarum as we call it, have need of much skill and bravery not to deliver it into the enemy's hands, so they that bear the name of Christ," etc. And de Compunct. ad Demetr. lib. i. §9, t. i 138. "Since grace will have our part, (ta par' hmwn zhtei,) therefore some it follows and abides with, from some it departs, and to the rest it never even reaches. And to show that God first examined well the bent of the will (proairesij,) and thereupon gave the grace before this blessed man had done aught wonderful, hear what the Lord saith of him: A chosen vessel," etc.-The modern text: "And having said Skeuoj, so as to show that the evil in him (h kakia autou) is not physical, He adds, ekloghj, to declare that he is also approved; for," etc.-Oecumen. deiknusin oti ouk esti fusikh h kakia autw, "The Lord shows that vice is not natural to him."

9 dia touto tauta legei: i.e. Ananias' objection, (v. 13) in fact comes to this: this was the feeling' which prompted his words. The innovator substitutes, dia touto nun hmeroj, oti . . "therefore is he now gentle, because he is blind:" E. Edd.-The meaning is; "In saying, `I will show him how much he shall suffer, 0' etc. the Lord rebukes Ananias' reluctance to baptize him, and restore his sight: his answer, `Lord, I have heard, 0' etc. was in fact as good as saying, Let him reemain blind, it is better so." The parenthetic, proj to #Ina anableyh, tauta eirhtai, looks like a marginal note of one who did not perceive the connection.-E. makes it, "To that saying, `That he may receive his sight, 0' let this be added."

10 Kai to dh qaumaston oti proteron peisetai, kai tote. So all our mss. (Cat. to pr.) We conjecture the true reading to be, oti proteron eisetai: "he shall first know," viz. "how many things he must suffer," etc. v. 16.

11 In the mss. and Edd. the portions here marked b, a, c, occur in the order a, b, c. The clause h wste pisteusai ekeinon being thus thrown out of its connection, perplexed the scribes: Cat. omits h, "until he obtained the mighty gifts, so that he (ekeinon, Ananias?) believed." A. E. F. D. reject the clause altogether. N. wste kai p. e.

12 It is noticeable that in chap. xxii. 17, Paul is reported as connecting his going to Jerusalem directly with the narrative of his conversion, while in Gal. i. 16, Gal. i. 17 he states that it was not until three years after his conversion that he went up to Jerusalem. The various notices can only be matched together on the view that the coming to Jerusalem mentioned in ix. 26 was the same as that of Gal. i. 18, and that this occurred about three years after his conversion. The hmerai ikanai of v. 23 must therefore include the time spent in Arabia (Gal. i. 17)., after which Paul must have returned to Damascus, before going up to Jerusalem. In this way the narratives can be harmonized without admitting a contradiction [as Baur, Zeller, De Wette); it is probable, however, that Luke did not know of the visit to Arabia, but connected Paul's going to Jerusalem closely with his conversion.-G. B. S.

13 The best textual authorities (A. b.c. )e

) and critics (Tisch. W. and H., Lechler, Meyer, Gloag) here read: "his (Saul's) disciples," So R. V. ...The reference is to the band of converts whom he had been successful in winning at Damascus. In Paul's own narrative of his escape from Damascus (2 Cor. xi. 33) he states more specifically that he was let down "through a window, through the wall." This may have been either through the window of a house overhanging the wall. or through a window in the face of some portion of the wall (Cf. Josh. ii. 15; 1 Sam. xix. 12).-G. B. S.

14 touton: Edd. ton euaggelisthn: and below from E. alone, "alla monon otiephgeiran ton basilea, not speaking ambitiously, and making Paul illustrious, but only (saying) that they stirred up the king." But he does not say it, and his not saying it is the very thing which Chrys. commends: all' ora touton ou filotimwj legonta, oude lampron deiknunta ton. The "'Ephgeiran gar," fhsin, "ton basilea." The fhsin here is put hypothetically, "as if he had said," or "when he might have said." The sentence, however, requires something to complete it. such as we have added in the translation.

15 'All' (N. enedra) epoiei ton prwton xronon, kai muria hdikhkwj, ouden hgeito ikanon, k. t. l. So all our mss. except E. If enedra be not corrupt, it seems to be used in a sense unknown to the Lexicons.-Edd. from E. "Therefore it is that he so pillories (sthliteuwn) his former life, and brands (stizwn) himself repeatedly, and thinks nothing enough," etc.

16 Hom. xxv. in 2 Cor. p. 615. Hom. v. de Laud. S. Pauli, t. ii. 501.

17 Hom. xxvi. in 2 Cor. p. 617, B.

18 Mallon de kai pro toutou, kai en oij ou kata gnwsin epoiei, ouk (B. oude, A. om. anqrwpinw kinoumenoj logismw diepratteto. i.e. "Even as a persecutor, he was not swayed by common worldly considerations." The mod. t. (Edd.) perverts the Author's meaning: "- nay even before this. For in the things, etc. he was moved by man's reasoning to act as he did."

1 St. Chrysostom's exposition cannot be correctly reported here. Perhaps what he did say, was in substance as follows: "but I went into Arabia, and returned again unto Damascus: whence we learn, that the plot against him at Damascus was after his return from Arabia, and then the visit (to Jerusalem), after the escape from Damascus. Certainly of his own accord he went not to the Apostles," etc.-(So far. the first hypothesis, viz. that the visit, Acts ix. and the visit in Gal. are one and the same. Then) "or else, Paul does not mean this visit (viz. after the flight from Damascus), but passes it by, so that the order (in his narration) is as follows: I went to Arabia, then to Damascus, then viz., at some time during the residence in Damascus, to Jerusalem (to see Peter), then to Syria, i.e. back to Damascus: whereas, had he related matters fully, it should have been, that he went into Arabia, thence to Damascus, then to Jerusalem to see Peter, thence to Damascus again, then again to Jerusalem after the escape from D., thence to Caeaesarea."

2 For h ei mh tonto, E. gives (as emendation) eita palin, and ekeiqen, for apo 'Arabiaj, but retains the h ei mh touto of the preceding clause, which equally needs correction.

3 E. F. D. Edd. "As not being a teacher, but a disciple:" the reading of A. b.c. N. is attested by Cat. OeEc. but below it is said that he joined himself to the disciples, ate maqhthn onta, Infra, note 1, p. 135.

4 Here should begin the alternative to the former hypothesis (beginning h toinun tonto fhsin) perhaps, with h ei mh tonto. Cat, has aphlqon, hlqon, which we adopt, as the mention of Syria shows that the narrative in Gal. 1. 17-21, is referred to; the subject therefore of legei, afihsin is Paul, and tanthn means the visit in Acts ix. The next sentence, for h ei mh tonto palin k. t. l. requires to be remodelled as above, e. g. deon legein oti ec Arabiaj eij Dam. npostreyaj, anhlqen eij Ierosolnma, eita eij Dam. aphlqe palin, eita palin eij Ieroj., eita ecepemfqh eij Kaisareian. The reporter, or redactor, seems to have intended a recital of St. Paul's movements before as well as after his conversion; viz. (from Tarsus) he went up to Jerusalem, then was sent (by the high-priest) to Damascus: then (after his conversion) went into Arabia (the mad. substitutes, Syria): then returned to Damascus: then (omitting all the rest) to Coesarea.-In the Comment. on Gal. i. t. x. 675, D. Chrys. expounds thus: "Whereas he says, `I went not up, 0' this also may be said, that he went not up at the outset of his preaching, and, when he did, it was not for the purpose of learning."

5 The incredulity of the Christians at Jerusalem concerning the genuineness of Saul's conversion is difficult to understand, especially since they must have heard of the miraculous manner of it. It can, however, more readily be conceived of if, as we suppose, the three years absence from the city had intervened, and during this period, Saul had been unheard of. The impression might have gone abroad that he had fallen back into his old Jewish life. Certainly the persecution which the Christians at Jerusalem had suffered at his hands would incline them to be incredulous concerning his conversion, unless there were positive proof of it. When it is said (27) that Barnabas brought Paul "to the apostles" in Jerusalem, we must hold this statement subject to the modification made in Paul's own statement (Gal. i. 18) that during this visit he saw, of the aposties, only Peter and James, the Lord's brother. These may have been the only apostles then in the city, for Paul's stay was but for fifteen days. The purpose of this visit was to see Peter (Gal. i. 18).-G. B. S.

6 A. b.c. ekelno. Barnabaj de anqrwpoj epieikhj kai hmeroj hn: kaiora k. t. l. Cat. ekei. Barnabaj anqrwpoj epieikhj hn: kai ora. The epithet hmeroj, "tamed," was felt to be unsuitable to Barnabas, hence Cat. omits it, Oec. substitutes (from below) kai xrhstoj sfodra. The mod. t. transposes the clause to the comment on v. 27. The fact seems to be, that Barnabaj de is out of its place, and that anqr. kai hm. is a description of Saul's present bearing contrasted with his former character: and that the sentence should begin with ekeino, somewhat in this way: on gar hn ontwj prosdokiaj anqrwpinhsj. 'Ekeino e.g. to qhrion, that raging wild-beast, now was a man, mild and gentle.-Below, all the mss. have ate maqhthn onta, which is not easily reconciled with the former passage (note c). There it is represented, that he assayed to join himself to the disciples as being a teacher, and not a disciple; here, that he did this as being a disciple, and dia to metriazein. Oec, combines this with the former statement: "he went not to the Apostles, but assayed," etc., metriazwn, ate did. wn, kai on maq., where Henten. renders modeste de se sentiens "quum tamen" praceptor esset et non discipulus: rather, forbearing to put himself forward as he might have done, seeing he was himself a teacher, etc. The Catena has the dia to netriazein after apionta, and again after onta. Hence the true reading may be, kai ora anton ou proj t. ap apionta, alla proj touj maqhtaj oux ate maqhthn onta, alla dia to metriazeln.

7 A. b.c. (and Cat.) give the text, "But Barnabas-in the way," continuously, and then the comments all strung together. Also the clause "it is likely-about him" is placed last, after gorgoj hn o anhr. This expression (Cat. adds gar) may denote either the quick, keen glance of Paul's eye, or the terror with which he was regarded-"to them the man had a terrible look with him."-The modern text: "`But Barnabas-in the way. 0' This Barnabas was a mild and gentle sort of man. `Son of Consolation 0' is the meaning of his name: whence also he became a friend to Paul. And that he was exceedingly kind and accessible, is proved both from the matter in hand, and from the affair of John. Whence he is not afraid, but relates `how he had seen, 0' etc.-`in the name of the Lord Jesus. 0' For it is likely, etc. Wherefore also tauta ekeinwn kataskeuastika poiwn, dia twn ergwn ebebaiwse ta lexqenta." In the original text it is simply Tauta ekeinwn kataskeuastika, kai dia twn ergwn ebebaiwse ta lexqenta, which being put before v. 28, would mean, that the conduct of Paul "in Damascus," the pwj eparrhj., evidenced the truth of what he said, about the Lord's appearing to him in the way. Hence in the mad. text: "wherefore Barnabas making the latter prove the former, confirmed by (Paul's) deeds the things told of him." (But Ben., Ideo hoec ad illa proeparant, dum ille operbus dicta confirmat. Erasm., Idea et hoec preparatoria facit operibus confirmans ea quoe dicta erant.) We have transposed the clause, as comment on v. 28.

8 This and the next clause are transposed in the mss. so that ep autwn would mean "in the case of the brethren."

9 The reason given in v. 30 for Paul's leaving Jerusalem is, that he was in danger of being slain by his opponents; that assigned by himself in xxii. 17, 18 is a revelation of the Lord given to him when in a trance in the temple, warning him that Jerusalem would not receive his message, and charging him to go unto the Gentiles. The two explanations have a common element in the opposition of the Jews and Hellenists at Jerusalem to Paul and their rejection of his message. "Paul, notwithstanding the opposition and machinations of the Jews, may have felt desirous to remain: he had a warm heart toward his brethren according to the flesh; he was eager for their conversion; and it required a revelation from Christ himself to cause him to comply with the importunity of his friends and to depart. Luke mentions the external reason; Paul the internal motive." (Gloag.)-G. B. S.

10 A. b.c. of N. T. and vulg. Hieron. have the singular throughout; and so Cat. in 1. Edd. from E. the plural throughout: our other mss.; oikodomouenoi and poreuomenoi (F. D. perisseuomenoi), "they being edified" etc., in apposition with 'Ekklhsia.

11 i.e. `If Paul had remained there would not have been peace and quiet. 0' It is doubtful, as the text stands, whether the subject to hdounto is, the Jewish believers, or, the adversaries: and katefronoun, hgriainon seem inconsistent as predicated of the same persons. Perhaps what Chrys. said is not fully reported, and the text may be completed thus: (comp. p. 304,) "there is no war from without, nor disturbance within. For the Jewish believers respected the Apostles, as having often stood by them, and the unbelievers durst not attack them as being had in admiration by the people: but as for Paul, the one party-viz. the zealous Jewish believers, `the profound Hebrews, 0' despised him, while the others-viz. the unbelievers were more savage against him." Edd. (from E. alone). "And why, you may ask, does he this, and `passes through 0' when there is peace, and after Paul's departure, i.e. why does Peter delay his journey until Paul is gone, and all is quiet? Because them they most respected, as having," etc.

12 Kai enqa oikonomia: enqa de, k. t. l. It does not appear what oikonomia can be intended, unless it be the order taken for the appointment of the deacons, but this was the act of all the Apostles, vi. 2. Hence perhaps the reading should be: enqa de oikonomia, kai enqa. ..."But where management (or regulation) only is concerned, and where all is peace," etc.

13 eipou (hpou, B (en tacei parergou touto htoun (hn, C.), prohgoumenwj de ouk eti, maqhtpia gar hn. A. b.c. Cat. But Edd. wste deicai oti en k. t. l. and maqhtria gar hn, before prohg. Oecum, en tacei gar par. touto htoun, maq. gar hn, omitting. prohg. de ouketi-"If the place had not been near, they would not have made the request: for it was asking him to put himself out of his way, to do this over and above, and not in the regular course."-This is a hint to the hearers that they should show the like forbearance and discretion, in not giving their Bishop unnecessary trouble.

14 9Oraj elehmosunhj posh ginetai protroph. Edd. from E,, "Thus is here fulfilled the saying, `Alms delivereth from death. And all the widows, 0'" etc. Below, for Eij thn oikian eishei o IIetroj wj filosofwn: ora de posh h epidosij gegonen: the same have, "Where she was laid out dead, they take Peter, taxa oiomenoi proj filosofian autw ti xarizesqai, perhaps thinking to give him a subject for elevated thought. Seest thou," etc.-The meaning seems to be, "Peter went to see the dead body, expecting no miracle, but only as one who could bear such sights, and would teach others to do so: but see what a mighty additional boon came of it:"

15 In the mss. Kai krathsaj, fhsi, thj xeiroj. #Ora (E. Edd. 'Entauqa deiknusi). kata meroj k. t. l. But the passage cited is from Luke viii. 52, kai krathsaj thj xeiroj authj, efwnhse k. t.l. to which, and probably to the ekbalwn ecw pantaj there preceding, St. Chrys. here referred.

16 Edd. from E. oj kai dia touto ekrine dielqein, epeidh thj autou didaskaliaj edeonto oi pisteusantej. "Who also for this reason judged it right to make this circuit, because those who had believed needed his instruction."

17 The modern text: "He calls by the name of `disciples 0' even those who were not included in the company of the twelve (Apostles), because they were all called disciples," etc.

18 Here the modern text has: "And the Churches had peace, being edified, and walking in the fear of the Lord:" i.e. they increased, and (had peace), peace as it is in itself, the true peace, eirhnhn authn dhpou proj eauthn, thn ontwj eirhnhn." (The singular h 'Ekkl. being altered to the plural, the reterence in proj eauthn was not perceived.) "With good reason. For the war from without exceedingly afflicted them. `And were filled with the consolation of the Holy Ghost. 0'" See p. 136, note 3.

19 Something must be supplied: e. g. "He did not wait for Eneas to ask, or to show his faith," as above, p. 301.-Edd. from E. "`And it came to pass-maketh thee whole. 0' It is not the word of one making a display, but of confidence that the thing shall be. And it does very much seem to me, that the sick man believed this word, and was made whole. That Peter is unassuming, is clear from what follows. For he said not, In the Name of Jesus, but rather as a miracle he narrates it. `And they that dwelt at Lydda saw, and turned unto the Lord. 0' It was not for nothing that I said, that the miracles were wrought in order to persuade and comfort. `But in Joppa-and died. 0' Do you mark the miracles everywhere taking place? It is not merely said, etc. Wherefore also they do not call Peter until she was dead. 'And having heard, (that Peter was there) the disciples sent," etc.

20 'All' wj shmeion mallon auto (autoj B.) dihgeitai kai euaggelizetai: "he speaks not in the form of command or promise, but of narration: he relates it, Evangelist-like, as a fact."

21 #Ora pwj diakaqairetai ta pragmata (omitted in E. D. F. Edd.): i.e. how the Gospel has purged away all excess of mourning, and all noisy demonstrations of grief. St. Chrys. frequently inveighs against the heathenish customs of mourning for the dead, which were still practised-such as the hiring of heathen mourning-women: Hom. in Matt. xxxi. p. 207. A. "I confess to you, I am ashamed when I see the troops of women tearing their hair, gashing their flesh, as they move through the market-and this under the very eyes of the heathen." Conc. in Laz. v. t. i. p. 765 D. where the Christian mode of interment is described; viz. the procession of clergy with psalms and hymns of praise, lighted tapers, etc. comp. Hom. iv. in Heb. (if. 15.)

22 #Enqa gar dakrua, mallon de enqa qaumata, ou dei dakrua pareinai: enqa toiouton musthrion teleitai. It seems, he was going to say, "Where tears are, it is no fit time for miracles," but corrects himself, for put in that way the proposition was not true. The innovator weakly substitutes, "For where tears are, such a mystery ought not to be performed: or rather, where miracles are, there tears ought not to be."

23 The rest of the Hom. is given in the Florilegium or Eclogoe, in t. xii. ecl. xlv.-the only instance in which these Homilies have been employed in that compilation. Its author used the old text: it does not appear that any of his various readings were derived from the modern text.

24 epi twn eudokimwn: i.e. those who are certainly not reprobates (ouk adokimwn). In the next sentence, E. Edd. kai ti proj se, anqrwpe\ su gar oude epi twn eudok. touto poieij. Ben. Et quid hoc ad te, o homo? tu enim erga probos hoc non agis. Erasm. tu enint neque apud probatissimos hoc agis. The other mss. and Ecl. ti oun <\=85_oti.

25 #Otan de anakaloumenoj rhmata leghj kai sunhqeian kai prostasian, so mss. and Edd. but Ecl. anakaloumenou, which we adopt. To the same purport, but more fully, Hom. xii. in 1 Cor. p. 392. (and Ecl. xlv.) "If when some (friend) were taken into the palace and crowned, thou shouldest bewail and lament, I should not call thee the friend of him that is crowned, but very much his hater and enemy. `But now, say you, I do not bewail him, but myself. 0' But neither is this the part of a friend, that for thine own sake thou wouldest have him still in the contest, etc. `But I know not where he is gone. 0' How knowest thou not, answer me? For whether he lived rightly or otherwise, it is plain where he will go. `Why, this is the very reason why I do bewail-because he departed a sinner. 0' This is mere pretence. If this were the reason of thy lamenting him that is gone, thou oughtest while he was alive to have amended him, and formed his manners," etc.

26 Ei gar Paulsj eteron hlehse, kai di allouj allwn (Ecl. allon) efeisato, pollw mallon hmaj touto dei poiein. But E. Edd. Ei dia IIaulon eterouj dieswse, kai di allouj allwn feidetai, pwj ouxi kai di hmaj to auto touto ergasetai; "If (God) for Paul's sake saved others, and for some men's sake spares other men, how shall He not for our sakes do this same thing?" In Hom. xli. in 1 Cor. p. 393. B. Chrys, uses for illustration Job's sacrifice for his sons, and adds, "For God is wont to grant favors to others in behalf of others, eteroij uper eterwn xarizesqai. And this Paul showed, saying, #Ina en pollw proswpw, k. t. l. 2 Cor. i. 11." But here the reference seems to be to 2 Cor. ii. 10, "To whom ye forgive anything, I forgive also; for if I forgave anything, to whom I forgave it, `for your sakes 0' forgave I it in the person of Christ."-St. Chrysostom constantly teaches, as here, that the souls of the departed are aided by the prayers, alms. and Eucharistic oblations of the living, Hom. xli. in x Cor. u. s. "Even if he did depart a sinner, ...we ought to succor him, in such sort as may be (wj an oion te h), not by tears, but by prayers and supplications, and alms and oblations. For not idly have these things been devised, nor to no purpose do we make mention of the departed in the Divine Mysteries, and for them draw near, beseeching the Lamb Which lieth there, Which taketh away the sins of the world, but in order that some consolation may thence come to them. Nor in vain does he that stands beside the altar, while the dread Mysteries are celebrating, cry out, "For all that sleep in Christ, and for them that make the memorials for them.'" See also Hom. iii. ad Phil. p. 217, 218. Comp. St. Cyrill. Hier. Catech. Mystag. v. §9, St. Augustine, Serm. 172.

27 eulabh gunaika kai qugatrion agagesqai semnon. A. b.c. In the Edd. kai qug. semnon, is transposed alter mh ploutounta uion katalipein all' eulabh: and so in the Ecl. which however retains ag, between qug. and semnon. In the old text, wife and daughter are mentioned first, as the persons most apt to perform these offices of religion: in agagesqai there is a zeugma; "to take to wife, and to have wife and daughter. etc."

28 Hom. iii. in Phil. ad fin. Ouk eikh tauta enomoqethqh uto twn apostolwn k. t. l. "Not idly were these things enacted by the Apostles, that in the dread mysteries there is mention made of the departed: they know that to them great is the gain which accrues, great the benefit. For when the whole congregation stands there, all lifting up their hands, the sacerdotal body (plhrwma ieratikon), and the dread sacrifice is laid out, how shall we fail to prevail with God, in supplicating for these?"

29 Ti oiei to uper marturwn prosferesqai, to klhqhnai en ekeinh th wra kan marturej wsi, kan (kai A. uper marturwn; There is no reason to suppose (as Neander, Der Helige Johannes Chrysostomus, t. ii. p. 162) that the words k. t. l. are part of the Liturgy: the meaning is, Think what a great thing it is to be mentioned in that Prayer of Oblation; to be mentioned as the martyrs are mentioned, for of them also, martyrs though they be, the same form of expression is used. uper marturwn.-In the Liturgy of St. Chrysostom the words are, !Eti prosferomen soi thn logikhn tauthn latreian uper twn en pistei anapauomenwn propatorwn, paterwn, patriarxwn, profhtwn, apostolwn, khrukwn, euaggelistwn, marturwn k. t. l. See St. Augustine, Hom. on St John, p. 842, note a.

30 i.e. not to intercede on their behalf, but for commemoration of Christ's victory over death, achieved in Himself and in them. The Eucharist is, so to say, Christ's epinikia, in which the Martyrs are eulogized as sharers of His triumph (and this is our commemoration of truth), and the prisoners are set at liberty (and in this sense we name our dead).

1 The conversion of Cornelius marks an important step in the progress of the gospel. Hitherto Christianity had been confined to Jews, Hellenists, and that mixed people-the Samaritans (unless, as is improbable, the Ethiopian chamberlain formed an exception). Now a beginning was made of receiving the Gentiles, and in connection with that apostle to whom Christ had committed a certain leadership and privilege of opening the doors to the Kingdom (ch. Acts xv. 7). The narrative is one of the important notices in the N. T. concerning the gradual realization of Christ's command to make disciples of all nations, and shows, so far as it relates to Peter, with how great difficulty the most enlightened of the early Christians conceived of Christianity becoming free from the forms of Judaism. Cornelius was doubtless a Roman who had become dissatisfied with the idolatrous religion of his people and who had been attracted by the influences of the Jewish religion to the worship of the true God. There is no evidence, however, that he was a proselyte to the Jewish religion. He could not have failed to hear of Jesus and his disciples. Probably Philip, the deacon, was at this time residing in Caesarea and Peter had been preaching and working miracles in the neighboring towns. It is not unlikely that the vision which he had. appealed to thoughts and convictions concerning the gospel which had been growing stronger in his own mind. To the vision of Cornelius, that of Peter forms the complement. They symbolize the great facts that while God in his providence was preparing his apostles for the larger truth of Christianity for the world, he was also preparing the Gentile world for the reception of the gospel. It is noticeable that the three centurions who appear in the N. T. are favorably mentioned. Matt. viii. 10; Matt. xxviii. 54, and this passage).-G. B. S.

2 kai to, mhde kairou kalountoj. As above xix. p. 120, note 2, Chrys. remarks, that there was no festival which required the presence of the eunuch at Jerusalem. Probably he was led to this by the circumstance, that the incident of the eunuch occurs after the Martyrdom of St. Stephen and the Conversion of St. Paul, i.e. according to the Church Calendar, between the 26th of December and the 25th of January.

3 "Speira and cohors in Polyb. differ. The Greeks call the cohort loxoj, it contained about five hundred men. Polyb. vi. kai men meroj ekaston ekalese kai tagma kai speiran kai shmeion. Casaubon: Ac singulas partes appellant ordnem, manipulum, signum." Downe ap. Sav.

4 alla proj eutelh. The innovator (E. Edd.) having made Chrys. say above, Hom. xx. §1, that Ananias was a man of note, here alters the text to: "But the Lord Himself appears: neither does He send him to some one of the Twelve, but to Ananias." Below kai ouk autouj pempei proj auton: meaning, it seems, Cornelius and his hour. The same hand substitutes (for explanation of the plural, autwn th asqeneia), "as He did Philip to the eunuch, condescending to their infirmity." And in the following sentence; "Since Christ Himself is often seen going to them that are ill, and in their own persons unable to come to Him."

5 The clause outoj lalhsei soi ti se dei poiein is not recognized by Chrys., nor by the leading authorities. See infra, p. 145, note 6.

6 ti estin ekstasij. Because the word also, and more commonly, means the being beside one's self, amazed, or stupefied by excess of grief, Chrys. explains that it denotes the being rapt out of the bodily consciousness: it was not that Peter was out of his mind, but his soul out at the body. (St. Augustine, Serm. 266, §6, "orantis mens alienate est: sed ab infimis ad superua; non ut deviaret, sed ut videret.") Comp. Exp. in Psa. 115. t. v. p. 312, D. "In Gen. ii. 21. the ekstasij which fell upon Adam denotes a kind of insensibility, for ekst. means to ecw eautou genesqai: and in Acts x. 10 it denotes karon tina kai to ecw aisqhsewj genesqai: and everywhere ekstasij implies this. It comes, either by the act of God: or because the excess of calamity causes a kind of stupor, karoj. For calamity likewise is wont to occasion ekst. and karoj." Didymus (or some other author) in the Catena: "They that have chosen to be disciples of frantic women, I mean, they of Phrygia (the Montanists), affirm that the Prophets, when possessed by the Holy Ghost, were not in a condition to be strictly cognizant of their own thoughts, being borne away from themselves at the instant of prophesying. And they think to confirm their error by this Scripture, which says, that Peter ecestakenai. But let these silly ones, these indeed frantic persons, know that this is a word of many significations. It denotes the amazement of wonder: and the being wrapt above sensible objects, led on to spiritual things: and the being beside one's self (parakoptein)-which is not be said either of Peter, or of the Prophets. Nay Peter, in his trance, was strictly cognizant. so as to report what he had seen and heard, and to be sensible of what the things shown were symbolical. The same is to be said of all the Prophets-that their consciousness kept pace with the things presented to their view." Comp. on this subject, S. Epiphan. adv. Hoeres. Montan. 2. osa gar oi profhtai eirhkasi meta sunesewj parakolouqountej efqeggonto. Euseb. H. E. v. 17. relates that Miltiades wrote a treatise peri tou mh dein profhthn en ekstasei lalain. See also S. Heironym, Proef, in Esai. "Neque vero ut Montanus cum insanis foemnis somniat, prophetoe in ecstasi locuti sunt, ut nescirent quid loquerentur, et cum alios erudirent, ipsi ignorarent quid dicerent." Id. Proem. in Nahum. Proef. in Abac. and, on the difference between the heathen mantij and the divinely inspired Prophet, St. Chrysost. Hom. xxix. in 1 Cor. p. 259, C. touto gar mantewj idion, to ecesthkenai k. t. l. and Expos. in Psa. xliv. p. 161. C.-The clause tessarsin arxaij dedemenon, before skeuoj ti, (A. b.c.) agrees wth the Lat. of S. Hilar. p. 750. "exquatuor principiis ligatum vas quoddam," etc.

7 St. Chrysostom's exposition, as we gather it from this and the following Homily, seems to be in substance as follows: St. Peter was not ignorant of nor averse to, the counsel of God in respect of the free admission of the Gentiles. He did not need instruction on this point for himself, and the vision was not so much intended for his instruction or assurance, as for reproof to the Jewish believers who were not yet enlightened in this mystery. (Even the token which was given in the descent of the Holy Ghost on Cornelius before baptism, was for them, not for him.) He needed but a command to act upon it without hesitation. But because this would certainly be regarded as a flagrant offence by the weaker brethren, for their sakes this symbolical lesson is given: and the circumstances are so contrived (oikonomeitai) as to silence their objections. It is so ordered, that the matter of accusation is put by them in this form, "Thou didst go in to men uncircumcised, and didst eat with them." Had they said, "Thou didst baptize such," St. Peter could not have alleged that he did it reluctantly: but to the charge of unclean eating he had his answer: "I did object; I said, not so, Lord, for nothing common or unclean," etc. This carried with it his exculpation from the whole matter of offence: for they would apply it thus-"he baptized these Gentiles, but not without objecting to the command; not until his reluctance was overruled," though in fact St. Peter had no such reluctance.

8 Touto panu autoij prosistato (B. and Sav. marg. paristato) Erasm. Et hoc illis valde frequens erat. Ben. Et illis admodum cordi erat. But Ham. xxiv. 2. ina mh prosth (prossth) autoij, Ben. remarks that prosistasqai in the sense "offendere" is frequent in St. Chrysostom. It properly applies to food against which the stomach rises: "to raise the gorge, to be nauseous, disgusting, offensive." See Field Annotat. in Hom. ad Matt. p. 319. B.-Touto, i.e. the going in to men uncircumcised, and eating with them. Comp. Hom. li. in Matt. p. 317. (Am. ed.) "Such was the strict observance in respect of meats, that, even after the Resurrection, Peter said, `Not so, Lord, 0' etc. For though `he said this for the sake of others, and so as to leave himself a justification against those who should accuse him, and that he may show that he did object, 0' (oti kai anteipon), and for all this, the point was not conceded to him, still it shows how much was made of this matter."

9 Here besides the clause, "this was done thrice," something is wanting: e.g. "And observe how Peter relates the matter, and justifies himself," viz. in xi. 8, "I said," saith he, "Not so, Lord, for nothing common or unclean hath ever entered my mouth." Here for eipon, B. has eipen, which is adopted by the modern text, in which the whole passage is refashioned thus: "Since then they would all accuse him as a transgressor, and this was altogether offensive to them, of necessity it is managed (oikon.) that he says, "I never ate:" not being himself afraid, God forbid! but, as I said, being managed (oikonomoumenoj) by the Spirit, that he may have a justification to those accusing him, namely, that he did object: for they made a great point of keeping the Law. He was sent to the Gentiles: therefore, that these also may not have to accuse him, as I said before, these things are contrived, or also, that it may not seem to be a fancy, `he said, Not so, Lord, 0'" etc.

10 Peter's vision fitly represents the divine lesson concerning the destination of the gospel and the manner of its progress. None of the apostles doubted that Christianity was for the Gentiles: the great question was, whether it was to be preached to them through the medium of Judaism. Should it still be held within Jewish forms? Should circumcision and observance of the Mosaic law be required? This was a great practical question in the days of transition from Judaism to Christianity. Later Paul became the champion of the idea that it was to be cut loose from the Jewish system. Peter and James came but slowly to this idea. The destruction of Jerusalem and the fall of the Jewish state brought the question to a decisive settlement. Apart from this, however, the Pauline type of teaching on this point constantly gained ground and influence. The vision of Peter takes its place in the gradual development of the idea that Christianity was free from the law-an idea on which he seems after this to have held a somewhat uncertain and vacillating position, so that Paul "resisted him to the face" for his declining to eat with the Gentiles at Antioch on account of the presence of certain delegates from Jerusalem-a practice in which he had, before their coming, engaged (Gal. ii. 11, Gal. ii. 12). It is not strange that perplexing questions arose concerning the relations of the new system to the old at this time. The general line of procedure was settled by the apostolic conference at Jerusalem (Acts xv., Gal. i., Gal. ii) and was substantially determined by the apostle Paul. While as matter of fact, the Church has always followed the lead of Paul in this matter, the most diverse views still prevail among Christians as to the relation, theoretically considered, of Christianity to Judaism and the Old Testament Scriptures.-G. B. S.

11 St. Chrys. seems here to be controverting a different exposition. He will not allow that the vision was meant for instruction to St. Peter, as if he were in ignorance up to this time of the counsel of God concerning the Gentiles. Let it not be said, that like as God did tempt Abraham, so He was putting Peter to the proof whether he would obey the call to the Gentiles, as if Peter understood the vision in that sense. Had he so understood the command, "Kill and eat," he would not have objected; for he could not be either ignorant or unwilling. But he did not so understand it, and his objection was solely to the matter of eating. And as he needed not the lesson (it was intended for others): so neither did God need to learn his willingness. When God tempts, or proves, it is not to learn something that He did not know before; as, when Christ said to Philip, "Whence shall we buy bread that these may eat? this He said tempting, or, proving him, for He Himself knew what He would do." He put that question to Philip that he might the more admire the greatness of the miracle which he was about to work. (see note 2.) But nothing of the kind can be said here: the case is not parallel: the command to baptize the Gentiles would not surprise Peter: he expected no less from the beginning.-His objection, then, was to the thing itself, the command, "kill and eat." And no wonder, for the same Lord had in the Law strictly commanded to distinguish between clean and unclean, while there in the sheet were animals of all sorts indiscriminately.

12 Hom. xlii. in Ev. Joann. §2. "What meaneth, Tempting, or, proving him? was He ignorant what would be said by him? This cannot be said, ...We may learn the meaning from the Old Testament. For there also it is said, After these things God did tempt Abraham, etc, He did not say this in order to learn by the proof whether he would obey or not-how should it be so? for He knoweth all things before they come into existence: but on both occasions it is spoken after the manner of men. As, when it is said, He searcheth the hearts of men, it indicates the search, not of ignorance, but of perfect knowledge; so when it is said, He tempted, tried, or proved, it means no other than that He perfectly knew.-Or, it may mean, that He made the person more approved: as Abraham there, so Philip by this question, leading him into the sure knowledge of the sign:" i.e. bringing more home to his mind the greatness of the miracle, by leading him in the first place to estimate the utter inadequacy of the means.

13 Either this refers to the clause, "This was done thrice," etc., which should be inserted; or, the connection may be-This very circumstance of the clean and unclean being to gether in the sheet (as in the Ark), might have led him to an apprehension of the thing symbolized, viz., that he was not commanded to "kill and eat" the unclean with the clean (by the same Lord who of old had commanded a distinction of meats), but that the time was come to baptize all nations without respect of persons. But, obvious as it may seem. St. Peter was still ignorant what it meant: as the Writer adds, And while Peter was at a loss to know what the vision should mean, etc.-In E. (Edd.) the whole passage from "that this is thrice done, denotes baptism," is refashioned thus: "`Not so, Lord, for I have never eaten aught common or unclean. 0' And why, it may be asked, did he object? That none may say that God was tempting him, as in the case of Abraham, when he was ordered to offer up his son as a sacrifice: as in the case of Philip, when he was asked by Christ, How many loaves have ye? not that he may learn, did He so ask, but proving him. And yet in the Law Moses had distinctly enjoined concerning clean and unclean, both of land and sea; and yet for all this he knew not."

14 The letters a, b, c, d, denote the order of the parts in the old text. But C, has the formula of recapitulation, both in the beginning of (a), and again in (d), before the verse, "And the Angel said," etc.: E. D. F. Edd. retain it only in the latter place.

15 'All' ora posh asfaleia, i.e. how it is made infallibly certain, that it was the purpose of God to admit the Gentiles without circumcision. It might indeed be inserted in (b), after sundiaitatai: "he has no scruples-but mark the greatness of the assurance he has received." In the modern text, the connection is, "He called them in, and lodged them. See what security: (Qea posh asfaleia) in order that they should take no harm, he calls them in, and thenceforth without scruple," etc. i.e. "how sure he feels that he is doing right in receiving them: with what assuredness of mind he does this." But Say. "See what security for them, in order that they should take no harm."

16 Dia touto panta ginetai, A. b.c. N. Cat. But Edd. Dio kai ep autw panta omou oikonomeitai: "wherefore both in his person at once all the circumstances are providentially ordered, and" etc.

17 Here after the clause, outwj eautw proseixen (meaning, as afterwards explained, that he did not notice the Angel until he spoke), A. b.c. have, Legei de o aggeloj k. t. l. Edd. 'All' idwmen anwqen ta eirhmena. Kai eipen o aggeloj k. t. l.

18 The old text: "And thy prayers, saith he. So far," etc. Edd. "And send for Simon, who is called Peter. So far, etc."

19 The text is defective here. He seems to be commenting upon the variations of the different narratives: viz. the writer himself v. 6. mentions only the command to send for Peter. (p. 142, note 4.) The messengers v. 22 add, "And to hear words of thee." Cornelius, v. 32, "who, when he cometh, shall speak unto thee." St. Peter 11, 14, "who shall tell thee words, whereby thou and all thy house shall be saved." "On the other hand," he says, "neither does Peter, though he is more full on this point, relate all that the Angel said, but gives only the substance." See the comment on 11, 14.

20 The modern text, omitting this clause, and the comment, inserts the rest of the verse, "Peter went up," etc.: and has below, But that Peter may not be in perplexity too long, he hears a voice saying, "Rise, Peter, kill and eat." But the meaning is, The Spirit caused the vision to take place when they were near the city, that Peter might not be too long in doubt: as above, on the same clause, "Observe how the Spirit connects the times," etc.

21 It was remarked above, that St. Chrysostom's exposition proceeds upon the assumption, that St. Peter did not need the Instruction for himself. Here the reporter has not fully expressed his meaning: which should be to this effect. "Since it had been said at the outset to Peter and the other Apostles, `Go not into the way of the Gentiles, 0' though after the Resurrection they were commanded to `baptize all nations, 0' it is no marvel that the less enlightened brethren needed some strong assurance on this behalf. And if at a later time, we find Paul, to conciliate the Jewish believers, causing Timothy to be circumcised and himself offering sacrifice, much more was some condescension to their infirmity needed now."-Didymus in the Catena puts the question, "How was it that Peter needed a revelation in the matter of Cornelius, when the Lord after his Resurrection had expressly ordered to `baptize all the nations? 0' or how came it that the Apostles in Jerusalem, having heard of the affair of Cornelius, disputed with Peter?" To which he answers: "Peter did undoubtedly need the revelation; for he knew not that the distinction of circumcision and uncircumcision was to cease: knew not for certain that the Lord meant the Gentiles to be baptized apart from the visible worship under the Law, unlil the Lord manifested this mystery to him, convincing him both by the emblem of the sheet, and by the faith and grace of the Holy Spirit given to the Gentiles, that in Christ Jesus there is no distinction of Jew and Greek: of which thing because the Apostles at Jerusalem were ignorant, therefore they contended with Peter, until they also learnt the hidden riches of God's mercy over all mankind." St. Cyril, Alex., also, c. Julian. (ibid.) explains, that "Peter was fain to dwell in the Jewish customs, and, in a manner, was loath to go on to the better, because he was overawed by the types: therefore he is corrected by this vision."

22 E. D. F. Edd. omit this clause, see note x: and A. B. for oude <\=85_edecato have ouden <\=85_edeicato, which is evidently corrupt. "Neither did he at once receive these Gentiles: not until the Spirit expressly commanded him."

23 So Cat. and the mss. except E., which has ou touj geitonaj hrwtwn, and so Oecumen. But the meaning seems to be, that not expecting to find so mean a house, and thinking they might have come wrong, they asked below, in the street, i.e. inquired of the neighbors.

24 Here Edd. from E. have, "Wherefore did he not receive them immediately, but asks this question?" but D. F. insert it as above, #Ora pwj ouk euqewj autouj edecato, with the addition, alla punqanetai. In the next sentence: A. b.c. Cat. eiden stratiwthn, eiden anqrwpon: i.e. Saw a soldier, saw him, as he would have seen any common man, without fear. For this, D. F. have eide stratiwtaj anqrwpouj. E. Edd. eide stratiwtaj ontaj touj epistantaj.-Below, for kai zhthsaj A. b.c. Cat. which the other mss. omit, we correct, on ezhthsan.

25 In the old text, the last words of the citation, v. 22. eij ton oikon autou. the rest being lost, are joined on to ina cenish: Cat. eij ton oikon autouj. Edd. from E. D. F. "But why do they say, `Sends for thee into his house? 0' Because he had given them this order. And perhaps also, by way of apology, they as good as say, Do not find fault (mhden katagnwj:) not as of contempt has he sent, etc." In A. b.c. Cat. mh katafronhshj, for which Sav. marg. has wj an eipoien, mh katafr., is corrupt: perhaps it should be mh nomishj, oti katefronhse se: oux wj k. t. l.

26 'all' (A. kai) ekei parontoj autou hkousan an (A. tauta akouein). We read, parontej, and conjecture the meaning to be, But they being there present, would have heard from Cornelius an account of all that had happened to him. Edd. from E. D. F. !Allwj de kai ekei parontej mallon autou hkousan an. "And besides by being there present they would the more hear him (Peter)," what he had to say.

27 Here Edd. from E. have, "Wherefore did he not receive them immediately, but asks this question?" but D. F. insert it as above, #Ora pwj ouk euqewj autouj edecato, with the addition, alla punqanetai. In the next sentence: A. b.c. Cat. eiden stratiwthn, eiden anqrwpon: i.e. Saw a soldier, saw him, as he would have seen any common man, without fear. For this, D. F. have eide stratiwtaj anqrwpouj. E. Edd. eide stratiwtaj ontaj touj epistantaj.-Below, for kai zhthsaj A. b.c. Cat. which the other mss. omit, we correct, on ezhthsan.

28 The modern text: "and what is greater, that he was such with all his house. So intent was he, and so set upon this, that he not only well ordered his own affairs, but also over his household (epi thj oiketeiaj) he did the same. For not as we, who," etc.

29 A. B. kai epi thj oiketeiaj de outwj. 'All' outoj oux outwj, alla meta thj oikiaj apashj. wsper gar k. t. l. C., kai epi t. oik. de ouketi kakwj, alla dikaiwj: wsper gap k. t. l. Below, the modern text has, "he feared God with all his hour, as being the common father, not only of all who were with him, but also of the soldiers under him." In the next sentence, #Ora de ti fhsin kai autoj, the meaning seems to be, "Observe what is said of him by the soldier whom Cornelius sent: `A just man, and one that feareth God: 0' and then-for fearing (lest Peter should refuse to come to him, as being a Gentile) he adds this-'and well reported of by all the nation of the Jews." Edd. from E. alone: "But hear also what they say besides: for of necessity that is added, `Well reported of by all the nation, 0' that none may say, What, if he was uncircumcised? Even those, saith he, give him a good report. Why then, there is nothing like alms; or rather great is the virtue of this thing, when," etc.

30 kan eij taj lampadaj (E. Edd., kaminouj) ayhtai (empesh, E. D. F. Edd.) In the next sentence, Auth h phgh k. t. l. the pronoun must be omitted.-E. D. F., Edd., "As therefore the fountain in Paradise (or, in a garden) does not give out streams," etc.

31 Kaitoige ouden ison. @An gar su tauthj k. t. l.-Edd., Ouden tauthj ison. @An su tauthj k. t. l. "Nothng like this fountain. If then," etc.-Below, #Otan analiskh, otan dapana, k. t. l. in itself, may perhaps be better referred to the giver of alms: "when (one) expend. s, when one lavishes (alms)," etc. but in that case the connection is obscure.

1 So mss. and Edd. but the clause o Qeoj touto ekeleuse might be better transferred, in the sense, "It is only in obedience to God's command that I come to you." Below, Eita ina mhdeij autw thn xarin exh (A. b.c. D. F. Cat.) epagei (om. C.) ti fhsin; (A. b.c. but Cat. for epagei ti fhsin; has, tauta fhsin:) Kai emoi k. t. l. We read, Eita epagei, Kai emoi edeicen o Qeoj (ina mhdeij autw thn xarin exh tauta fhsin) mhdena k. t. l.

2 By saying "it is not lawful," Peter does not refer to any specific command in the Mosaic law forbidding intercourse with Gentiles. The separateness of the Jewish people from the heathen world had, indeed, its basis in the Levitical system, especially in the regulations concerning ceremonial cleanness. Still the Jews had constant commercial relations with other nations. Peter here refers, no doubt, to the customary and traditional exclusiveness of his nation which had become a social as well as a religious trait, and which had been extended far beyond the purport of the Mosaic requirements, which had for their end the preservation of the truth and purity of the religion of the nation. This exclusive and jealous spirit is frequently reflected in the N. T. and contemporaneous literature. The Jewish .Christians accuse Peter (Acts xi. 3) of eating with the uncircumcised. On another occasion, the prejudices of his kinsmen and friends intimidated him and constrained him to break off his custom of associating with the Gentile Christians at meals (Gal. ii. 11 sq.). "Moses," says Josephus, "does not allow those who come to us without living according to our laws to be admitted into communion with us" (Contra Apion. ii. 29). Tacitus accuses the Jews of harboring "the bitterest animosity against all other nations" (Hist. v. 5) and Juvenal says that they will not point out the way except to those of their own religion, and that they will "conduct those only to the fountain inquired after who are circumcised" (Sat. xiv. 103). How great was the lesson then, which Peter had been taught in the vision! It is not strange that it was only gradually learned and practised.-G. B. S.

3 Kai en tisin hmeraij: so all the mss. with Cat. (en tisin hm.) and Oecum. If the text be not corrupt, Chrys. must be understood to interpret apo tetarthj hm. of the "fourth day of the week:" i.e. Cornelius had anticipated, among other pious observances, this practice also, viz. of the Wednesday fast. Otherwise, there is no intelligible connection for the following words, Dia gar touto eipen, 'Apo tetarthj hmeraj. This, he says, was an advance in piety: and then it was that the Angel appeared to him. Then he proceeds to argue, that that it is not "four days ago," for the time does not amount to that number of days: the day on which Peter arrived was not the fourth, but between that and the day on which Cornelius prayed, there are but two entire days. It seems that this must be St. Chrysostom's meaning, though it is obscured by mistakes of the scribes. b.c. auth mia hmera: kai hn hlqon mia: kai th trith efanh: wj einai deuteran meq' hn proshucato. (A. omits the passage.) E. D. F. Edd. auth mia hmera: kai hn aphlqon oi pemfqentej, mia: kai hn hlqon, mia: kai th tetarth efanh: wj einai deuteran meq' hn proshucato. Cat. and Oec. agree with E. D. F. in supplying the clause omitted in b.c., to which however they add para Kornhliou: they have also tetarth efanh, but for the last clause they read, wsei trithn wran meq' hn proshucato. But the sense intended by Chrys. should be: "This, the day (on which they left Joppa), is one day (before the day on which Cornelius is speaking): and the day on which the messengers from Cornelius came, one day; (therefore the second day before that on which Cornelius is speaking:) and on the third day (previous) the Angel appeared: so that, exclusively of the day on which Cornelius is speaking, and that on which Cornelius prayed, there are two days." This sense will be satisfied by reading, auth mia hmera: kai hn hlqon oi pemfqentej para Kornhliou, mia: kai th trith efanh: wste einai duo hmeraj meq' hn proshucato. The scribes, mistaking both the drift and the method of the calculation, supposed auth hm. to mean "the day of Peter's arrival:" but the day before that was the day on which they came away (aphlqon) from Joppa, and on the previous day the messengers arrived (hlqon), and on the day before that, which is therefore the fourth, the Angel appeared: hence they insert the words kai hn aphlqon <\=85_mia, in order to make out the calculation, i.e. to verify the day of the Vision as the fourth day before that on which Cornelius is speaking. So Cat. Oec. and. E.D.F. But b.c. retain the original reading, and only mistake the abbreviated form wste einai b hm., as if it meant "the second day," deuteran hmeran: which reading, though unintelligible, was retained by the later Editors. But what Chrys, means to say, is, that, not reckoning the day of the vision and the day of the meeting, there are two whole days: therefore the day of the vision was not "the fourth day hence;" consequently, that it means "the fourth day of the week." This hasty and ill considered interpretation of the expression apo tetarthj hmeraj, was suggested by the circumstance that the rule was to fast on the dies stationum, tetraj and prosabbaton, to "the ninth hour:" so that the practical scope of the interpretation may be of this kind: "See how this man, Gentile as he was, had forestalled our rule of discipline: he fasted on the fourth day of the week, and to the ninth hour of the day: and see how God was pleased to approve of his piety, by sending the Angel to him on that day, and at that hour. But you who know the rule, and why it is prescribed, do not obey it," etc.-On the Dies Stationum, see Tertull. de Jejun. 1. where in defence of the Montanists, who extended the fast beyond the ninth hour, (or 3 p.m.) he says: Arguunt nos quod stationes plerumque in vesperam producamus: ib. 10. Aeque stationes nostras ut indignas, quasdam vero et in serum constitutas, novitatis nomine incusant, hoc quoque munus et ex orbitrio obeundum esse dicentes, et non ultra nonam detinendum, suo scilicet more: i.e. the Catholics maintained, that the fast on these days ought not to be compulsory, nor to be prolonged beyond the ninth hour. Epiphan. Expos. Fid. §. 22. di olou men tou etouj h nhsteia fulattetai en th auth agia kaqolikh ekklhsia, fhmi de tetradi kai prosabbatw ewj wraj ennathj.

4 It is wholly improbable that apo tetrathj hmeraj refers to the fourth day of the week, as Chrys. supposes. The meaning is that, four days ago (reckoning from the time when he was speaking) he was praying ("observing the ninth hour of prayer") until the time of day at which he was now saying these words to Peter. There is still less ground for Chrysostom's interpretation if with Lechler, Tischendorf. and Westcott and Hort nhsteuwn be omitted from the text.-G. B. S.

5 The letters a, b, c, d, mark the order of these portions in b.c. At the end of (a) the clause, "We are present," etc. is repeated. In A the order is, a, d, the rest being omitted: in the modern text, a, d, c, b: and the text, "Now therefore are we all present," etc. between (c) and (b).-With the interpretation of dektoj comp. Severianus of Gabala in the Catena on x. 4, ouk eipen en panti eqnei o poiwn dikaiosunhn swzetai, alla dektoj estin. toutestin, acioj ginetai tou dexqhnai. And St. Chrys. Hom. viii. in 1 Cor. C. dektoj autw esti: toutesti, kalei kai epispatai auton proj thn alhqeian. Paul is cited as an instance: persecutor as he was, "yet, because he led a blameless life, and did not these things of human passion, he was both accepted and far outwent all. But if some one should say, `How is it that such an one, the Greek, kind as he is and good and humane, continues in error? 0' I answer, that he has a fault of a different kind, vainglory or sluggishness of mind, or not being in earnest about his salvation, but thinking that all the circumstances of his life are mere chance-medley and haphazard. But by `him that worketh righteousness, 0' Peter means, him that is blameless in all things (comp. infra p. 151.)

`How is it then, 0' you will say, `that impure persons have been accounted worthy to have the Gospel preached to them (kathciwqhsan tou khrugmatoj)? 0' Because they were willing and desirous. For some, even which are in error, He draws, when they become cleansed from their vices; and others coming of their own accord, He repulses not: many also have inherited their piety from their ancestors."

6 The word proswpolhmpthj-"respector of persons"-(personarum acceptor Vulg.) is a term founded upon the phrase, lambanein proswpon, an imitation of the Hebrew synp )#&nlt/

to accept the person, the presence; to have a favorable or partial regard to the outward appearance,-as opposed to synp by#&he

to turn away the face (of the petitioner) i.e. to deny him favor or acceptance (1 Kgs. ii. 16, 1 Kgs. ii. 17, 1 Kgs. ii. 20; 2 Chron. vi. 42; cf. Gen. xxxii. 21; 1 Kgs. v. i.)-G. B. S.

7 The pertinent comments of Dr. Gloag may here be fitly introduced (v. 35): "Peter is here speaking of the admissibility of the Gentiles into the Church of Christ; and he here asserts that there is no natural obstacle in the way of any one who fears God and works righteousness; that there is now no barrier such as circumcision, no external hindrance, but that all are equally acceptable to God. As Meyer well puts it, dektoj autw estin indicates the capability in relation to God to become a Christian, but not the capability to be saved without Christ; or, as Bengel observes, non indifferentssimus religionum, sed indifferenta nationum hic asseritur." (Gloag, Com. in loco).-G. B. S.

8 There is no sufficient reason for the statement of Chrys. that those to whom Peter spoke did not know Jesus. It is meant that they were acquainted with the chief facts of his life. Grammatically Ihsoun (38) must be construed as the object (resumed in another form) of umeij oidate (37). Residents in Caesarea must have heard of Jesus' teaching and miracles, during his lifetime on earth. Moreover, the apostles had taught m the neighboring cities and wrought miracles, and probably Philip had been for some little time residing and laboring in Caesarea itself (Acts viii. 40).-G. B. S.

9 'Enteuqen deiknusi pollaj phrwseij diabolikaj kai diastrofhn (B., diastrofaj) swmatoj (Cat., swmatwn) up ekeinou genomenaj. The term phrwsij here includes loss of sight, speech, hearing, palsied or withered limbs. "He shows that these are diabolical, and that they are a violent wrenching, or distortion, of the body from its proper condition, caused by him." The sense requires either diastrofaj or genomenhn. The next sentence, wsper kai o Xristoj elegen, omitted by Edd., though, except E., all the mss. and Cat. have it, may refer to such expressions as that in Luke xiii. 16. Or, it may be in its proper place after the following clause, "For God was with Him:" again, a lowly expression: just as Christ spake: "for My Father is with Me."

10 The letters denote the order of the parts in the mss. and Edd.

11 kai dogma tiqhsi (E. Edd. eiagei) kai politeian. i. e. "it is assumed, or the case is put, that the person has the right doctrine, of the One True God (that feareth God), and that he is of a right conversation (that worketh righteousness.)"

12 kai dogma tiqhsi (E. Edd. eiagei) kai politeian. i. e. "it is assumed, or the case is put, that the person has the right doctrine, of the One True God (that feareth God), and that he is of a right conversation (that worketh righteousness.)"

13 In the mss. and Edd. the order is confused. In the old text: "The word-Lord of all. First he discourses-with ardor. Yet for all this He did not spare them. Then he proves how He is Lord of all. Which He sent, preaching good tidings, not bringing judgment. [3.] He is sent from God to the Jews. Then He shows this withal from the things which He achieved," etc. So, with verbal alterations, the modern text, except that it omits the clause, ou mhn oude outwj efeisato.

14 Here also the order in the mss. is confused. "Again proof. How God-with power. Whence does this appear? who went about-of the devil. Then from the good that He did, and the greatness," etc. The modern text has the same order, and the alterations do not affect the sense.

15 Perhaps it should be fantasuh, "that he (Cornelius) may not imagine," etc., therefore he mentions first the Divine Mission, then the Crucifixion.

16 tauthj de ouden outw shmeion meizon hn, wj to fagein kai piein. Cat. rightly omits meizon hn. E. Edd. outwj eij apodeicin meizon, wj.

17 The original reporter seems to have misunderstood what was said. If eipe moi be retained, we must read ouxi autoj. The sense is, "Take heed lest any lay the blame of your evil doings upon God. For you know what would be said of a magistrate who should let a murderer go unpunished; that he would be held responsible for all the murders that may be afterwards done by that man, or in consequence of his impunity. Dread lest through your misconduct God be thus blasphemed." But-as if Chrysostom's meaning had been, Since God's purpose in forgiving us our sins was, that we should lead more virtuous and holy lives, therefore let none presume to say that God, by forgiving us, is the cause of the evil doings of which we are afterwards guilty"-the modern text (E. D.,F. Edd.) goes on thus: "For say, if a magistrate, etc. is he judged to be the cause of the murders thereafter committed? By no means. And how is it that we ourselves, while, by the things we dare to do, we expose God to be insulted by godless tongues, do not fear and shadder? For what," etc.

18 E. D. F. Edd. "Therefore, that it may not be possible for Him through us to be called, etc., and lest by the very fact of His being thus blasphemed; we ourselves become liable to the punishment thereof (`For through you, 0' it is written, `My Name is blasphemed among the Gentiles, 0') let us cause the very opposite to be said, by having our conversation worthy of Him that calleth us, and (worthily) approaching to the baptism of adoption. For great indeed," etc. In C. it is: "teacher of wickedness. Let us cause the very opposite to be said. For great indeed." etc. B. "teacher of wickedness. For great indeed," etc. But the genuineness of the latter clauses, aciwj tou kalountoj politeuomenoi kai tw thj uioqesiaj prosiontej baptismati, which are also needed by the following context, is attested by A. which retains them; for this Ms. abridges much, but never borrows from the modern text.

19 Here all the mss. have Ti feugeij; ti tremeij; ti deoikaj; (Edd. omit the two latter clauses,) which, being out of place here, and required below, we have transposed to the beginning of the set of questions Mh gar ouk eni k. t. l.-Below, he laments that the Catechumens, while delaying their baptism, if possible, to their dying hour, think themselves no way concerned to lead a virtuous life: of the baptism he distinguishes three classes: 1. those who received the sacrament in infancy; 2. those who were baptized in sickness and fear of death, but afterwards recovered: both which sorts, he says, are alike careless (the former because baptized in unconscious infancy), the latter because they did not think to survive, and had no hearty desire to live to the glory of God; 3. those baptized in mature age, and in health; and these also, if at the time their affections were kindled, soon let the flame go out.

20 ouden prospoihsontai, meaning perhaps, "they will pretend to make no account of that: they will say that that makes no difference." Edd. from E. only, oude outwj afistantai, "they do not desist for all that."-Below: kai auta tauta diaplattekai ruqmize: i. e. Christ does not require you to abandon your calling in life, but these same occupations and duties of your station He bids you to mould and bring into entire conformity with His commandments:-ton apragmona bion zhn kai akindunon: something is wanting, the sense being, "making it your object (not to obtain distinction, wealth, etc. but) to lead a quiet life in godliness and honesty." Savile reads zhqi.

21 Kai epi prosqhkhj mesei, d prohgoumenwj ekeinoj: kai ouk eiden, fhsi, dikaion k. t. l. The modern text (E. D. F. Edd.) inverts the meaning: Kai ekeinoj men oude en prosqhkhj merei, outoj de kai prohgoumenwj. "And the former does not even by way of additional boon (hold out this), the latter (Christ) as the main thing." Adding, "I have been young, saith (the Psalmist), for indeed I am become old: and I never saw," etc.

22 E. D. F. Edd. "`Yes, 0' say you, `those (are to be had) without labor, these with labor. 0' Away with (such talk): it is not, no it is not so, but if one must say the truth, those (objects) are more yoked with toils, and are achieved with greater toil: but these, if we choose, easily."

23 #Wste mh proj touto eqizete eautouj, proj to lusin zhtein. A. b.c. Sav. But the modern text has monon for proj touto, and adds alla kai proj to mh zhtein: "therefore accustom yourselves not only to seek the solution (of the questions), but also not to raise the questions."-Below: wste touto manqanomen (so a.d. F. Sav. the rest, manqanwmen) mallon zhtein, ouci (Edd. h) ta zhthqenta luein.

1 This is the only instance in the Acts in which the Holy Spirit is said to be given anterior to baptism (cf. xix. 5, 6) which was generally accompanied by the laying on of hands by the apostles. A special reason is observable here which greatly diminishes the force of Baur's objections to the historicity of the narrative drawn from this exceptional order of events, viz: the marked receptivity of Cornelius and his company. Perhaps it was intended by divine providence to signalize this bringing in of the first fruits of the Gentiles by showing how little the gifts of grace are conditioned upon outward rites. Some critics suppose that this gift of the Spirit before baptism was granted to impress Peter with the idea of the admissibility of the Gentiles, but this seems unnecessary, as he had been taught this lesson already by the vision and had distinctly avowed his conviction (v. 35). Chrysostom's exposition is in the line of the latter interpretation; he forcibly calls this gift of the Spirit an apologiamegalh for Peter. The principle which Bengel lays down in his comments-liberum gratia habet ordinem-together with the special significance of the occasion is a sufficient explanation of the apparently exceptional manner of the bestowment of the Spirit here.-G. B. S.

2 kai o Petroj sxedon aplwj paresti paideuomenoj. Erasm. fere simpliciter adest at discat. Not meaning that St. Peter needed to be taught (see above p. 146, note 1), but that-such is the oikonomia for his exculpation-it is made to appear as if he needed the lesson and was now taught it, and had his misapprehensions rectified in common with them. Ben., entirely mistaking the meaning, has quasi fortuito adest docens.

3 Kai dia touto meu' uperbolhj ginetai. Erasm. Idcirco hoec cum excellentia quadam fiebant. Ben. Ideo haec modo singulari fiunt. But the meaning is, "There is a lavish array of Divine interpositions. The mission of the Angel to Cornelius, Peter's vision, the command given by the Spirit, above all, the gift of the Holy Ghost and the speaking with tongues before the baptism. This last was in itself an unanswerable declaration of the will of God, and sufficed for the Apostle's justification. The others are ek periousiaj, arguments ex abundanti."

4 Some critics (as Meyer, Olshausen) have affirmed the opposite of what Chrys. states, in regard to the oi ek periomhj. He excludes the apostles from this category; they would include them. The oi ek peritomhj, however, seem to have been a special class of Christians in the mind of the writer. In expressing the fact that the Church learned of the reception of the Gentiles, the "apostles and brethren" are named, but when the narrative advances to the thought of the contention against Peter on account of it, a new term is chosen; the writer could not allow the same subject to stand for the verb diekrinonto, but chooses another term-oi ek peritomhj.. The two subjects, then, can hardly be identical. The phrase more probably denotes judaizing Christians, i. e. those who gave special prominence to the Law and the necessity of circumcision (So Lechler, Gloag, Alford).-G. B. S.

5 !Allwj de ou tosoutou to diaforon Samareitwn kai eqnwn. Edd. (from E. alone,) for ou tosouton have polu kai apeiron, "great and infinite the difference between Samaritans and Gentiles."

6 A. b.c. (after v. 11. which we have removed), Ekeina anagkaia hn (read ta an.) alla dia toutwn auta kataskeuazei. By ekeina he means, what we have heard above, what happened at Caesarea. The modern text (Edd.): "What points were essential, he relates, but of the rest he is silent: or rather by these he confirms them also, kai auta kataskeuazei."

7 touto eikotwj proskeitai. i. e. though this was not mentioned before (see above, p, 145. note 6) with good reason it is added here: viz. for Peter's justification. Edd. from E. "that he may not disgust them: but what had nothing great in it. `He shall speak, 0' etc. Do you mark how for this reason I mentioned before, he hastens on?" But the saying, "He shall speak," etc. was great, even greater than that which he omits: but this was not necessary, the other (Chrys. means) made a strong point for Peter's defence, and therefore is added.

8 anwqen autwn thn dianoian oikeioi, viz. by letting them see how all along it was not his doing. Then before legwn proj autouj, something is wanting: e. g. "Which done, he urges most effectively, `Who have received, 0'" etc.

69 * The printed text of the Eerdman's reprint is damaged or unreadable here.

9 E. D. F. Edd. "But there was no need to baptize, it may be said, for the baptism was complete, `when the Spirit fell upon them. 0' Therefore he does not say, I first ordered them to be baptized but what? `Can any man forbid water that these should not be baptized? 0' By this showing that he did nothing himself. What therefore we have obtained, those received."

10 otan hmeij autouj koinwnouj legwmen; "when we put them on a level with us the Apostles and first disciples, in regard that they received the Spirit in the same manner as we received, and as the rest of you did not?"

11 tote o P. usteron ecistatai: kai dia touto fhsin. "But when God gave them the Spirit, then Peter afterwards is astonished," etc. This is evidently corrupt. Tote o P. seems to be part of the text v. 46. tote apekriqh o P. For usteron ecistatai we may perhaps restore, kai proj touto o P. usteron istatai. "On this Peter afterwards insists (as above, p. 156), and with a view to this he says (before), `God hath shown me, 0'" etc. The innovator substitutes: "When Peter expounded to them his trance, saying, `God hath shown me, 0'" etc. So Edd.

12 Ei gar mhden toutwn hn, ouk hrkei to katorqwma; Of the Edd. only Savile puts this, as it ought to be, interrogatively: Ben. renders, non sat fuisset proestium.

13 monon mh kaqaper oi loipoi twn neofwtistwn epheazontai, otan allouj orwsi fwtisqentaj, kai euquj apiontaj. Docazein dei ton Qeon, kan pantej swqwsi: kai su ean qelhj k. t. l. Above Hom. i. p. 20, it is said, "the sick man" having received baptism in the prospect of death, "if he recovers, is as vexed" because of his baptism "as if some great harm had happened to him." And so it might have been said here, "not (to feel) as some of the newly-baptized (are apt to do, who) are annoyed (or aggrieved, ethreazontai), when they see others" etc.: i.e. who, seeing such cases, think themselves ill used that they were not allowed to defer their baptism to the last moment, but were forced upon the alternative either of leading a strict life, or of forfeiting the grace of baptism. But the assertion oi loipoi twn neof. is too sweeping, and the word ephreazontai is scarcely suitable to this sense: it should rather have been delnopaqousin or anaciopaqousin. The meaning, not fully expressed, is: "only not, like as the rest of the newly-baptized are insulted, taunted or jeered (by some), when they see others," etc.: i.e. it is right to glorify God, only not to imagine that God is glorified by those who, exulting in the safety of their friends who received baptism at the point of death, taunt the rest of the newly baptized, saying. "See, these men are safe: they are baptized to some purpose; while you have received the gift, only to be in danger of losing it."-He adds, "It is right to glorify God, though all be saved"-though that were the case with all except yourself, that they passed at once from baptism to that world, with the gift unimpaired, and no more in danger to be lost. "And as for you, if you will, you have received a greater gift," than they: etc.-For ephreazontai, A. has ephreazousin: and this is adopted by the innovator, who alters the passage thus (E. Edd.): "to glorify God, all' ouk ephreazein (adopted by F. D.) kaqaper oi polloi twn neofwt. etheazousin, when they see, etc. It is right to glorify God, kai oti menein ou sugxwrei: #Wste kai sn ean felhj k. t. l. (Erasm. et non insultare: Ben. non autem insultare illis.)

14 kreisswn eij poiwn to qelhma Kuriou, h murioi paranomoi, St. Chrys. repeatedly cites this, and almost in the same words, as a text of Scripture, and the Edd. refer it to Ecclus. xvi. 3, but there it is, kreisswn gar eij h xilioi (with no various reading), and here the following words, oi (B. ei) gar murioi proj ton (to, B. F. ena oudepw efqasan, seem to be meant as part of the citation. For these E. Edd. substitute, Touto kai tij sofoj ainittomenoj outw twj fhsi. Savile adopts both, but reads ou gar murioi.

15 Oudeij thn epimeleian exei tou paidoj tou eautou: oudeij ecei zhlon proj presbuthn idwn mimhsasqai. i.e. "The young are neglected by their own parents and masters, and elsewhere they see no good example of the old to move them to virtue."

16 Epi de tou Qeou tou deomenon hmwn, ouk eti. So A. b.c. The modern text, tou oud.

17 pantej neoi yuxroi kai gerontej. The last word must be corrupt, for he is speaking only of the young: perhaps it should be gemontej with some genitive, e. g. "full of folly," or "evil thoughts." Then, kaqarmata mallon h neoi, more fit to be swept away from the floor as filthy litter than to be regarded as young men. But kaqarma, in the sense derived from the heathen ritual, has no equivalent in our language: it means, what remains of the sacrifice used for lustration or atonement, which as having taken into itself the uncleanness or the guilt which was to be removed, was regarded with the utmost abhorrence.

18 oi de epieikesteroi autwn. Erasm., Et quidam ex illis, adhuc meliores scilicet. Ben. alios modestiores scilicet. But the irony is not of this kind, and the word here has its proper sense: "men whose conduct is more of a piece, the more consistent of them." Some stand and talk during the prayers, yet kneel and are silent for the Benediction: but these make no such inconsistent pretence: they do not commit this absurdity at least.-Comp. Hom. i. in. Oziam, §4, t. vi. p. 101. "A grievous disease prevails in the Church: when we have purposed to hold converse with God, and are in the act of sending up the doxology to Him we interrupt our business. and each takes his neighbor aside to talk with him about his domestic concerns, about the goings on in the agora, the public, the theatre, the army: how this was well managed, that neglected: what is the strong point, and what the weak point in this or that business: in short, about all sorts of public and private matters they talk here with one another. this pardonable? When a man speaks with the earthly sovereign, he speaks only on the subjects the sovereign chooses to speak and put questions about, and if against the will of the sovereign he should presume to start any other subject, he would bring upon himself the severest punishment. And you, who are speaking with the King of kings, to Whom the angels minister with dread reverence, do you leave your converse with Him to talk about mire, and dust, and spiders-for that is what earthly things are? But you say, the public affairs are in such a bad way, and there is much to talk of and much to be anxious about. And whose fault is that? They say, The blunders of our rulers are the cause. No, not the blunders of our rulers, but our sins: the punishment of our faults. It is these have ruined all, have brought upon us all our sufferings, wars, and defeats. Therefore if we had an Abraham, a Moses, a David, a Solomon, for our ruler, yea, the most righteous of men, it would signify nothing as far as the cause of all our evils is concerned ...And if we have one of the most iniquitous of men, a blundering ill-managing person for our ruler, it is our own folly and wickedness that has brought this upon us, it is the punishment of our sins. Therefore let each when he comes here think of his own sins, and not complain of others." Hom. ix. in 1 Tim. he complains of the women talking in Church.

19 The illustration is taken from some kind of shield dance, which formed one of the amusements of the camp, skilfully executed by a large body of soldiers. The innovator, (E. D. F. Edd.) not understanding the allusion, substitutes: "If you go to a diversion, you will see all keeping time in the dance, and nothing done negligently. As therefore in a well-harmonized and curiously wrought lyre, one well sounding symphony results from the orderly arrangement severally of the component parts, so here there ought to result from all one symphonious harmony. For we are become one Church, we count as members, `fitly joined together 0' of one Head, we all make one Body: if any carnal point be done negligently, the whole, etc. Thus the good order," etc.

1 The narrative beginning with xi. 19, may be considered as a resumption of viii. 4, sq. where the preaching of Philip in Samaria is referred to the persecution at Jerusalem as its occasion. The dispersion of the disciples now becomes the means of a great extension of the Gospel and the founding of the first Gentile Church (at Antioch in Syria). This is the third great movement in the spread of early Christianity. The order is: (1) The preaching of Philip in Samaria, (2) The conversion of Cornelius and his company-the first Gentile additions to the church. (3) This mission which resulted in the founding of the church at Antioch. But at this time Divine Providence was preparing an agent who was destined soon to enter upon his great life work as the Christian missionary to the Gentile world, to prove the chief means of spreading the gospel throughout the Roman world-this was the former persecutor Saul, now transformed into the great apostle to the Gentiles. The conversion of Cornelius must have occurred about eight years after the ascension of Jesus. During this time the church had continued Jewish. But in this very period the conditions were preparing for the extension of Christianity to the Gentile world. Stephen had caught glimpses of the largeness of God's truth and purposes. Peter had learned that God is no respecter of persons. The mother church at Jerusalem now finds that God's grace has outrun all their former conception of its scope; consecrated and able men like Barnabas and Paul are rising up to labor in the line of the more comprehensive conception of Christianity's method and purpose which is now dawning upon the consciousness of the church.-G. B. S.

2 While the textual evidence for the reading 9Ellhnistaj (v. 20.) predominates over that for the reading #Ellhnaj (A. C.), yet the latter is the reading adopted by Meyer, Tischendorf, and most critics (not so, W. and H.) on grounds of internal evidence, such as: (1) That they should preach to Hellenists-men of Jewish nationality residing out of Judea-would be nothing noteworthy, since they had long been received into the Christian community. (2) The contrast between vv. 19 and 20 would be greatly weakened, if not lost, on the supposition that Hellenistic Jews were meant. If this view is correct, they now preached to the Greeks, the uncircumcised heathen, and the Antioch Church was founded and its reception into Christian fellowship approved by the mother church at Jerusalem. Antioch now became an important centre of Christian work, second only to Jerusalem. Here Paul labored a year. and from Antioch he went forth to his three great missionary journeys.-G. B. S.

3 The name Christians was probably given by the Gentiles. The word appears but twice, besides here, in the N. T. (Acts xxvi. 8; 1 Pet. iv. 16), and in both cases it is implied that the name was a name applied to the disciples of Jesus by others. The Jews could hardly have originated the name since Christ was to them but the Greek equivalent for their sacred name Messiah, and from that word they would not have formed a name for the hated sect. The Jews called them rather Nazarenes (Acts xxiv. 5). The Romans seem to have misunderstood the origin of the name, as Tacitus says: A uctor nominis ejus (Christiani) Christus, as if Christus was an appellative instead of a title.-G. B. S.

4 all' oi thj odou monon hkouon, so Cat. (Oecum. which we adopt. A.B.C. all oti, the modern text all eti.

5 anagkaiwj de entauqa, as above pwj anagkaiwj. But in the mss. part of the text v. 28. being transposed, it reads "But here of necessity he says there will be a great dearth," etc.-Below, Ei di autouj hn, pantwj edei kai onta pausasqai. Ti hdikhsan #Ellhnej, ina kai autoi twn kakwn metexwsin; eudokimhsai gar autouj mallon exrhn, oti to autwn epoioun, k. t. l. 'All' ei dia ta kaka, fhsin, k. t. l. So the old text in mss. and Cat. The meaning is obscure, but on the whole it seems most probable that all this is an interlocution of an objector. "If as you say, it was because of the Jews, assuredly it ought, even when it was there, to have ceased (and not gone on to the rest of the world). What harm had the Gentiles done, that they should share in the punishment? Why, they ought rather to have been distinguished by special marks of the Divine favor, because they were doing their part (in executing God's judgments upon the Jews), were slaying, punishing. etc. Observe, too, the time when this visitation first came-precisely when the Gentiles were added to the Church. Whereas if, as you say, it was because of the evil, the Jews inflicted upon the believers, these (the believers, Jews and Gentiles) ought to have been exempted," etc. The modern text has: "But even if (all' ei kai) it were because of them, yet because of the rest (dia touj allouj) it ought, even when it was, to have ceased. For what harm had the Gentiles done, that even they, having done no harm, should have their share of the evils? But if not because of the Jews verily they ought rather to have been even marked objects of favor," etc. Perhaps this was intended to mean: "Suppose it was inflicted by the demons, the Gods of the heathen, because of the Christians, why were the Gentiles included? And as for the Jews. if it was not, as I say, sent by God because of their wickedness, but as the heathen say, was a token of the anger of their Gods because of the new religion, why assuredly the Jews ought. to have been marked objects of favor because they were doing all they could to exterminate the faith." But if so, it does not appear how the next sentence, was understood, "And observe at what time," etc.

6 !Eti 'Iakwboj ezh. So, except E., all our mss.-Ben. finds it strange that this clause is added in some mss. "For what is it to the matter in hand, that James was yet living? And which James? For James the brother of John is mentioned presently afterwards. as slain with the sword: and James the brother of the Lord, Bishop of Jerusalem, is repeatedly mentioned as living, in the subsequent history. Then for what purpose should it be noticed here that he was alive? And yet why the copyists should add this clause, is not easy to see." The copyists are not in fault. St. Chrys. (not fully reported) is identifying this visit to Jerusalem with the visit mentioned in Gal. ii. The mention there made (v. 9) of James, whom at the moment he takes to be James the brother of John (especially as he is named with Cephas and John), leads him to remark, "James was yet alive:" i.e. when Paul and Barnabas went up with the alms, and when this conference ensued. (Acts xi.) A similar inadvertency with respect to St. Philip has been noted above, p. 115, note 1-E. substitutes tosouton wfelei o limoj. and connects the following sentence with this by reading Kai ora autouj, where the rest have Oraj autouj, as if the qliyij here spoken of was the famine: which however had not yet begun. Hence Ben. Et vide illos ex fame, etc. In like manner the innovator has mistaken the connection below. See note 1, p. 165. In fact. the Recapitulation begins here.

7 Here Edd. from E. insert the formula of recapitulation, all idwmen k. t. l.

8 Edd, from E.: "Wherefore also with purpose of heart he exhorted all: that is, with encomium and praise:" as if th proqesei thj kardiaj belonged to parekalei, in the sense, "with heartfelt earnestness he exhorted."

9 ou Paulon: dia mikrwn arxhn to pragma elambane. C. omits Paulon: dia, D. om. ou Paulon. Edd. from E., "not Paul: and how by the small means, the affair took its beginning, but when it became conspicuous, then they sent Barnabas. And why did they not send him before this? They took much forethought for their own people, and did not wish the Jews to accuse them because they received the Gentiles: and yet because of their inevitably mixing with them, since there was some questioning about to arise, the matters relating to Cornelius forestalled (this). Then indeed they say," etc.

10 The meaning seems to be, that they let the preaching to the Gentiles take its course at first; and were enabled to say to the Jews, "See, the Gentiles receive the word without encouragement from us: kai ou tosauthj apolauonta epimeleiaj."

11 The matter contained in this second recapitulation looks as if it were derived from a different, and in part fuller, report. The innovator as above (note 1, p. 164) connects it with the preceding: "they receive the offerings sent from them; who also, not as we," etc.

12 Kai ouk elaloun ton logon ei mh 'Ioudaioij monoij: outwj ton men twn anqrwpwn fobon ouden hgounto: ton de tou nomou proetimwn. 'Ioudaioij monoij elaloun. For proetimwn, A. B. prosetimoun. The passage is corrupt, but the sense is sufficiently plain, and is thus expressed by E. Edd. "Which thing itself helped not a little. But they came also to Cyprus, where was great fearlessness (adeej), and greater freedom from anxiety. `But to none, 0' it says, `did they speak the word save to Jews only. 0' Not because of the fear of men, of which they made no account, did they this thing:" but keeping the law, and still bearing them, kai autouj eti diabastazonte."-Below, v. 23, Edd. from E, "Perhaps by praising the multitude and receiving them, by this he converted more: as above, muta egkwmuiou kai epainou.

13 He means, There is no lack of wealth, no lack of hearing the word of God: this is the afqonia diplh. Yet many poor around us are famishing, and the rich who might aid them, starve their own souls, by their neglect of almsgiving: diplouj limoj.

14 hmeij de en spatalh tou eleouj ontej tou Qeou. Read hmeij de (en spatalh ontej), tou eleouj tou Qeou, sc. aporountej. The mod. text substitutes spanei for spatalh.

15 kaqaper kai hmeij tote malista auoumen tinaj, otan legwsinhmin ...kai mh epagagwmen, A. b.c. We read tina, and epagagwsin. "When people bid us exhort some person, adding, Peradventure he will hear, not, He will certainly hear, we are then most urgent in our endeavor to persuade him." The mod. text otan legwmen. i. e. "When we would induce some persons to exhort some one, we the more effectually urge them to do so, when we say, Peradventure he will hear," etc. The sense would be improved by reading hmaj <\=85_wuousi tinej, "persons then most urge us, when they say," etc.

16 ei tauthj (mod. text adds monon) thj gumnothtoj epistasai ton tropon: which might also be taken with the following sentence, If you know what sort of nakedness this is (why then, only think) what numbers of women, etc. A. has posai oun. The mod. text adds, dunhsh gnwnai radiwd kai thn authj katastolhn. "If you know the sort of nakedness this is, you will easily be able to know the (manner of) clothing it."

17 E Edd. "Say, We need other (garments) there, not these."-Below, uerouj de, ouk eti: i. e. cold, not heat, makes the naked body shudder: not cold, but hell-fire, the naked soul.

18 In the "Acts of Paul and Thekla," Grab. Spicileg. Patr. t. i. p. 95. reprinted with a translation by Jeremiah Jones, On the Canon of the N. T., vol. ii. p. 353 ff. the incident is thus related (ch. ii.): "When the proconsul heard this, he ordered Paul to be boubd, and to be put in prison. ...But Thekla, in the night taking off her earnings, gave them to turnkey, and he opened for her the doors, and let her in: and having given to the keeper of the Prison a silver mirror, she was admitted unto paul, and having sat at his feet, heard from him the mighty works of god." the earliest notice of this works occurs in Tertull. de Bapt. c. 17: Thekla is mentioned, or her history referred to, by other ancient writers, as St. Greg. Naz., Sulpic. Severus, St. Augustine; see Jones u. s. p. 387 ff. A Homily in her praise ascribed to St. Chrysostom, t. ii. p. 749, is justly placed by Savile among the amfiballomena.

1 The modern text (E. D. F. Edd.) "But here it is said in this sense, elsewhere in a different sense. For when Matthew says, `In those days cometh John preaching, 0' he speaks it not as meaning the days immediately following. but `those 0' in which the things he relates were about to take place. For it is the custom of Scripture to use this mode of speech, and at one time to expound in their sequence the things successively taking place, at another to relate as in immediate succession the things about to take place afterwards. And he well says that Herod the king did this, for this was not he of Christ's time:" as if Chrys. meant, He does right to call him king, for this was not the tetrarch of the Gospel history. But this is merely a parenthetic remark: the point to which the kalwj legei refers is this-that the persecution is now raised by a king, not by the Jews: "he does well to designate Herod as the king, thereby showing that the trial here was of a different kind, more severe, as the power wielded against them was greater."

2 en de kairw toioutw toiauta epratton. So mss. and Edd. But the Catena has en de kairw toioutw prattein ouk hqelon. "They had no objection to killing, but they had rather not do it at such a time."

3 This seems more suitable to the clause, "And his chains fell off from his hands: but see below in the recapitulation, p. 170.

4 i. e. so unexpected was it, so entirely had he made up his mind that he was to be put to death, that he thought it all a dream.

5 i. e. on the morrow, to be led out to execution, and then and there deliver him.

6 touto de piston egeneto. That would have astonished: this was calculated to obtain belief. E. D. F. Edd. touto de uper autwn egeneto. "But this was done for their sakes for they would not have been counted human beings, if he had done all after the manner of God, ei qeoprepwj panta epoiei."

7 In the old text this sentence and the next are transposed. The mod. text has restored the true order, but for hdonhn has apallaghn, "his deliverance to come to him all at once."-The connection may be thus supplied, "When he came to himself, he found himself there at large, and with his hands no longer chained. And this circumstance again is a strong evidence that he had not fled."

8 The order in mss. and Edd. is a, b, c. Auth, in the beginning of (c) evidently refers to thj parainesewj thj Iam. in (a).

9 James the brother of John was the son of Zebedee, commonly called the "elder" James. He was the first of the apostles to suffer martyrdom. The other James, called "the Lord's brother" (Gal. i, 19.) mentioned in v. 17 (cf. Acts xv. 13; Acts xxi. 18) was the Bishop of Jerusalem, a man of much importance and influence in the apostolic church, whom Paul reckons among the "pillars" (Gal. ii. 9). Chrys. gives no opinion here concerning him. Three views have prevailed in the church: (1) that he was the same as the apostle, James the son of Alphaeus and is called the "brother" of Jesus in the loose sense of that word in which it is taken as equivalent to "relative." (2) That he was the son of Joseph by a former marriage. (3) That he was the son of Joseph and Mary-the real brother of Jesus and is called an apostle in Gal. i. 19, in the more comprehensive sense which that word acquired according to which it was applied also to Paul and Barnabas (Acts xiv. 14). This view seems to me the correct one. There were also other brothers (Matt. xii. 46; Matt xiii. 55, Matt xiii. 56) Joses, Simon and Judas, and sisters who are not personally named. Chrys. seems to have held view (2) in his earlier writings, but to have adopted view (1), following Jerome. (Cf. Lightfoot on Galatians, pp. 289, 290).-G. B. S.

10 A. b.c. kakia, asebeia. Cat fonoj adikoj kakiaj; asebeia taij k. t. l. Mod. text substitutes for these two words, Pollh h anoia tou 9Hrwdou.

11 Kaqwj de wonto A. b.c. Either this is out of its place, or the sentence is incomplete. The mod. text substitutes, "And when he had apprehended him, he put him in prison."

12 ouk estasiasan, ouk eforubhqsan: alluding perhaps to the factious and turbulent proceedings, which in his time often ensued when a Bishop was removed or at the point of death. But possibly estaj. is corrupt.-Below, Touto de hn uper Petrou, etc. the meaning seems to be, "That Herod was permitted to do this, and that Peter was delivered into his hands, not withdrawing upon the death of James, was all the better for Peter: it gave fresh proof of his worth, it showed how courageous he was in himself, independently of supernatural aid."

13 A. b.c. Cat. kai to <\dq_en taxei,<\|dq_ wste mh raqumhsai: kai eplhen auton: (C. kai ekplhcij hn eij auton) outw baqewj ekaqeuden. Perhaps C. has preserved the true reading, see on v. 11. If so, it should be transposed with the part marked (a), viz. "-by the Angel: and it was an amazement to him, so deeply did he sleep: but he thought he saw a vision." The letters as usual denote the order of parts in the mss. Before (b), the clause, "And he passed the first and second ward," is inserted. It is not easy to see what can be the reference of the question, Pwj; pou eisin oi airetikoi; it can hardly be meant for the mention of the sandals and cloak, v. 8, for the persons who objected to the Christians, that, according to Christ's command, they ought to have no shoes, nor two coats, etc. were not heretics, but heathens: see Hom. in illud, Salutate Prisc. et Aq. t. iii. 181. and Hom. in. in Philip. t. xi. 272 (the latter cited in the Catena here).

14 A. b.c. Cat. apisthunai, "be disbelieved?" But this is evidently corrupt.

15 iswj ekeinoj o aei autoij sunwn. Oecumen, may have read ouk ekeinoj, for he has, ina deich oti ou tou aei sunontoj autoij 'Iwannou thn mhtera fhsin: "to show that he does not mean the mother of John (the Apostle) who was always with them, he adds his distinctive name."

16 en autoij toij adikousin. Perhaps it may mean, He brings it home to the conviction of the wrong-doers themselves, etc. 'Ekeinwn, i. e. the enemies. But adikoumenoij would suit the meaning better than adikousin, and then ekeinwn would be right: otherwise it should be autwn.

17 The interpretation of Chrys, regarding the idea of the company assembled in Mary's house expressed by: "It is his angel," is doubtless correct. Others interpret: "It is his messenger"-a messenger sent by Peter to them, but it is said that Rhoda recognized Peter's voice (14). Others understand angel in the sense of spirit-a view which is not sanctioned by linguistic usage. Their idea was that Peter's guardian angel who had taken on his form and appearance was before the door. The belief in guardian angels attending individuals was common in later Jewish theology as well as in the Greek and Roman religions. It was doubtless stimulated in the early church by the saying of Jesus concerning children: "In heaven their angels do alwavs behold the face of my Father who is in heaven" (Matt. xvii. 10), which seems to sanction the idea (cf. Heb. 1. 14).-G. B. S.

18 kai ti bouletai o aggeloj; A. b.c. Cat. The mod. text substitutes, "And whence did it come into their minds at that time to surmise that it was an Angel?"

19 i. e. It was so ordered (wkonomhto) that the notion of its being his Angel came into their minds before they saw him, in order that it might not be possible for them to think this after he was gone.

20 Pistoutai de autouj kai to en hmera genomenon. i. e. "When it was day there was no small stir among the soldiers," etc. v. 18. The innovator, not perceiving the meaning, substitutes kai to mh en hmera genesuai, "And its not happening by day, confirms their belief."

21 emnhmoneusen. i. e. astonishment would have deprived him of the power of remembering, and afterwards relating the circumstances, v. 17.

22 Here, and on former occasion, v, 19. Hence the plural dieautwn.

23 dia toutwn (the persons assembled in the house of Mary) ekeinoi (James and the brethren), ouk ekeinoi dia toutou. This is corrupt, but the meaning is, James and the more important of the brethren learn the particulars through these inferior persons, not these through those, but through Peter himself. Mod. text, ina dia toutwn ekeinoi manuanwsin, ouk autoi di ekeinwn.

24 Mod. text adds, "thou wilt enjoy all pleasure, being led forthwith to reflect on the Creator."

25 @An diakuyhj eij tou stenwpon. The stenwpoi, angiportus or vici are the lanes or alleys in the quarters formed by intersection of the broad streets, plateiai.

26 Mod. text alla mh genoito mhde/a umwn upekkauma tou puroj ekeinou genesuai: "God forbid that any of you should become the fuel of that fire."

1 perieiden touj aulhtaj apollumenouj: i. e. those (as St. Stephen, St. James) engaged in contending for the heavenly prize. The mod. t. substitutes, "Many are quite at a loss, how God could quietly look on while his children (or servants? touj paidaj, Ben. infantes) were put to death because of Him, and now again," etc. After this sentence, the same inserts from the recapitulation: "But-if the Angel," etc. to

"why did He not rescue him? and besides"-

2 mallon auton epoiei diapriesuai (as in ch. vii 54, cut to the heart with passion) kai katagelaston einai. The last words are either misplaced, or something is wanting; perhaps (after diapriesuai), to diakrouesuai kai katagelaston einai.

3 i. e. what was to be drawn from them by the torture? Had they let him out, they would have contrived appearances, or would themselves have fled. But the reporter's notes of what St. Chrys. said, seem to be very defective, and the arrangement much confused.

4 all ora pwj outoj ou kruptei tauta. In the recapitulation (see note 3, p. 175) he says, that the death of Herod was regarded as a judgment for his having slain James and the soldiers. Here, it seems, he must have said something to that effect; then, "but observe how St. Luke does not conceal the true state of the case, viz. that he was punished not for this, but for the sin which he proceeds to mention." We have transposed the text v. 20-23. mss. and Edd. place it before ou uikron oude touto estin, thus separating these words from their connection with the preceding question,

5 Josephus' narrative of the death of Herod (Ant. xix. 8, 2) is of peculiar interest here on account of its substantial agreement with that of Luke. The following points of agreement may be noted: (1) The place was Caesarea. (2) He was attacked by disease in a public assembly when, arrayed in gorgeous apparel, he received the impious flatteries of the people. (3) His disease and death were a penalty for accepting the flattery of those who accorded to him divine honors. Thus the main outlines are the same. Josephus introduces some historical notices, such as that the occasion was a celebration in honor of the Emperor Claudius, which are wanting in Luke. He also relates that after receiving the people's flattery, Herod observed an owl perced on a rope above him, which he interpreted at once as an omen of the fate which soon befell him. The supernatural element-"an angel smote him"-is wanting in Josephus. The Jewish historian is less specific in describing the disease which he speaks of as violent pains in the bowels and adds that after the attack, Herod lingered five days and died in the fifty-fourth year of his age and the seventh of his reign.-G. B. S.

6 At this point (ch. xiii.) begins the second part of the Book of Acts which has chiefly to do with the missionary labors of Paul. It is a reasonable supposition that the previous chapters rest upon different documents from those which follow. From chapter xvi. onward occur the so-called "we" passages (e. g. xvi. 10; xx, 6. xxi. 1; xxvii. 1) in which the writer, identifying himself with his narratives, indicates that he writes from personal knowledge and experience. The appointment of Barnabas and Saul at Antioch for missionary service, marked an epoch in the history of the early church and practically settled the questions relating to the admission of the Gentiles to the Christian community.-G. B. S.

7 mss. and Edd. di anurwpwn, but the singular is implied below in oux upo toude. In the old text, b.c. Cat. "Not from men nor by men? Because not man called nor brought him over: that is, neither by men; therefore he says, that he was not sent (B., I was not sent) by this," etc. The mod. text "Not from men neither by men. The one, not from men, he uses to show that not man, etc.: and the other, neither by men, that he was not sent by this (man), but by the Spirit. Wherefore," etc.

8 Here he further answers the question raised in the opening of the discourse, The mod. text transposes it to that place, beginning the recapitulation with, "`And when it was day there was no small stir among the soldiers because of Peter, and having put the keepers to thio question, he ordered them to be led away to execution. 0' So senseless was he, outwj ouk hsueto, that he even sets about punishing them unjustly." The latter clause is added by the innovator. For hsueto Cat. has preserved the true reading, Usuonto.

9 anarpastoj o anurwpoj gegone. Ben. homo ille raptus non est.

10 i. e. of the circumstances related v. 22, 23.-Below, plhn alla kai h agnoia wfelei, i. e. to the believers: and yet, as he says above, the writer does not conceal the facts: see note 3, p. 174.

11 mss. and Edd. onden toiouton eipgasato: ote de toutouj, loipon en afasia hn: what this means, is very obscure, only the last clause seems to be explained by the following, ate oun hporhkwj kai aisxunomenoj, i. e. not knowing what to think of it, he withdrew from Jerusalem. Ben. quando illos, nihil dicebat. Erasm., et quando alios, nihil de illis traditur.-Below, 'Emoi dokei kai ekeinouj proj thn apologian enagwn apagagein wrgizeto gar ekeinoij, toutouj outw qerapeuwn. By ekeinouj, ekeinoij, he means the Tyrians and Sidonians: apagagein, sc. eauton, to have withdrawn himself from Jerusalem, to Caesarea, nearer to Tyre and Sidon. The innovator substitutes, 'Emoi dokei kai ekeinouj apagagein boulomeno, proj apologian hlqe toutwn: wrgizeto gar k. t. l. which Ben. renders Mihi videtur, cum illos abducere vellet, ad hos venisse ut sese purgaret.

12 ouk aposthsomen <\=85_an mh eteron antisthswmen paqoj (Mod. text proj et. and to paqoj), i. e. unless, as Solomon does in the last clause of the text cited, we set against this lust a different affection. viz. vanity, especially female vanity, regard to personal appearance. Hence that last clause might be better transposed to the end of this sentence.

1 That Barnabas and Saul preached first to the Jews for the reason mentioned by Chrysostom is wholly improbable. The mission to the Gentiles entrusted to them never cancelled, in their minds, their obligation to the Jews as having in the plan of God an economic precedence. Paul not only maintained throughout his life an ardent love and longing for his people (Rom. ix.) and a confident hope of their conversion (Rom. xi.), but regarded them as still the people of privilege, on the principle: "To the Jew first, and also to the Greek?" (Rom. i. 16.) This view, together with the fact that they were Jews, constitutes a sufficient explanation for their resort to the synagogues. Additional reasons may be found in the fact that in the synagogues might be found those who were religiously inclined-of both Jewish and Gentile nationality-and who were therefore most susceptible to the influence of Christian truth, and in the fact that the freedom of speech in the synagogue-service offered the most favorable opportunity to expound the Gospel.-G. B. S.

2 Chrysostom here hints at the most probable explanation of the change of name in the Acts from Saul to Paul, although that change is not strictly simultaneous with his ordination which occurred at Antioch (v. 3), whereas the first use of the name "Paul" is in connection with his labors at Paphos, after he had preached for a time in Salamis. It seems probable that, as in so many cases, Paul, a Hellenist, had two names, in Hebrew Saul, and in Greek Paul, and that now when he enters distinctively upon his mission to the Gentiles, his Gentile name comes into exclusive use. (So, among recent critics, De Wette, Lechler, Alford, Neander, Gloag.) Other opinions are: (1) that he took the name Paul-signifying little-out of modesty (Augustine); (2) that he was named Paul, either by himself (Jerome), by his fellow-Christians (Meyer) or by the proconsul (Ewald), in honor of the conversion of Sergius Paulus.-G. B. S.

3 It can hardly be meant that the smiting of Elymas with blindness was not a judicial infliction to himself; but that the proconsul should see it rather on its merciful side as being only axri kairou. The Hebraistic use of Xeir Kuriou clearly implies a divine judgment upon Elymas as does the whole force of the narrative.-G. B. S.

4 Kai ta onomata de legei: epeidh prosfatwj egrafon: ora k. t. l. A. b.c. N. Cat. It is not clear whether this relates to the two names, Barjesus and Elymas, (if so we might, read egrafen, "since he wrote just before, (whose name was Barjesus, but now Elymas, for so is his name interpreted,") or to the change of the Apostle's name "Then Saul, who is also called Paul," (and then perhaps the sense of the latter clause may be, Since the change of name was recent: epeidh prosfatwj metegrafh or the like.) The mod. text substitutes, "But he also recites the names of the cities: showing that since they had but recently received the word, there was need (for them) to be confirmed, to continue in the faith: for which reason also they frequently visited them."

5 Mod. text omits this sentence. The connection is: Paul inflicts this blindness upon him, not in vengeance, but in order to his conversion, remembering how the Lord Himself had dealt with him on the way to Damascus. But it was not here, as then-no "light shown round about him from heaven."

6 Kai (Eita mod.) (ora C. N. Cat.) thn phrwsin (Cat. purwsin) o anq. kai (om. Cat.) monoj episteusen (mod. euquj pisteuei). The reading in Cat. is meant for emendation: "And mark the fervor (or kindling, viz. of the proconsul's mind): the proc. alone believed" etc.

7 Mod. text adds, "but, the ways of the Lord, which is more: that he may not seem to pay court."

8 ou gar toutou hn. "Down. renders it non enim iroe deditus erat, he was not the man for this (anger): or perhaps, For he (John) was not his, not associated by him, but by Barnabas." Ben. But the meaning should rather be, "So great a work was not for him (Mark); he was not equal to it." The connection is of this kind: "Paul knew how great grace had been bestowed on him, and on his own part he brought corresponding zeal. When Mark withdrew, Paul was not angry with him, knowing that the like grace was not bestowed on him, therefore neither could there be the like spoudh on his part."

9 In mss. and Edd. this portion, to the end of the paragraph, is placed after the part relating to Elymas, "He first convicted," etc. and immediately before the Morale, as if the occasion of the invective against filarxia and kenodocia were furnished by the conduct of the rulers of the synagogue: but see above, p. 178, in the expos. of v. 8, pantaxou h kenodocia kai h filarxia aitiai twn kakwn, and below, the allusion to the blindness of Elymas.

10 kai ouden ap authj karpoumenouj, i.e. reaping no fruit from it (the glory which they sought here) where they are now. Mod. text ouden ap antwn karpwsamenouj: "reaped no fruit while here, from their money which they squandered"-mistaking the meaning of the passage, which is, "They got what they sought, but where is at now?"

1 i.e. for one of the congregation to expound or preach: or perhaps rather, to preach standing, not sitting, as Christian bishops did for their sermons. We have transposed the comment to its proper place.-Mod. text adds, "Wherefore he too in accordance with this discourses to them."

2 oper hn sumforaj onoma, in regard that a proselyte might be deemed inferior to a Jew of genuine descent, "a Hebrew of the Hebrews."

3 kai mhn tounantion gegonen. Here also we have transposed the comment to the clause to which it belongs. In the Edd. it comes after "And with a high arm," etc. whence Ben. mistaking its reference says, "i.e., if I mistake not, God brought them out of Egypt, that he might bring them into the Landor Promise: but, for their wickedness, the contrary befell: for the greatest part of them perished in the wilderness." It plainly refers to uywsen-i. e. how is it said, that He exalted them in Egypt, where, on the contrary, they were brought low? This is true-but He did exalt them by increasing them into a great multitude, and by the miracles which He wrought on their behalf.

4 Upon the reading of the T. R. (A. V.) the period of the Judges is here stated to have been 450 years. This agrees with the chronology of the book of Judges and of Josephus, but conflicts with 1 Kings vi. 1 where we are told that "in the four hundred and eightieth year after the children of Israel were come out of the land of Egypt, in the fourth year of Solomon's reign over Israel, he began to build the house of the Lord." This would give but 331 years for the period of the Judges. It is the view of many critics that Paul has here followed a different chronology from that of 1 Kings which was also in use among the Jews and was followed by Josephus (so Meyer.) But if the reading of Tischendorf, Lechler, and Westcott and Hort (R. V.) is adopted-and it is sustained by A. b.c. )

-the difficulty, so far as Acts xiii. 21 is concerned, disappears. This reading places meta tauta after wj etesin sq. and inserts a period after penthkonta. Then the translation would be, "He gave them their land for an inheritance for about four hundred and fifty years. And after these things He gave them judges," etc. On this reading the 450 years is the period of their inheritance, approximately stated, up to the time of the judges. The point from which Paul reckoned is not stated and is uncertain. This is the preferable reading and explanation.-G. B. S.

5 Kai poqen oti anesth fhsi kai martuej eisin. Eita palin apo twn grafwn, followed by v. 29-37. We read, kai poqen\ oti taj fwnaj twn prof., krinantej touton eplhrwsan. Eita palin apo t. gr. v. 29-31, ending, kai marturej autou eisin proj ton laon oti anesth. The mod. text "And that no man may say, And whence is this manifest that He rose again? He says that (word), And are His witnesses. Then again He presses them from the Scriptures, v. 29-37."

6 This comment, which in the mss. and Edd. is inserted after v. 37, refers to the following verses 38, 39, i.e. to what is there said of the insufficiency of the Law for justification: we have therefore transposed it.

7 In the old text the parts lie in the order here shown by the letters a, b, etc. The confusion may be explained by the scribe's copying in the wrong order from the four pages of his tablets: viz. in the first place, in the order 1, 3, 2, 4: then 2, 4, 1, 3: and lastly, 2, 1. In the modern text, a different arrangement is attempted by which all is thrown into worse confusion. Thus it was not perceived that Chrys. having in a cursory way read through v. 24-41, begins his exposition in detail with the remark of the Apostle's passing and repassing from the Old to the New Test. and vice versa, viz. alleging first the Promise, then John, then the Prophets, then the Apostles, then David and Isaiah, v. 24-34; then comments upon the matters contained in these and the following verses, and then as usual goes over the whole again in a second exposition. Now the renovator makes the recapitulation begin immediately after (a), commencing it at v. 26, and collecting the comments in this order: v. 26-32: v. 24-36: v. 17-41.

8 The transposition of the part (c), makes this read in the mss. and Edd. as if it were parallel with apo twn parontwn (i.e. New Testament facts), apo twn Profhtwn (Old Testament testimonies).

9 It is probable that Chrys. has pointed out the true connection of thought as established by gar (27). "The word of this salvation is sent unto you (of the dispersion) on the ground that the Jews at Jerusalem have rejected it." (So Meyer, Gloag.) The more common explanation is: The word is sent unto you because the Jews have fulfilled the prophecies which spoke of the rejection of the Messiah and have thus proved that He is the Messiah. (De Wette, Hackett, Lechler.)-G. B. S.

10 i. e. Though not one of the original witnesses. v. 31, yet, being one who has been moved or raised up, kekinhmenon, by the Spirit of Christ Himself, he preaches as they did, insisting much on the Passion, etc.

11 'Anti tou, Oi andrej oi sunanabantej k. t. l. Perhaps the sense may be supplied thus: 'Anti tou, Ou pantej hmeij esmen marturej, ii. 32, ou hmeij mart. esmen, iii. 15. Instead of saying as Peter does, "Whereof we are witnesses."

12 Kai ouk egxronizei toutoij, as in the recapitulation on v. 40, 41. kai ora, traxu on pwj upotemnetai. Hence it is clear that toutoij refers not to "the sure mercies of David," as in mss. and Edd. (end of e), but to the threats and terrors (end of h). Below, for all' epiteinei thn kolasin the sense of epiteinei (not as Ben. minatun, but intentat, "makes much of, aggravates, dwells upon the greatness of)", and the whole scope of the passage, require us to read oude. Then, kai meterxetai with the negative extending to the whole clause, "and (like Stephen) assail that which is dear to them, (viz. their preëminence as Jews,) by showing the Law on the point of being cast out:" then, alla (so we restore for kai) tw sumf. endiatr., but dwells, etc.

13 Edd. "But let us hear ti kai legontej oi 'Apost. epeisan, oti estaurwqh, by saying what, by what announcement, the Apostles persuaded (men) that He was crucified." For ti toutou apiq. B. has to t. a. "(yea), what is more incredible still." Both clauses must be read interrogatively, The scope of the whole passage (which is obscure in the original) is, the supreme importance of the article of the Resurrection, Leave that out, and see what the preaching of the Apostles would have been; how it would have been received.

14 The reading: "In the Second Psalm" is the best attested and is followed by the T. R., R. V. and Wescott and Hort. Prwtw is found in D. and is supported by the Fathers. It is the more difficult reading and for this reason is preferred by Tischendorf, Lachmann, Meyer, Afford and Gloag. If it is correct, we must suppose that what we now call the first psalm was considered introductory and that our second psalm was counted as the first. In some Heb. mss. this order actually occurs. The reading deuterw, however, is better supported. The expression: "this day have I begotten thee" refers evidently to the resurrection of Christ. (Cf. Heb. i. 5; Rom. i. 4.) The resurrection is conceived as the solemn inauguration of Christ into his office as theocratic king represented under the figure of begetting.-G. B. S.

15 We have transposed this clause from before, "Behold," etc. preceding.

16 Mod. text needlessly adds, Kai katafronoumen; "And do we make light of these things?"

17 Touto kai ef hmwn genesqai, eteran epeisaxqhnai sunhqeian. Morel. Ben. af' hmwn. "By our means," idque unum probandum, Ed. Par. but ef' hmwn is not as he renders it, in nobis; the meaning is, "where habit works, this is the effect (in the case of habit): I wish it were so in the case of us (where we work)."

18 Mod. text "Having been so sufficiently spoken, that ye are able to correct others, eige apontwn wfeleia tij umin prosegineto, since in their absence some benefit accrued to you."

19 opwj eij 'Ekklhsian embalhte, all opwj ti kai labontej anaxwrhte. (Above we had the phrase paraballein th sunacei.) Here the metaphor is taken from an invading army, So below, p. 188, mh embalhj eij agoran.

1 mss. and Edd. apartisai kai oikeiwsai eautw. The Catena has preserved the true reading anarthsai. in the sense, to make them hang upon (him for further communications).-Below, tw panta aqroon eij taj ekeinwn riyai yuxaj, the ekeinwn distinguishes the first hearers from the people generally: if he had spoken all at once to those, the consequence would have been xaunoterouj ergasasqai, not that "nearly the whole city" should assemble on the following sabbath.

2 Edd. from E .F. autoj eautou instead of tou Paulou. We have restored the comments to their proper clauses in the Scripture text.

3 The order of the exposition in the mss. and Edd. marked by the letters a, b, etc. is much confused, but not irremediably. The matter falls into suitable connection, when the parts are taken in the order c, a, d, b.

4 all ora thn tarrhsian meta metrou ginomenhn. A. meta to metrou. Mod. text metrw. If this be not corrupt, it may be explained by the clause at the end of c, pollhj epieikeiaj h parr. gemousa, but then the connection with the following ei gar Petroj k. t. l. is obscure. Perhaps from A. we may restore meta to Petrou: "the boldness coming to them after the affair of Peter."

5 wj ek thj ekeinwn spoudhj mh (om. A. B. ) tugxanonta twn agaqwn.

6 The expression: "As many as were ordained to eternal life believed," has been both minimized and exaggerated. Chrys. points the way to its correct interpretation in saying: "set apart for God" and adding later: "not in regard of necessity." The writer is by no means seeking to define a doctrine of the divine plan in its bearing upon human self-determination, but pointing out a historical sequence. Those who became believers were as truly so in God's plan as they are so in fact. The passage says nothing of the relation of God's ordainment to the believer's choice. It is an example of the Pauline type of thought which grounds salvation upon the eternal purpose of God. Whoever are saved in fact, were saved in God's purpose. If as matter of fact they are saved on condition of faith and not through the enforcement of a decretum absolutum, then it is certain that their salvation as foreseen in God's purpose does not exclude their self-determination and personal acceptance.-G. B. S.

7 diefereto, was published, E. V. diaferein aggeliaj, "to bear tidings," and diaferetai o logoj, "the saying is bruited," are classical, but perhaps the expression was not familiar to Chrysostom's hearers.

8 Anti tou, ouk esthsan mexri tou zhlou. As in the mss. this clause follows that at the end of a, a, anti tou, diekomizeto, the anti tou may be only an accidental repetition. At the end of this clause, the mss. have ora palin pwj (om. A. C. Cat.) diwkomenoi, and then, pwj (C. Cat.) etera katask. (beginning of c.) The former clause, as the conclusion of b, may be completed with "they extend the preaching," or the like. But probably diwkomenoi is due to the scribes, who seem to have understood by zhlou here the zeal of the Apostles, not the envy of the Jews. v. 45.

9 ek pollhj periousiaj omwj anairousin autwn thn apologian. The sense is evidently as above, but anair. will hardly bear this meaning, and perhaps was substituted for some other word by the copyist, who took it to mean, "They leave the Jews no excuse."-The connection is, It was not because they were less bold than when they said, "We turn unto the Gentiles," that they still went to the Jews first: but ex abundanti they enabled themselves to say to their brethren at Jerusalem, We did not seek the Gentiles, until repulsed by the Jews.

10 twn shmeiwn hn. A. has shmeion hn. In the preceding clause, C. mexri pollou shmeia poiousi, the rest ou poiousi. The antithesis thn men (om. A.) parrhsian ...to de pisteusai must be rendered as above: not as Ben. immo fiduciam addebat ipsorum alacritas. ...Quod autem auditores crederent inter signa reputandum.

11 Here all the mss. have kai megalh th fwnh (to which mod. text acids kai pwj, akoue.) then the text 8, 9, 10, followed by Dia ti, meg. th f. and so all the Edd. But in fact that clause is only the reporter's abbreviation of the Scripture text, kai !en Lustroij. ...to] megalh th fwnh, followed by its comment.

12 Mod. text adds, touto gar esti to hkousen.-Below pareblabh is an expression taken from the foot-race: this was a race in which his lameness was no hindrance.

13 !Hdh wkeiwto thn proairesin. Strangely rendered by Erasmus, Jam proeelectione assumptus familiariter erat, and Ben. Jam proeelectionem in familiaritatem assumserat.

14 ouden ubristikon, o dh kai epi twn prof. epoioun. The meaning appears from the context to be: he speaks throughout with much epieikeia. When he says apwqeisqe, he does not upbraid them with this as ubrij, a personal outrage to himself and Barnabas. though in fact he might have done so, being just what their fathers did to the prophets: but he does not say, Ye repulse us, for the affront is not to us. And he says it to show that in what he is going to say, "Ye judge yourselves not worthy of eternal life," he does not mean that they do this of humility. In short, he says it not by way of complaint, but to justify what he adds, "Lo, we turn to the Gentiles."

15 Mod. text omits this clause, which we take as an interlocution: q. d. "If the Lord ordered you to go to the Gentiles, why did ye not do this in the first instance." In the next sentence, A. C. kai touto ou par hmwn par umwn de gegone to, pro umwn (B., with accidental omission, kai touto pro umwn. Outw gar), meaning, "And this is not our doing, but yours, the `before you: 0' i.e. the Gentiles hearing the word before you. But Cat., kai touto ou pro umwn, par umwn de k. t. l. (attested by the mutilated reading in B.) which we have expressed in the translation.-The mod. text has plhn touto ou par hmwn, par umwn de gegone to pro umwn ofeilon: which Ben. takes to be corrupt, but leaves in the text, only adopting in the translation to par hmwn ofeilon, which interpres legisse videtur. Downe ap. Sav. proposes to pro toutwn umin ofeilomenon vel ofeilon. Sed praestare videtur lectio quam propono, quamque secutus est vetus Interpres Latinus, Ben. forgetting that the Latin version is Erasmus's (Veruntamen hoc non ex nobis facimus. A vobis autem factum est. quod a nobis oportebat, Erasm.) and was made from E. which has no such reading here. Ed. Par. Ben. 2. expresses the sense of E. thus, Quod nos oporteat ante vos gentes erudire,' it is your doing that it is become our duty to teach the Gentiles before you.

16 aplastouj ontaj (i.e. the Gentiles who would otherwise have received the Apostles) kakourgwj dieqhkan, evidently the interpretation of ekakwsan: not evil-treated the Apostles, etc.

17 Mh touto elattwsewj einai nomishj. The innovator (Edd.), mistaking the meaning, connects this and the following clauses thus: "For when they said, ote gar elegon, "Which witnessed," saith it, "before Pontius P., then the (His?) boldness was shown, but here he speaks concerning the people:" what he meant is not easy to see, nor does it much matter. Below, entauqa peri tou laou fhsin, i.e. the parrhsia is in reference to their own nation (Israel): they spake boldly to the Gentiles, fearless of the reproaches of the Jews.

18 It seems clear from the fact that the apostles are said to have been aware (v. 6) of what the Jews had done against them, that the word ormh (v. 5) can hardly mean an "assault" (A. V.) or even "onset" (R. V.) in the sense of any open violence. There would be no propriety in Luke adding that they became aware of an attack upon them. 9Ormh must have here the sense of appetitus animi-a strong movement of mind, an intention to attack them- "Trieb" "Drang." (Meyer.) The word occurs in but one other passage (Jas. iii. 4) where the ormh of the pilot is spoken of as directing the ship, evidently, meaning the "purpose" or "intention." (So Trench, Gloag, Meyer, Lechler, Alford.)-G. B. S.

19 oudamou ton qumon autwn ekkaiontej (restored to its fitting-place after katefugon), i. e. as on all occasions we find them for-bearing to kindle the wrath of their enemies, so here, seeing the intended assault, they fled. Mod. text enqa oudamou and ekkaiein hn, "fled to Derbe," etc. where (the enemies) had nowhere power to let their wrath blaze against them: so that they went away into the country-parts, etc.

20 So the order must be restored instead of, kai touto fhsi dia pistewj ouk ec hmwn: alla to pleon tou Qeou: Qeou gar fhsi to dwpon. The mod. text, "And that it is not ours, but the more (part) God's:" hear Paul saying, "And this not of ourselves, it is the gift of God:" omitting dia pistewj, which is essential to the sense.-Perhaps we may read, kai touto, fhsi, to <\dq_dia p."

21 eautouj etalanisan, "not as thou, eautouj emakarisan."

22 dia thn wmothta kai thn apanqrwpian. A strong expression, but so in the Homily on the Parable of the Virgins, Matt. p. 751, Am. Ed. p. 470, he interprets that the oil is charity (alms-giving), and that even virgins, lacking this, "are cast out with the harlots:" kai ton apanqrwpon kai ton anelehmona isthsi met= autwn (sc. twn pornwn).

23 meta aponoiaj, so Hom. xxxi. p. 196, ouk apenohqhsan, "they did not bear themselves proudly."

24 oukoun kai tapeinousqai xrh. "if he to whom most is forgiven, loveth most, so ought he to whom, more is given, to humble himself more."

25 kai tauton ginetai, oion an ei tij pathr yuxrou (mod. text om.) kai pera tou deontoj malqakou paidiou k. t. l. plakounta epidw kai yuxron kai osa terpei monon k. t. l. Erasmus translates loosely, videns puerum, quem supra modum tenere amat, oegrotum, illi frigida et quoecumque ablectant, porrigat. Ben., si pater nimis molli puero, etsi infirmanti, frigidam placentam et quoe solum oblectant porrigat. If the text be not corrupt, pera tou d. malq. may mean, "brought up more tenderly than need be although ill," and yuxrou, "silly." But the yuxron following may rather imply the physical sense as above expressed: the child is a poor creature, with no warmth or life in it, yet the father instead of warm and nourishing food, gives it cake and cold drink, etc.

26 Dia ti ekrothsate; even now while he was protesting against this evil custom, derived from the theatres, some of the hearers could not refrain from expressing their approbation by applause.-Comp. de Sacerdot. lib. v. init. Hom. xv. in Rom. fin, Hom, vii. in Laz. §I. xvii. in Matt §7.

27 malista men oude outw xrhsimoj o epainoj. i.e. as appears from the context, "to the preacher:" it does him no good, it is even a harm, both by hindering him (kwluma) and by elating his mind (skirthmata kai phdhmata thj yuxhj). In the intermediate clause, all' ouk an hkribologhsamhn, mh me tij agroikiaj grafetw, the meaning implied seems to be-"as it would be easy to show, were it not ungracious to point out to you how little your praise is worth."

28 Perieimi gar toutouj zhtwn. Read tropouj. Mod. text adds pantaj eidena to the former sentence, and here II. gar kai autoj tropou pantoiouj epizhtwn.

29 dia twn xrwmatwn thj arethj. Erasm. and Ben. ungrammatically, propter (ob) coloris virtutem; as meaning that such is the virtue or value of the colors, that they are fit to be employed only on imperial portraits. But the connection is plainly this: "the colors are the hues of virtue, the pencil is the tongue, the Artist the Holy Spirit." In the next sentence the old text has: ouk eukolon touto alla to mh pollh sunhqeia katorqwqhnai, which is corrupt, unless indeed it may be construed, "but (it is) the not being, by reason of long habit, successfully achieved: i.e. it only shows that I have not, such is the force of long habit, succeeded in carrying my point." The mod. text Ouk euk, to pragma dokei, kai touto ou fusei alla tw sunhqeia pollh mhpw katorqoun auto memaqhkenai."It seems to be no easy matter, this: and this, not naturally, but by reason that from long habit you have not yet learnt to effect this reformation."

30 ouk hsuxia kai sigh (mss. hsuxia kai sigh) ta panta kekosmhtai (mod. text katexei). We alter the punctuation, and understand by ta panta not "all the proceedings in Church," but "all nature."

31 otan panta sullegh, when all (that he has spoken) is gathered in by diligent attention of the hearers. Mod. text otan touj karpouj sullegh, "when he collects the fruits."

1 A. b.c. Cat. arostrefomenhj Mod. text apostrefomenoi, and adds kai penqouj shmeia poiountej, and so Oecumen.

2 A. b.c. all= oux hsuxasan. The true reading is preserved by Cat. all= ouk isxusen. Mod. text all' oux hsuxazousin.

3 All our mss. twn profhtwn. From the recapitulation we restore twn aoratwn. The meaning may be, He abstains from the mention of things invisible, because he would recall them from their polythesim, therefore avoids whatever would seem to favor the notion of inferior gods. With the restoration aoratwn we obtain a suitable connection for the part b, both grammatically (in respect of the plur. emaqon), and in respect of the sense: they spoke only of things visible, for they had learned not always to speak according to the dignity of the subject, but according to the needs of the hearers. In the next sentence (a) in A. b.c. ti oun; ei pantwn esti dhmiourgoj, dia ti mh kai eij tauta pronoei; we may understand by eij tauta "the nations of the world, or their doings:" but the sense perhaps would be improved by supplying eij after ei, and restoring eij for eij. Perhaps also tauta is a corruption of panta. "If One be the Maker of all, why not One also direct all by His Providence:" i. e. if One Creator, why not One Providence? Why imagine a number of inferior Providences?-Mod. text "nowhere mentioning the Prophets, nor, saying for what reason, being Maker of all, He left the Gentiles independent, ta eqnh afhken autonoma."

4 From this point to the end of the recapitulation the matter required to be rearranged. The letters show the sequence of the parts in the old text: in the mod. text a partial restoration of the order has been attempted. The "method" of the derangement explains itself thus-the true order being denoted by the figures 1, 2, 3, etc. we have two portions transposed into the order, 2, 1; (a, b): then four portions taken alternately in the order 1, 3, 2, 4. (c to f): then again two portions in the order 2, 1, (g, h): then again four portions in the alternate order 1, 3, 2, 4, (i to m): and lastly, two in the order 2, 1.

5 alla mallon epi ton Qeon to pan agein autouj ekeinouj, A. b.c. As v. 17, "Nevertheless," etc. is placed in the mss. before "Observe, he does not wish," etc. the intention is that to pan should refer to the contents of that verse: "he does not say this to increase their culpability, but he wishes them to refer all to God." But then ekeinouj is idle, accordingly mod. text substitutes paideuei. We have removed the text v. 17. to the end of this sentence, so that its comment is (c) ora pwj lanqanontwj k. t. l. and ora ou bouletai k. t. l. will belong to v. 10, and to pan will refer to their ignorance and walking in their own ways.-So Cat. seems to take it, reading agei h autouj ekeinouj, viz. he rather refers the whole to God, than to those (the heathen) themselves.

6 There was doubtless something polemic in the words of vv. 16, 17 inasmuch as the apostle ascribes to the "living God" alone the blessings which the heathen were wont to attribute to their divinities. The language has also a conciliatory element. Their guilt is mitigated, no doubt, by their limited light, but by no means removed, because God had given them evidences of his goodness and power in the return of seasons and harvests. The thought is closely akin to that in the address at Athens (xvii. 23-31) where God is said to have overlooked the times of the ignorance of the heathen, and to that of Rom. i. 18-32; Rom. ii. 14, Rom. ii. 15, where emphasis is laid upon the revelation of God to the heathen world which renders their sinful lives without excuse. The three passages combined yield the following ideas: (1) God has revealed Himself to the heathen in nature and conscience. (2) This revelation is sufficient to found responsibility. (3) As obedience to this inner law would merit God's approval (Rom. ii. 14), so disobedience to it would merit his displeasure. (4) As matter of fact the Gentiles have not followed the light which they had and thus they have wickedly brought upon themselves the wrath of God and the penalties of his moral law.-G. B. S.

7 B. and mod. text have poqon "his affection," C. and Cat. om, A. "his zeal, fervent and set on fire." Below, for katesparkenai, mod. text boulesqai speirai, "because he wished to sow the word (elsewhere)."

8 ou dia twn apostolwn k. t. l. so all our mss. The sense rather requires dia touj ap. or eneka twn ap. "for the sake of the Apostles," etc.

9 paramuqia i, e. by the ordination of elders, as explained below in the recap. "but there they needed pollhj paramuqiaj, and especially they of the Gentiles, who behooved to be taught much."-The qermothj of Paul, shown in his zeal for the establishment of the Gospel among the Gentiles: see below at the end of the recap. Then, eita allh paramuqia, if it be not an accidental repetition of the clause before v. 23. must be referred to the clause. "They commended them to the Lord," which it follows in the mss.

10 The appointment of elders in every church (which the apostles visited on this journey) is made by Paul and Barnabas. Meyer supposes that the apostles only superintended the popular choice by the church itself. The word employed (xeirotonej), meaning to stretch forth the hand, as in voting would seem especially appropriate to the idea of a popular election, but the participle here employed (xeirotonhsantej) has not the church but Paul and Barnabas for its subject. It seems necessary, therefore, to take it in the general and derived sense-to elect-to choose. There were several elders for each church as there had been several for each synagogue, the model for the constitution of the early churches. They were also called bishops (episkopoi). These with the deacons were the only church officers. (Phil. 1. 1.) Their duty was to be leaders, teachers, and rulers in the churches. They were at once pastors, teachers and rulers. Their functions were co"r-dinate. No one of them was above the others in any particular church. Each church had several co-pastors, teachers or bishops.-G. B. S.

11 touj eniautouj. Cat. touj eniausiaiouj uetouj, "the yearly rains."-Below, our mss. have, "And out of the city," being afraid of those, O the madness! "they dragged him." etc. (w thj maniaj! repeated from above).-Mod. text But "out of the city they dragged" (him). perhaps being afraid of him, ekeinon.

12 Mega gar ontwj megalh yuxh gennaia: for this, which is evidently meant as eulogy of St Paul. the Mod. text substitutes Mega ontwj agaqon h qliyij: kai megalhj yuxhj kai gennaiaj katorqwma. "A great benefit indeed is affliction, and an achievement of a great and generous soul."

13 all' omwj tanantia epoiei. But A. epaqen, mod. text erasxen, "the treatment he received was just the opposite to these (honors)."

14 touj odontaj endaknousin. Erasm. dentibus studentes, endakontej mod. text for which, as "gnashing the teeth" does not suit the context, Ben. gives dentes excussi.

15 roph esti, kai to pan katwrqwsaj euqewj, mh sunarpaghj mhde kinhqhj. Mod. text roph esti, "be not hurried and thou" etc; hm kin., "do not move, and," etc.-Below megalh paramuqia. meaning either consolation to the beholders, or rather as below, a soothing of the excited passions of the opponent.

16 'All' axrhstoj ginetai: i. e. "It is bad for himself that he should go unpunished: so he becomes good for nothing."

17 epoihsen: i. e. "He would not Himself have exercised this forbearance." Mod. text epetacen, "He would not have enjoined this."

18 All our mss. kai kaqaper puretoj otan sfodron pneush, and this the Edd. retain without remark. We restore pneuma, or anemoj ...sfodra. Between pneuma and anemoj as an inter-linear correction arose the absurd reading puretoj.

19 In the mod. text ti poiountej; is placed before Konin epib and sigwntej is connected with touj kunaj kalwmen: "by holding our peace let us call the dogs," etc.

20 In the original the sense is perplexed by the negligent use of the demonstr. outoj and ekeinoj, supra p. 42. The meaning is: "B. (the second person mentioned) says to A. (suppose a pornh perifanhj), "You are so and so," such being the fact: she retorts with a like reproach, which is not true: whether is most damaged (ubristai)? Not she, for being what the other calls her she is just where she was before. The disgrace is to him; and that, not from her words, for they do not fit: but from his own indecent railing: so that he thinking to disgrace her has more disgraced himself. He is more disgraced by calling the other the thing that she is, than by being called by her the thing that he is not."

21 asuneidhsiaj apiston docan labwn: which being unintelligible, must be restored by replacing h before asun. and before apistou (so mod. text rightly for apiston). "He gets the doza either of asuneid. in which case he is a foul calumniator, or of an apistoj:" which latter in the way in which it is put supra Hom. xiv. p. 193: "as regards himself, he has shown all men that he is not to be trusted, as not knowing how to screen his neighbor's faults."

22 twn ep agoraj suromenwn, not as Ben. eorum qui forum frequentant: but, "one of those old hags, bawds, and the like, whom for their crimes you may see dragged by the officers to punishment, and screaming out their foul-mouthed railings."

23 tauta ek thj polewj ta sunedria. So all our mss.: perhaps tautaj-taj sunhqeiaj.

1 #Ora pantaxou thj eij ta eqnh diorqwsewj (the putting things right, the introduction of the right and proper course: mod. text metabasewj) anagkaian thn arxhn eisagomenhn. Mod. text ap' autwn eisag. which Ben. renders, vide ubique transitum ad Gentes necessario a Judaeis inductum. But the meaning is: "Throughout, it is so ordered by the Providence of God, that the Apostles do not seem to act spontaneously in this matter, but to be led by the force of circumstances." The persons (Peter, Paul, James) are not specified, the sense being: First, upon fault being found, there is apologizing and self-justifying: then, upon the Jews' open aversion, the preaching comes to the Gentiles: now, upon a new emergency, a law is enacted.-In the next sentence, b.c. diaforwj: A. and mod. text adiaforwj, which we retain.

2 Mod. text iswj oudamwj upoptoj hn, "perhaps he would not have been any way suspected."

3 With Luke's narrative of the Apostolic council at Jerusalem should be compared Paul's (Gal. ii.) which gives additional particulars. The conference marked an epoch in the history of the church. Here came into decisive conflict two opposing tendencies-the Pharisaic tendency which insisted that the Gentiles must enter the Kingdom through the door of the law, and the catholic spirit which, following the principles of Stephen's apology and appreciating the revelations made to Peter, insisted that adherence to the Mosaic law was not only unnecessary, but was positively inconsistent with the freedom and completeness of Christ's salvation. The decree of the council was, no doubt, of great service in checking the Judaizing tendencies of the early church. It was in the line of this decree that the work of Paul was done, as the champion of catholic Christianity. The chief points to be noted in v. 1-12 are: (1) The representatives of the narrower Jewish view came to Antioch on purpose to antagonize the work of Paul and Barnabas among the Gentiles (v. 1). (2) They took the extreme position that salvation depended on circumcision and caused great anxiety and debate among the Gentile Christians regarding their relations to the Mosaic law (v. 2). (3) The Apostles and messengers who were sent to appeal the question to the leaders of the mother church at Jerusalem answered their objections by the fact of the Gentiles' conversion (v. 3-5). (4) Peter's position was now clear and pronounced. This is implied even in his subsequent conduct at Antioch whence he withdrew from the Gentiles (Gal. ii. 11 sq.) which Paul represents as an inconsistency. (5) Peter's view is first given both on account of his prominence among the Apostles and because he had been the first to bear the gospel to the Gentiles.-G. B. S.

4 In the mss. and Edd. the part marked (b) is transposed to the beginning (c) of the remarks introductory to the morale, so that the Recapitulation (announced by mod. text at the end of the first sentence of (a) is split into two halves and the latter given first. In the old text the two parts (b) (c) make the entire Recapitulation, so that it is by no means akribesteron.

5 Mod. text "Therefore they depart (thither) and stay no short time there (ch. xiv. 28). 'But there arose certain of the Pharisees (v. 5) yet laboring under the disease," etc.

6 twn eij touj 'Ioudaiouj sumbebhkotwn: i.e. of the dispute about circumcision, see below p. 203, note 7. The first sentence of (c) "Great effrontery (this) of the Pharisees," etc., would come in suitably here, but it is required for introduction of the sentence which follows it, "But see the Apostles," etc.

7 Here mod. text has the formula, 'All' idwmen anwqen ta eirhmena.

8 Kai touto de ou mikron, 'Ioudaiwn pisteuontwn kai toutwn ouk apostrafentwn, apo rou topou, apo tou kairou. Mod. text substitutes the sense of the latter words: duo toutoij o legei pistoutai, tw kairw kai tw topw: but for the former, ou mikron de to kai 'Ioudaiwn pisteuontwn touto apostrafhnai, quod etiam Judaeis credentibus hoc avertatur. Ben. We reject toutwn, which disturbs the sense. He says: "Long ago-therefore why raise this question now, which was settled in those early days, when Jews received the faith, not rejected it with aversion? which aversion of theirs is now the occasion of the preachers' turning to the Gentiles. Yet even then the will of God was plainly declared. Thus the Apostle argues strongly both from the place-here in the midst of the Jews-and from the time."

9 wsper ep' autwn: referring to i. 24. as below on kardiognwsthj. He means, "It was a purpose of the Lord, and a high distinction: therefore he does not say, He would, or was willing that the Gentiles should hear, but He elected me for this work, as He elected us to the Apostleship."

10 #Ara kardiaj dei pantaxou zhtein. i. e. "He implies that God, as knowing the hearts of all men saw the fitness of these Gentiles, therefore chose them, and made no distinction between us and them in point of fitness. Consequently, the heart, not circumcision, is what we must everywhere look to. Nay, he adds, this same expression, kardiognwsthj was used by the Apostles on the occasion above referred to: so that Peter, by using it here also, declares the Gentiles to be upon a par with the Apostles themselves: no difference between us the Apostles, and them."

11 mss. 'Ecekaqare proteron ton logon, kai tote k. t. l. Either ton logon has come in from another place (perhaps after eij foberon katelhce below), or some words are lost, e. g. pistei th eij ton logon.

12 The foberon is in the kaq' on tropon kakeinoi. "Our danger, through the Law, is greater than theirs. Not only are they put upon a par with us. but we may be thankful to be put upon a par with them." To bring out this point, he reviews the tenor and drift of St. Peter's speech.

13 Eikotwj kai autoi loipon epimarturousi: that autoi means the Prophets (cited by St. James), seems to be shown by toij hdh genomenoij, "what they long ago foretold, which is even now come to pass."

14 to gar katamikron touto isxuroteron genomenon twn eqnwn: touto gar peirazontoj hn k. t. l. Mod. text touto gar kata mikpon epagomenon egineto isxuroteron: ekeino de peir. hn.-The meaning is: "He does not come at once to the point, but advances to it gradually: first, `Put no difference-though, as he afterwards shows, if there be a difference it is in their favor: we are not to think it much that they are to be saved as we, but that we may trust to be saved even as they. 0'"

15 Above, it was "disbelieving God, as not able to save by faith." Here, "You are tempting God by your unbelief: whereas the question is not so much whether He can save without the Law, as ei dunatai kai meta nomon (B. tou nomou) swsai."

16 ouk aperxontai diaballontej touj en 'Ant. This also shows the epiekeia of Paul and Barnabas, that when they come to Jerusalem, we do not find them complaining of the Jews who had come to Antioch, but they confine themselves to the recital of "all that God had done with them," v. 4: as he had said above, ouden legousi peri twn eij touj 'Ioudaiouj sumbebhkotwn. The next clause, 'All' ekeiqen palin lambanousin aformhn may be referred to the Apostles, "they again take advantage of this opportunity, viz. of the Judaizing opposition, to establish the freedom of the Gentiles." We have referred it to the Pharisaic brethren, v. 5, for the sake of connection with the following outwj emeletwn to filarxein.-In the next clause, kai (mod. text oi kai), ouk eidotwn twn apostolwn ememfqhsan, Sav. marg. has 'pemfqhsan, "these Judaizers were not sent with knowledge of the Apostles."

17 'Epieikeia, gentleness, in the sense of moderation and forbearance, keeping one's temper: here distinguished from the temper of the yuxroj, which is unruffled only because he does not feel, and that of the flatterer, who puts up with everything for the sake of pleasing.

18 He means, that to basileij, when there is an enemy in the field against them, the engrossing theme of discourse, even at table, is how to overcome their enemies. Such was probably the state of things when this Homily was preached: for the note of time in Hom. xliv. implies that it was delivered either at the close of 400 or the beginning of 401 a.d.: now the former of these years was signalized by the revolt and defeat of Gainas. Hence the following passage might be rendered, "they are holding assemblies each day, appointing generals and demanding taxes," etc. The war ended Dec. 400, in the defeat of Gainas.

1 All our mss. and the Cat. apo te newn apo te palaiwn bebaioumenou twn profhtwn ton logon, which must be rendered, "Confirming the word of the prophets:" so Ed. Par. Ben. 2, where the other Edd. have pal. prof. beb., which is in fact what the sense requires: "from the prophets, new (as Symeon) and old."

2 This was James, the Lord's brother (Gal. i. 19), who, according to the uniform tradition of the early church, was the Bishop of Jerusalem. He evidently was the chief pastor, as he presides at this conference, and when Judaizing teachers afterwards went down to Antioch from Jerusalem they are spoken of as coming "from James" (Gal. ii, 12). From this it has been inferred that he was the leader of a Judaistic party, but this view is inconsistent with his address here and also with Paul's testimony who says that the "pillar" apostles "imparted nothing" to him, that is, did not correct or supplement his teaching. He was no doubt of a conservative tendency respecting the questions in dispute and may not have been always self-consistent, as Peter certainly was not, but there can be no doubt of his substantial agreement with Paul. His doctrine of justification by works as well as by faith in his epistle is not against this view, since he uses both the words "faith" and "works" in a different sense from Paul, meaning by the former "belief" and by the latter the deeds which are the fruit of the Christian life, instead of meritorious obedience to the Mosaic law.-G. B. S.

3 Edd. epixwriazein, Cat. egxronizein, substituted for the less usual egxwriazein of A. b.c. Sav.-Below, Sumewn, fhsin, echghsato en tw Louka profhteusaj. Cat. "He who in Luke prophesied, Lord, now lettest Thou Thy servant depart."-It is remarkable that it does not occur to Chrys. that Symeon is Simon Peter, though 2 Pet. i. 1 has Sumewn Petroj in the Cod. Alexandr., and many other mss. In the Mod. text Chrys. is made to say: "Some say that this is he who is mentioned by Luke: others, that he is some other person of the same name. (Acts xiii. 1?) But whether it be the one or the other is a point about which there is no need to be particular; but only. to receive as necessary the things which the person declared."

4 apo men tou xronou dhloj hn, to de aciopiston ouk eixe: the former clause seems to be corrupt. The sense in general is, He was manifestly (a prophet), but had not the same authority as the old prophets. Probably the form of opposition was this: epeidh ekeinoj apo men * * dhloj hn, apo de tou xronou to aciopiston ouk eixe dia to mh palaioj einai. "Since Symeon, though from * * he was manifestly (a prophet), yet from time had not the like authority because he was not ancient."

5 Mod. text, "But it is not of these things that he speaks. And what raising up, you will say, does he mean? That after Babylon." We point it, poian legei egersin thn meta Babulwna; "Was it raised up? was it not rather razed to the ground (by the Romans)? True it was rebuilt after the return from Babylon, but what sort of raising up does he call that?" For the answer to these questions, not given here, see the Recapitulation (note 4, p. 207).

6 Most modern texts omit panta at the end of v. 17 and then join directly to it gnwsta ap' aiwnoj only, dropping out the words of the T. R.: esti tw qewpanta ta erga autou. This reading yields the following translation: "the Gentiles upon whom my name is called, saith the Lord, who maketh these things known from the beginning of the world." (So Tischendorf, Alford, Meyer, Westcott and Hort, Gloag. R. V.). This reading encounters the difficulty that the words gnwsta ap' aiwnoj are considered as a part of the quotation which, in reality, they are not. It is probable that this fact may have led to their expansion into an independent sentence.-G. B. S.

7 All our mss. epeidh ouk hsan akhkootej tou nomou, which contradicts v. 21. We restore epeidh oun. In b.c. v. 21, with the words epeidh ouk hsan ak. tou nomou is repeated after, "We have judged."

8 mss. and Edd. Kai ora pwj fortikwj ekeinouj diaballontej epistellousin. The sense absolutely requires pwj ou fort. It would be strange if Chrys. made to fortikon and to diaballein matter of commendation: moreover in his very next remark he says just the contrary, and below, p. 209.

9 Pauloj de loipon edidasken. Perhaps this may belong to the Recapitulation, v. 12.-In the mod. text the matter is a good deal transposed, without any necessity, and the Recapitulation is made to begin after the sentence ending, "love of glory."-This seems to be the proper place for the first of the sentences following the Recapitulation, p. 210, note 3, viz. "No more faction. On this occasion I suppose it was that they received the right hand, as he says himself, `They gave to me and Barnabas the right hands of fellowship. 0' On this (same) occasion he says, `They added nothing to me. 0' For they confirmed his view: they praised and admired it."

10 epiphda N. Cat. (ephpida sic A. b.c.) mod. text apophda, "recoils" from hearing Paul.

11 The scribes did not perceive that ec arxhj is the answer to the question, Ti estin, kaqwj prwton k. t. l. therefore transposed this sentence and gave ez arxhj to the sentence (a) (Cat. omits them.) Mod. text, the question being thus left unanswered, substitutes "Symeon hath declared"-kaqwj pr. k. t. l. 'Ec apxhj afodroteron men.

12 oti pro pantwn outoi. Here also, and in th prolhyei twn eqnwn, there seems to be a reference to prwton, as if the meaning were, God "looked upon the Gentiles first to take from them," before the Jews, etc.-After the text, the questions left unanswered above (see note 2, p. 206) might be advantageously introduced. "How could that restoration (after Babylon) be called an egersij, especially as the city was eventually razed to the ground by the Romans? True: but the kingdom of David is in fact more gloriously raised up, in the reign of David's offspring throughout the world. As for the buildings and city, what loss is that? Nay, David himself is more glorious now than he was before, sung as be is in all parts of the world. If then this which the Prophet foretold is come to pass-this is put as St. James's arguments-namely that the city was raised from its ruins (and the subsequent overthrow, when the end of that restoration was attained, does not invalidate the fulfilment), then must the dia ti of this restoration also come to pass, namely, that the residue shall seek the Lord, and all the Gentiles upon whom that Name is called. The city, was raised up for the sake of Christ, to come of them, and to reign over all nations. Consequently, the Prophet shows that the aition (i. e. the dia ti, or final clause) of the building of the city is-the calling of the Gentiles, to ta eqnh klhqhnai."

13 oi upoleipomenoi tote, the Jews whom that (the Babylonian) judgment leaves.

14 mss. and Edd. to de hmetepon. We must read to de hmerwtepon, as above: in the preceding clause something is wanted for antithesis, probably kai ora, to men fortikwteron, oper k. t. l.

15 uper ou ouden gegraptai. This also requires emendation. The sense demands, "About which there is no dispute." The gegraptai may have come in from the text referred to: "to wit, Kaqwj gegraptai," etc.

16 The report seems to be defective here; and in fact N. (Say. marg.) inserts after the text, "showing both God's care towards them and mercy, and their ready mind and piety in obeying: and he says well," etc. But this addition is unknown to A. b.c. Cat., and N. frequently adds to or otherwise alters the original text, where the sense or connection is obscure.-Perhaps however these two sentences may be better transposed to follow the part (b), so that the connection would be, "And again, observe he has been speaking concerning the Gentile converts, not openly of the Jewish believers, and yet in fact what he says is no less for them."-Mod. text with partial transposition, "And he well says, To them, etc. declaring both the purpose of God from the beginning with respect to them, and their obedience and readiness for the calling. What means it? I judge? Instead of, With authority I say that this is so. `But that we write to them, 0' he says, `to abstain from 0' etc. For these, though bodily, etc. (as below.) And that none may object, why then do we not enjoin the same thing to the Jews? He adds, `For Moses, 0' etc.: i.e. Moses discourses to them continually: for this is the meaning of, `Being read every Sabbath day. 0' See what condescension!"

17 kaitoi ge pollakij autoij uper (not peri as Ben. renders, de his) dielexqhsan mod. text dielexqh, referred perhaps to Moses or the Law, as in the trajection this sentence follows the last of (a). The clause seems to refer to "pollutions of idols and fornication." q. d. "Why mention these in the decree? The Apostles, especially Paul, often discoursed to them on behalf of these points of Christian duty, i.e. the abstaining from all approach to idolatry, as in the matter of eidwloquta, and from fornication." The answer is: "He mentions them, for the purpose of seeming to maintain the Law, (though at the same time he does not rest them on the authority of the Law, but on that of the Apostles: still the Jewish believers would be gratified by this apparent acknowledgment of the Law), and (with the same view) to make a greater number of entolai, for which reason also he divides the one legal prohibition of blood into the two, apo twn pniktwn kai apo tou aimatoj. The latter, he says, though swmatikai, are necessary to be observed because the non-observance of this law on which the Jews laid so much stress led to great evils-especially made it impossible for Jewish and Gentile believers to eat at the same table. For in every city Moses is preached to Jews and proselytes. Therefore I say it is good that we charge them by letter to abstain from these things," Then, giving a different turn to the reason, "for Moses of old times," etc. he adds. "this is for them which from the Gentiles," etc., as for the Jewish believers, they have Moses to teach them. Thus again seeming to uphold Moses, while in fact he shows, what they might learn from Moses himself, that the Law is come to an end for the Jews also.

18 The prohibitions imposed by the council upon the Gentiles were chiefly concessions to Jewish prejudice and opinion. Abstinence from meat which had been offered in idols' temples and from things strangled and from blood was forbidden in the Mosaic law (Ex. xxxiv. 15; Lev. xvii. 10-14). Failure to abstain from these would expose the Gentile converts needlessly to the suspicions of the Jewish Christians. The prohibition of fornication must rest upon another ground. is a warning against the custom among Gentiles, which had become so prevalent as to provoke little rebuke or comment. The ground assigned for requiring these abstinences is that Moses is read every Sabbath in the synagogues of the Jews and therefore these very points are kept prominently before the people and therefore unless these indulgences were abandoned, the synagogue preaching would constantly stimulate in the Jews and Judeo-Christians a dislike of the Gentile believers. There is less ground for the view of Chrys. that v. 21. means that the Jewish Christians have no need of instruction on these points because they hear the law read every Sabbath, an explanation, however, which is adopted by such modern scholars as Wordsworth and Neander.-G. B. S.

19 A. B. aphg. ta eqnh ec autou. Dia ti oun mh par autou manq.; C. aphg. ta ec autou panta, oion ta eqnh. Dia ti k. t. l. Cat. aphg ta ec autou manq. Hence we read, aphgage ta eqnh. Dia ti oun mh ta ec autou manqanousin, oion (ta eqnhj) * * *;

20 katastrefein, mss. Perhaps, metastreyai from Gal. i. 7.

21 eceluse to pan, "untied the whole knot," or perhaps "took out of the Law all its strength," as below luei.

22 Perhaps the sentence, touto malista autouj anepausen, retained above as the end of (b), may belong here, in the sense, "This was conclusive; this made the Judaizers desist, if anything could."

23 kaqaper epi oikodomhj ta up' ekeinwn gegenhmena metatiqentej. Mod. text from E. tiqentej, "putting, as in respect of a building, the things done by those (Judaizers)." We have transposed ta up' ek geg. to its proper place. He interprets anask. with reference to Gal. i. 6. metatiqesqe.

24 sunhrpasan Ben. ipsos extorsisse: but the word is used in the Greek of Chrysostom's time, in the sense "conceal," for which Schneider s. v. refers to Valesius on Harpocrat. p. 145. Gronov. in which sense we have rendered it above. Or perhaps, "had wrested it" to make it speak in their favor. To zhtoumenon sunarpazein is a logical phrase, used of one who commits a petitio principii. St. Chrys. however can hardly be correctly reported here: for the letter itself would show, if it were believed to be genuine. that Paul and Barnabas neither sunhrpasan nor alla ant' allwn eipan. He may rather be supposed to have said in substance as follows: "Had Paul and Barnabas returned alone as the bearers of an oral communication, it might be suspected that they gave their own account of the matter: had they come alone, bearing the Epistle, its genuineness might have been called in question: but by sending the Epistle by the hands of men of their own and of high consideration, they left no room for doubt as to the fact of their decision. On the other hand, to have sent these men alone, would have looked like putting a slight upon Barnabas and Paul: but by sending the messengers with them, they showed oti aciopistoi eisin, and by the eulogy expressed in the Epistle itself they stopped the mouths of the gainsayers."

25 The innovator completely mistakes the meaning of this clause: not having the text to guide him, he supposes it to refer to Silas and Judas, and alters thus: "It shows how worthy of credit they are: not making themselves equal, 'it says: they are not so mad. In fact, this is why it adds that expression, Which have hazarded their lives, etc. And why does it say, "It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us," and yet it had sufficed." etc.-Below, he has "`To lay upon you no greater burden. 0' This they say, because they have to speak," etc. But all this belongs to edocen hmin q. d. "You need not fear us, neither is it of condescension that we speak, or to spare you as being weak-quite the contrary-it seems good to the Holy Ghost "and to us."

26 pollh gar kai twn didaskalwn aidwj hn. It is not clear whether this means, Great was the reverence shown by the teachers also towards them-as in St. Peter's wsper kakeinoi-and therefore they did not treat them as "weak;" or, great was their reverence towards their teachers, so that bad they laid upon them a greater burden, they would have borne it.

27 mss. and Edd. have this clause, anw katw baroj kalousi after Pneumatoj gar hn nomoqesia, and give the kai palin to sunagagontej. After the clause "For that was a superfluous burden" seems to be the proper place for these sentences from below, see note 3, infra. "It shows that the rest are not necessary but superfluous, seeing these things are necessary. "From which if ye keep yourselves ye shall do well." It shows that nothing is lacking to them, but this is sufficient."

28 Here insert from below: "For it might have been done also without letters-they did this."

29 What follows consists of notes which the redactor did not bring to their proper places. "No more faction-admired it," see note 1 p. 207. "It shows-the Spirit," may belong either to the comment on krinw egw, or to that on "It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us."-"It shows that the rest-sufficient," see note 1. These parts being removed, the remainder forms the continuation of the sentence, "it behooved to be done by these," note 2. The concluding words kai met'eirhnhj are the reporter's abridgment of the text "kai [emesthrican, moihsantej de xronon apeluqhsan] met' eirhnhj.

30 The author here assumes the identity of the two visits of Paul to Jerusalem contained in Acts xv. and Gal i. and Gal ii. This has always been the prevailing view. For a full discussion of this and other views, see Gloat, Com. on the Acts ii. 80-84.-G. B. S.

31 The famine is mentioned among the offences within, perhaps because it may have led some to question the Providence of God: see above, p. 159.

32 mss. and Edd. transpose the parts marked a and b. The old text, however, by retaining ti oun at the end of a, as well as at the beginning of c, enables us to restore the order, so that then the clause mhden olwj eidwj en taij Grafaij, no longer disturbs the sense.

33 Edd. pantwj ti erei. A. b.c. pantwj oti erei. "In any wise he will affirm the oti, therefore let us ask the aitiaj di aj."

34 ei iatroj melloij manqanein. Mod. text adds, "Say, Do you accept out of hand and as it chances, whatever you are told?" The connection is: "Apply your mind to what you hear, whether from us or from them, and see whether of us is consistent. Just as you would if you wished to learn medicine: there also you would find conflicting opinions and you would exercise your judgment upon them, not accept all without examination. Do so here; and in the instance which has been taken, you will see that we, affirming the Son to be God, carry out our affirmation consistently; whereas they (the Arians) say indeed that He is God but in fact deny Him the essential properties of Deity."-Edd. and all our mss. Uion legomen hmeij epalhqeuomen k. t. l. We must read either Qeon or Uion Qeon.

35 Connection: I have mentioned one simple criterion: here is another palpable and visible mark. Heretics take their names from men, the founders of their sects, tou airesiarxou dhlountoj A. B. kalountoj C., to onoma Sav. marg. dhlountej, which we adopt. But indeed the reasons you allege are mere pretence, etc.

36 The sentence is left unfinished: "it would be no wonder," "this would be at least consistent," or the like: then ei de eicw b.c. hcw (sic) A., hcw D. Mod. text oude ecw. all corrupt. The sense seems to require, "If you have thought fit," or "gone so far as."

37 Sav. marg. adds "another, Paul of Samosata."

38 Dia ti polloi gegonasin Ellhnej, kai oudeij k. t. l. Mod. text omits dia ti. The first clause seems to be corrupt, or misplaced: for to say that "there have been many heathen, and none of them has asked these questions" (about Christian doctrines), would contradict all that precedes: and if it means There were many Greeks, and diverse schools of philosophy among them, and yet none was deterred from the study of philosophy by those differences, this would not be true. But if this be transposed to the following sentence, which relates to the #Ellhnej at Antioch, then Chrys. says: "Among philosophers also there were these differences, and yet) etc. How is it that (at Antioch) many Greeks became (Christians) and yet none of them asked these questions? Why did they not say," etc.

39 Edd. have a longer peroration from F, partly followed by D. "And live according to His will while we are yet in this life present, that with virtue having accomplished the remaining time of our life, we may be able, etc., and together with them which have pleased Him be found worthy of honor, by the grace and loving-kindness of His only-begotten Son, and the All-holy and Life-giving Spirit, the One true Godhead, now and ever, world without end." Amen.

1 mss. and Edd. after twn apostolwn add twn loipwn, which we omit as evidently out of place: for "the Apostles" here are Paul and Barnabas. Possibly it should be dia twn loipwn, "by the rest of the particulars related on former occasions," but if so, this must be placed after twn ap. to hqoj.

2 The notes of this Homily have fallen into extreme confusion, and we have but partially succeeded in restoring the true order.

3 Mod. text omits this question: C. for afeij has afeqeij, "he that was left, or, dismissed." Part of the answer has dropped out, "Paul did well: for" etc. The interlocutor rejoins: "Then if Paul did well, Barnabas did ill?" Here Edd. and all our mss. oukoun, fhsi, kakoj o Barnabaj; to which mod. text adds, "By no means: but it is even exceedingly absurd to imagine this. And how is it not absurd to say, that for so small a matter this man became evil?" We restore oukoun kakwj o Barnabaj;

4 malista men oun kai e/teuqen (as by other instances of human infirmity, so by this also) deiknutai ta anqrwpina, i.e. we are shown what in the preaching of the Gospel proceeded from man: that man, as man, did his part, which part is betokened by the ordinary characters of human nature. If even in Christ it behooved that He should not do all as God, but that His Human Nature should also be seen working, much more was it necessary that the Apostles, being but men, should work as men, not do all by the immediate power of the Spirit.

5 This refers to hciou in the sense "he begged," as he says below, in the beginning of the Recapitulation, kaitoi ouk edei acioun auton exonta kathgorein meta tauta.

6 If this sentence be in its place, something is wanting for connection: e.g. (It was a great oikonomia) for the more extended preaching of the word: since on Barnabas's plan these "at Cyprus" were to have a second visitation, but those "in Asia" not even once. But it may be suspected that this part is altogether misplaced: and that the outoi are the brethren "in the cities where we have preached," and ekeinoi the people of Macedonia," etc. See end of Recap. where Chrys. says, had it not been for this parting, the word would not have been carried into Macedonia.

7 Chrys. has treated the dissension of Paul and Barnabas with discrimination, without, however, placing quite the emphasis upon hciou-"he thought good not to"-"he determined not to"-and upon ton apostanta-"who had fallen away from-apostatized from,"-which those terms seem to require. The conduct of Mark in returning to Jerusalem from Pamphylia (Acts xiii. 13) was clearly regarded as reprehensible by Paul, apparently as an example of fickleness in the service of Christ. It is not strange that Barnabas, Mark's cousin (Col. iv. 10) should have been more lenient in his judgment of his conduct. It is certain that this difference of opinion regarding Mark did not lead to any estrangement of Paul and Mark, for in his imprisonment the apostle speaks of Mark as a trusted fellow-worker (Col. iv. 10; 2 Tim, iv. 11).-G. B. S.

8 The method of the derangement here is, that there being five portions, these were taken alternately, in the order 1, 3, 5, and then 2, 4.

9 So Edd. and all our mss. apesth ap' autwn o Barnabaj: which may mean, "And so the same may now be said of Barnabas, viz. that he departed (from Paul)," etc. The same word apesth is applied to Barnabas below, p. 216.

10 sugkatebhsan allhloij outw meizon agaqon einai to xwrisqhnai. The meaning is as below. that they parted kata sunesin. Mod. text "sugkat. all. idein. The point required is to see that," etc. Then, Outw m. a. gegone to xwr. "Thus their being parted became a greater good," etc.-Kai profasin ek toutou to pragma elabe, i. e. "They saw that it was best to part viz.: that so the word would be more extensively preached, and this difference gave a pretext for so doing." He means that the contention was oikonomia (see the Recap.), the object being, partly this which is here mentioned, partly a lesson to Mark.

11 Edd. and mss. ou proshkato, against the sense of the passage, whence Oecum. omits the negative, not much improving it. The Catena has preserved the true reading, ou prohkato. See instances of confusion the other way in Mr. Field's Index to Hom. in Matt. s. v. prosihmi.

12 wste deicai ton timhsanta auton kalwj bebouleumenon. The sense requires ton tim. auton kai ton mh timhsanta kalwj beb. or the like: "that both Barnabas and Paul had taken the course which was for his (Mark's) own good."

13 oti kai ephgeto auton. The meaning seems to be, (but the confusion into which the text has fallen, leaves it very uncertain), "The wonder is that he took Timothy, being as he was the son of a heathen father, and uncircumcised."

14 oti ekeino ekwluen. Mod. text kai mh to IIn. to A. ekeleusen; But see the Recap. where the question is explained, viz., How is it that when they were to be kept from preaching, the Holy Ghost spoke to them, but here a vision, and that in a dream, is all?

15 In the mss. this sentence is placed before "And now he crosses over," etc. v. 10.-"In this manner:" i. e. in a night-vision or dream; the allusion is to xxiii. 11, "the Lord stood by him," confused with xxvii, 23, "the Angel of the Lord."

16 i.e. just displeasure on the one side: lenity, compassion, intercession, etc. on the other. Thus God is wroth with Miriam, Moses pleads for her, and so in the other cases.

17 Mod. text omits this clause relating to St. Paul, as in the old text it is incomplete, the remainder of the sentence ("would not have been wroth," etc.) having been transposed to the end of what relates to Barnabas, after "relating to the decree."-Below, alla lambanousin eautouj, may perhaps be eautoij, sc. touj deomenouj below, i.e. choose their spheres of action where each was most needed. But the context rather seems to require this sense: "There is no animosity between them, but they take their parts in this dispute for the good of those who, as Mark, need the instruction which was to be derived from the gentleness of Barnabas, and the severity of Paul's character. Paul indeed is stern, but his object is to do good: as 2 Thess. iii. 13, where (comp. the context) rebuking, and enjoining severity to be shown to the disorderly, he says, "And be not weary in well-doing." We have changed the order of the two sentences, "And he rebukes," etc. and, "As he does elsewhere," etc.-Touto kai en th sunhqeia poioumen. i. e. this putting on a show of anger, to do good to one whom we would correct: or perhaps, of altercation, as when, for instance, father and mother take opposite parts, the one for punishing, the other for sparing an erring child-sunaganakthsai tw IIaulw. Ben. indignati esse in Paulum. But whether it means this, or "to have had indignation together with Paul," there is nothing to show: nor is it clear what is the reference of the following sentences; unless it be, But he would not allow these persons who were indignant along with, or at, him, to retain this feeling: he takes them apart, makes them see the thing in its right light, and so departs in peace, "being commended by the brethren to the grace of God," with the prayers of concord and charity. Great is the power of such prayer. (See the former comment on this verse, p. 214.)-Kau uper megalou acioij, kan anacioj hj. Perhaps it should be h, "Whether it be on behalf of a great man (as Paul), or whether the person be unworthy," etc.

18 So in Gen. Serm. ix. text iv. 695. D. Chrys. infers from this passage with 2 Tim. i. 5, that the father emeinen en th asebeia kai ou meteballeto. Hom. i. in 2 Tim. p. 660. E. "Because of his father who was a Gentile, and because of the Jews he took and circumcised him. Do you mark how the Law began to be dissolved, in the taking place of these mixed marriages?" (so here ora hdh ton nomon duomenon.) In the mss. all this is extremely confused by transpositions (the method; 1, 4: 2, 5: 3, 6) and misplacing of the portions of sacred text (where these are given). Thus here, "And therefore because of the Jews which were in those parts he circumcised him. Ouk hn emperitomoj."-Mod. text "thy mother Eunice. And he took and circumcised him. And wherefore, he himself goes on to say: Because of the Jews, etc. For this reason then he is circumcised. Or also because of his father: for he continued to be a Greek. So then he was not circumcised. Observe the Law already broken. But some think he was born," etc. He is commenting on the fact, that Timothy was uncircumcised: viz., because his father was a heathen. Here then was a devout man, who from a child had known the Holy Scriptures, and yet continued uncircumcised. So that in these mixed marriages we see the Law already broken, independently of the Gospel. It may be indeed that he was born after the conversion of his mother to the faith, and therefore she was not anxious to circumcise him. But this (he adds) is not likely.

19 For Timothy from a child had been brought up religiously as a Jew, yet now it was an offence that he should continue uncircumcised.

20 Therefore he might have been exempt by the Apostles' decree. St. Paul, however, having carried his point in securing the immunity of the Gentile converts, did not care to insist upon this in behalf of Timothy.

21 Our author correctly apprehends the ground on which Paul circumcised Timothy-an act which has often been thought to be inconsistent with his steadfast resistance to the imposition of the Jewish law. It is noticeable that he did not allow Titus to be circumcised (Gal. ii. 3) when the Jewish-Christian faction desired it. The two cases are materially different in the following particulars: (1) Titus was a Gentile; Timothy was born of a Jewish mother. (2) The circumcision of Titus was demanded by the Judaizers; that of Timothy was performed for prudential reasons as a concession to unbelieving Jews in order that Paul might the better win them to Christ. (3) The question of circumcising Titus was a doctrinal question which was not the case in the instance before us. Meyer well says: "Paul acted according to the principle of wise and conciliatory accommodation, not out of concession to the Judaistic dogma of the necessity of circumcision for obtaining the Messianic salvation."-G. B. S.

22 A. b.c. Cat. eij authn thn rizan thj Makedoniaj egeneto (Cat. egenonto). Ook aei (Cat., ouk an ei) kata parocusmon enhrdhse to IIn. to #A. The former sentence may possibly mean, that Philippi became the root of the Churches in Macedonia. But it is more probable that the text is mutilated here, and that Chrys. speaks of the parting of Paul and Barnabas, as having become the very root or cause of the extension of the Gospel (into Macedonia and Greece). In the next sentence, the reading of Cat. may perhaps deserve the preference. "Not, if (they had parted) in a state of exasperation, would the Holy Ghost have (thus) wrought."-Mod. text "And besides, even the voyage showed this: for there was no long time ere they arrive at the very root of Macedonia (oqen eij <\=85_paraginontai). So that the sharp contention is providentially ordered to be for the best. For (otherwise) the Holy Ghost would not have wrought, Macedonia would not have received the Word. But this so rapid progress," etc.

23 kai panta kaloumen. Mod. text substitutes the proverbial expression, kai panta kalwn kinoumen, "we put every rope in motion," which is hardly suitable here, and not at all necessary. "We call to our aid horse-feeders, and doctors, and every one else who can help us."

24 Our mss. have alogwn: Savile (from N.?) lagwn, which we adopt.

25 kai suretai xamai kaqaper paidion, kai asxhmonei muria: this cannot be meant for the horse, but for the rider. Perhaps kai oudeij, kan suretai k t. l.

26 kai to but Sav. Marg. kai tw mh kreittona xrhmatwn einai: some slight emendation is necessary, but it is not clear whether it should be, kai mh tw. ..."and not to his being above wealth:" i.e. good in spite of his riches: or kai to mh ...with some verb supplied, i.e. "and make it a reproach to him that (though a good man) he is not above riches," seeing he does not abandon his wealth.-Mod. text kai tw mh endea xrhmatwn einai:

27 mallon meta thj poreiaj kai kosmw kekoshmenoj numfikw: o de epikaq. k. t. l. The passage is corrupt: perhaps, as in the Translation, it should be mallon h numfikw, but this as a description of the horse is evidently out of place. For por., we read xoreiaj as in mod. text (which has kai meta thj xoreiaj kosmw kek. h numfikw.) Then transposing this, we read o de epikaq., meta thj xor., kai.-Below, b.c. an skoliazh: A. and mod. text askwliazh-alluding to the game of leaping on greased bladders or skins, unctos salire per utres; which does not suit twn xwlwn.

1 mss. and Edd. place ou en. proseuxh einai after apo tou topou, so that it reads, "See Paul again judaizing both from the time and from the place." Chrys. here explains the enomizeto (in the sense "was thought"): viz. St. Paul expected to find a congregation assembled for prayer, both because the place was set apart for that purpose, and because it was the sabbath.

2 Two variations of text occur in v. 13, which materially affect the meaning. Modern critics read pulhj St. polewj-"they went outside the gate" and enomizomen instead of enomizeto-"where we supposed there was a place of prayer." (So b.c. ).

R.V., Tischendorf, Westcott and Hort.) If the reading enomizeto is retained, it more probably means; "where a place of prayer was wont to be" rather than (as Chrys.) "where, it was thought, that prayer would be." The proseuxai were places of prayer situated often in the open air, and chosen in the neighborhood of streams on account of the custom of washing the hands before prayer. They served the purposes of synagogues in places where they did not exist.-G.B.S.

3 all= autouj afhke kuriouj einai, kai. Mod. text, ouk afhke k. e. alla kai.

4 =Alla di oikonomian epoioun. B. Cat. "their seeming reluctance was `economy. 0'" A. C., #Ola di oik. ep. Mod. text, Wste panta di oik. ep.

5 Most critical editions read in v. 16. puqwna st. puqwnoj (following A. b.c. )

). In this case the word is in apposition with pneuma and has the force of an adjective, "having a Pythonic spirit," in allusion to the serpent which was said to have guarded Delphi and to have been slain by Apollo. From this feat the God was called Pythius, and in his temple the priestess was called "the Pythian," as being inspired by Apollo. Hence the term became equivalent to a daimonion mantlkon. In later times the power of the ventriloquist was attributed to such a Pythonic spirit (as by Plutarch) and the LXX. render the word bw)

by eggastrimuqoj in accordance with this view. Meyer maintains that this damsel had the power of ventriloquism which the people attributed to a pneuma puqwna. The apostle did not share this opinion but treated the case as one of demoniacal possession.-G. B. S.

6 B. and Cat. ebouleto loipon aciopiston eauton (B. auton) poiein. The other mss. ebouleto (ebouleueto A.C.) gar mh ac. auton poiein: wished to make him (Paul) not credible. That the former is the true reading, is shown by what follows: ina sthsh ta uper eautou: i.e., to gain credit with the believers in order to deceive them afterwards. In the next clause, we read with Cat. and Sav. ta kaq= eautou, our mss. eautouj, and so the other Edd.

7 The scribe has copied the parts in the order 1, 3, 5: 2, 4, 6. See p. 213, note 5.

8 Edd. have 'Epeidh gar, and join this sentence with the following. The compiler of the Catena perceived that the Recapitulation begins with the next sentence, which he therefore ves to v. 13, though he repeats it wrongly under v. 24.-Mod. text, inserts the 'All\ idwmen k. t. l. before Gnuh, f., porfuropwlij.

9 This is the first recorded instance of the persecution of Christians by the Roman power. Hitherto the persecutions have proceeded from the Jews and here it is inflicted upon the Christians because they are considered to be Jews who were now under special disfavor, having been shortly before banished from Rome by Claudius.-G.B.S.

10 Here mod. text. "But let us look over again what has been said. `A woman, 0' it says, `a seller of purple, 0'" etc.

11 mss. and Edd. to gar khruttein ouk anqrwpwn alla IIn. 'Epei oun alazonikwj epoioun bowntej k. t. l. The passage needs emendation. We read ouk for oun. "They did not catch at praise, least of all from a demon: for they were no braggarts, knowing that the power to preach was not of men," etc.

12 ina meizonoj qaumatoj aitioi genwntai. B. Cat. Sav. marg. The other mss. read ina meizonoj acioi qaum. g., "They forbear to answer, so as to become worthy of more admiration." Hence this clause has been transposed. We refer it to v. 23. "The magistrates give order for their safe custody, thereby becoming the means of a greater miracle."

13 b.c., kai xwrij thj alhqeiaj, en autw tw pragmati. A. and mod. text, kai x. thj bohqeiaj autw. tw. pr., "even without the Divine succour, even though that had been withheld, yet their sufferings were ipso facto a benefit." But this alteration is not necessary. "Even apart from the Truth which they preached,-irrespectively of the fact that they were preachers of the Truth-their sufferings were a benefit. Even though they were deceived, and not preachers of the Truth, they gained by suffering: it made them strong," etc.

14 As no "secondly" follows this "first," the scribes have supplied the seeming deficiency: thus N. (Sav. marg.) prwton men oti to swma anepithdeion proj panta kai ekneneurismenon esti: deuteron de oti kai-. Mod. text IIr. men gar tou toioutou to swma auto ekluton kai pepladhkoj: epeita kai-.

15 Mod. text, "his eyes watery, his mouth smelling of wine." It is evident that Chrys. is very imperfectly reported here.

16 tefra kai konij ginetai. Unless there be an hiatus here, the meaning is, he has no more solidity in him than so much ashes and dust.

17 Mod. text, proj docan monon, proj hdonhn: "but only to vainglory, to pleasure."

18 poiei antouj bruxein kai wmodian (r. wmwdian). In Jer. xxxi. (Gr. xxxviii.) 29, the phrase is odontej twn teknwn hmwdiasan and so Hippocrat. uses the verb. aimwdian. But as Ed. Par. Ben. 2, remarks, the passage of Jer. is sometimes cited with wmwdiasan; Synops. Athanas. t. ii. 167. Isidor. Pelus. iv. Ep. 4.

19 Here, Edd. before Par. Ben. 2, adopt the amplified peroration of D. F. "Covetings, wrath, envyings, strifes, grudgings, emulations, and all the other passions. In these we ought to aim at being inactive, and with all earnestness to do the work of the virtues, that we may attain," etc.

1 Mod. text hmeij de onde en apaloij k. t. l. but Sav. justly rejects oude, and even Ben. omits it in the Latin.

2 The explanation of Chrys. that Paul and Silas could not have known that the doors were open, else they would have escaped, is clearly out of harmony with the narrative; The unwillingness of Paul (v. 37) to go forth from the prison without an explicit vindication from the authorities who had imprisoned him without just cause, shows that he was not bent upon an escape. This would be all the more true in view of the miraculous interposition in their behalf.-G. B. S.

3 i.e. "The miracle amazed him. but he was more astonished at Paul's boldness, was more moved to admiration by his kindness." But besides the transposition marked by the letters, the clauses of (a) may perhaps be better re-arranged thus: "He more marvelled at Paul's boldness, in not escaping etc., he was amazed at his kindness in hindering," etc.

4 The report seems to be defective, but the meaning may be, that in taking this high tone with the magistrates the Apostle was not influenced by personal feelings; but acted thus for the assurance of Lydia and the other believers, by letting it be seen that they were not set at liberty upon their own request. In the recapitulation another consideration is mentioned, viz. in respect of the jailer.-Mod. text "perhaps for the sake of Lydia and the other brethren: or also putting them in fear that they may not, etc., and that they may set the others also in a posture of boldness." Then, Triploun, agaphtoi, k. t. l. the third point being kai dhmosia. We reject this kai though all our mss. have it. We have also transferred the agaphtoi, which is out of place here to the beginning of the recapitulation.

5 ta aforhta ergazomenoi: perhaps, "in imagination wreaking upon their enemies an intolerable revenge."

6 Mod. text "And why did not Paul shout before this? The man was all in a tumult of perturbation, and would not have received (what was said). Therefore when he saw him about to kill himself, he is beforehand with him, and shouts saying, "We are all here." Therefore also, "Having asked," it says. "for lights, he sprang in, and fell before Paul and Silas." The keeper falls at the feet of the prisoner. And he brings them out, and says, "Sirs," etc. But the question, Dia ti mh pro0toutou; evidently cannot be meant for ebohsen o IIauloj. The meaning is, "Why did he not sooner ask, `What shall I do to be saved? 0' Observe his first impulse is to kill himself-such was the tumult of his thoughts. Suddennly awaked, he sees the doors open, and supposes the prisoners were escaped. Therefore Paul shouted to him, to reassure him on that point, until he could satisfy himself with his own eyes: as, it says, `He called for lights, 0' for that purpose: and then indeed, relieved of that fears he is overcome with awe: and falls down at the feet of his prisoner saying, `What shall I do to be saved? 0' Why, what had they said? Nothing more: but the religious awe now seizes him: for he does not think all is right and no need to trouble himself any further, because he finds himself safe from the temporal danger." For this is the meaning of ora aupon ouk, epeioh dieswqh, epi toutw stergonta, alla thn dunamin ekplagenta: not as Ben. vide illum non ab hoc diligere quod servatus esset, sed quod de virtute obstupesceret.

7 This is the sequel to what was said above: "It is not so much miracles that overpower or convince us (airei), as the sense of benefits received." For, they saw the miracle of dispossession wrought upon the girl, and they cast the doers of it into prison: whereas here the jailer sees but the doors open (the prisoners safe, the Apostle's manliness in not escaping, and their kindness to himself), and he is converted. The doors were open, and the door of his heart (like Lydia's) was opened: the prisoner's chains were loosed, and worse chains were loosed from himself: he called for a light, but the true light was lighted in his own heart.

8 hyen ekeinoj to fwj. Edd. (from D. F.) ekeino.

9 eqreye kai etrafh: probably meaning the Holy Eucharist immediately after the baptism. So above p. 219, tosauta musthria, in the case of Lydia.

10 Edd. "Having believed, that he may not seem to be liberated," etc., as if this (b) were said of the jailer. (Here again the method of the derangement is 1, 3, 5: 2, 4, 6: as in p. 213, note 5, 220, note 2).

11 In two respects the treatment of Paul and Silas at Philippi was unjust. It was contrary to natural justice to punish them "uncondemned"-without a fair and impartial trial. Moreover the Lex Valeria (254 U. C.) forbade the punishment of Roman citizens with whips and rods. It was this last violation of law which, upon reflection, the magistrates wished to hush up. Hence their eager desire that Paul and Silas go free forthwith. Every hour of detention was an accusation against themselves.-G. B. S.

12 All our mss. desmofulakoj, but Savile desmwtou. adopted by Ben. We retain the old reading-Mod. text "What say the heathen? how being a prisoner," etc. Then: "Kai tina, fhsi, peisqhnai exrhn, h miaron k. t. l. And what man (say they) was (more) to be persuaded than, etc. Moreover, they allege this also: for who but a tanner tij gar h burseuj). ...believed?"-We take tina to be acc. plur. sc. dogmata. The heathen objection is this, You may see by the character of the first converts, such as this jailer, what is the character of the doctrines: "Since what doctrines behooved (a man like this) to be persuaded of?" St. Chrys. says, "Let us bear in mind this jailer-not to dwell upon the miracle, but to consider how his prisoner persuaded him: how he induced a man like this not only to receive the doctrines, but to submit to the self-denying rule of the Gospel. The heathen raise a prejudice against the Gospel from the very fact, that such men as these were converted. What, say they, must be the teaching to be received by a wretched creature like this jailer? The doctrines were well matched with their first converts, tanner, purple-seller, eunuch," etc. (So in the remarkable argument on this same subject in the Morale of Hom. vii. in 1 Cor. p. 62, E. "but it is objected: Those who were convinced by them were slaves, women, nurses, eunuchs:" whence it seems, as here, that the case of the eunuch, Acts viii. was made a reproach, as if he must needs be a person of inferior understanding).

13 outw kai hmeij: which mod. text needlessly expands into: "(Thus also we) act in the case of those who ask of us: we then most oblige them, when they approach us by themselves not by others."

14 kai su ouk afihj; Mod. text, ouk afhei kai autoj; "will not He also forgive?"

1 This seems meant to refer to the sequel of the passage cited, Rom. ix. 4. "who are Israelites, to whom pertaineth the adoption and the glory ...and the promises:" then kai touto refers to eboulomhn, indicatively, "I wished:" but kai touto (mod. text omits touto), "And this solicitude he showed for the sake of the Gentiles also, to whom the unbelief of the Jews might be a stumbling-block:"-unless kai touto refers to v. 3, the discourse of Christ's death and resurrection-that the Cross might not be an offence to the devout Greeks.

2 meta akribeiaj enqa paqoj ouk hn. It is not easy to see what else this can mean. Below in the Recapitulation ou rumh oude zhlw.-Mod. text "With exactness they explored the Scriptures-for this is the meaning of anekrinon-wishing from them to derive assurance rather concerning the Passion: for they had already believed." The last statement, like some other additions in the mod. text, seems to be borrowed from the Catena (Ammonius) whence it is adopted also by Oecumenius: but this was certainly not Chrysostom's meaning.

3 proj touto, i. e. the working of miracles. Not only it did not win them: they set themselves against it, taxing the doers of the miracles with imposture and magical art, etc.-Mod. text "For because to Him (touton, Christ) they were opposed, and slandered Him that He was a deceiver and juggler, therefore it is that He also reasons from the Scriptures. For he that attempts to persuade by miracles alone may well be suspected: but he that persuades from the Scriptures," etc.

4 A. B. outw mega ti kai touto esti kai to pan. C. omits this: we place it after isxusan in the next sentence, where mod. text has it. This thought is brought out more fully below, p. 230. The persuading men by telling them that which even with miracles was hard to believe-a Messiah crucified!-was itself a miracle.

5 all= o Qeoj sunexwrhsen, if not corrupt, must mean "but that God permitted all: i.e. that all depended on God's permission, not on their strength,-duo egeneto, i.e. some believed v. 4., others opposed, v. 5. The sense is confused in the mss. and Edd. by the transposition of the sentences marked c and a. In c, verse 2 is substituted for v. 4, which we restore. In b, we read tw te (A. B. to te) oikonomian einai kai to kaleisqai for kai tw kal. The meaning is, And so by reason of the fact that to kaleisqai is itself oikonomia-that is of God's ordering, according to His own pleasure, who are called and who not-the preachers are not left either to think too much of themselves when they succeed, wj autoi kaqelontej, nor to be terrified by failure wj, upeuqunoi, as if they were responsible for men's unbelief.-Mod. text, "And that they may not think that they did it all by their own strength, God suffers them to be driven away (elaunesqai). For two things came of this: they neither etc. nor etc. So (much) was even the being called a matter of God's ordering. `And of the devout Greeks, 0'" etc.

6 The "devout Greeks" would include such as were Jewish proselytes and such as were worshippers of the true God and attended the synagogue services, without being connected with Judaism. The "first women" were probably female proselytes to Judaism. These heard the Apostle with interest, but the more ardent and fanatical Jews, reinforced by the baser element-the loungers from the market place, made a tumult of opposition.-G. B. S.

7 Between the Exposition and the Moral, the original editor or transcriber has thrown together a set of disconnected notes. These are here inserted in what seems to be their proper connection. In the mss. and Edd, the parts lie in the order as shown by the letters a, b prefixed.

8 We adopt the reading of B. ekeino, "the suffering;" toutou, "the rising again." The others, ekeinou, touto: reversing Chrysostom's meaning.

9 The accusation is artfully made. They are accused of the crimen majestatis-treason against Caesar. The Jews knew well that to accuse them of disturbing their worship or opposing their opinions would produce no effect. To arouse the Roman feeling against them it was necessary to prevent their teaching concerning the Kingship of Jesus so as to make it seem to the rulers of this free city as a treasonable doctrine against the Roman state.-G. B. S.

10 "When they had taken security"-labontej to ikanon, a legal term-satisfactionem accipere, it is doubtful if, as Chrys. supposes, Jason became surety in person. The surety was more probably a deposit of money and had for its object the guaranty that the peace should be kept, and nothing done contrary the Emperor and the state.-G. B. S.

11 Mod. text mistaking the meaning, has: "But they indeed were persuaded, but these do just the contrary, making an uproar among them."

12 Edd. kaqaper gar en swmati, otan h nosoj xalepwtera h, pleiona exei thn ulhn kai thn trofhn. Neander, der heil. Chysost. t. i. p. 2. note, corrects the passage thus, kaqaper gar en swmati h nosoj xalepwtera, otan pl. exoi thn ulhn. But A. C. preserve the true reading exousa.

13 Of the Edd. Savile alone has adopted the true reading pwj ou taxewj epitrexousi toij shmeioij, preserved by B. The other mss. and Edd. omit ou.

14 Here again Savile (with B.) has the true reading oupw gar, the rest outw.

15 Here (because it seems unsuitable to refer this to xarij, i. e. supernatural grace, or special miraculous interposition,) B. substitutes, all' ina peiran labwsi, dianistwsan autouj kai diupnizousan kai eij merimnan emballousan, epoiei autouj kai anqrwpina pasxein, "but in order that they may get experience, rousing and waking, and making them take pains, (the Lord) made them to suffer (or be affected) after the manner of men."-Below, for "Philippi" the same has "Athens."

16 mss. kai arxontej arxomenwn, kai hgoumenoi (mod. text hgoumenoj) uphkown. A change is necessary in one or other clause, and we read arxontwn arxomenoi.

1 The old text has peirasmouj, perhaps for sebasmouj. Mod. text, tosauta eidwla.

2 Old text, outwj autou fqeggomenou ubristikwj euqewj (comp. Recapitulation) makran touto filosofiaj: apo tou khrugmatoj. oti oudena tufon eixen. Hence Mod. text, oude apephdhsan apo tou khr., eipontej: makron touto fil. #Oti oud. t. eixen: allwj de oti ouk enooun k. t. l. The insertion of the texts removes some of the difficulties. Perhaps apo tou khr. is opposed to euqewj: the one sort straightway expressed their disdain, with a supercilious, "What does this opeqmologoj mean to say?" the other sort did listen, and condescended to comment on the matter of the preaching, having heard it-apo tou khr. (as in the phrase apo tou deipnou)-saying, "He seemeth," etc. Of these Chrys. may have said, oti oudena tufon eixon, opp. to ubristikwj. But all the mss. have eixen, and so we have rendered it.

3 Here the mss. have the text v. 18, and v. 19, 20 after "female divinities also."

4 The view of Chrys. that the Greeks supposed Paul to designate by the Anastasis some goddess, has been shared by many more recent interpreters, but seems very improbable. The apostle could hardly have spoken so abstractly of the resurrection as to give rise to such a misapprehension. Paul doubtless spoke of Jesus' own resurrection and of its relation to that of believers (vid. 1 Cor. xv.), although in the text the absence of autou permits us to find only the idea of the general resurrection expressed.-G. B. S.

5 mss. and Edd. oux wste maqein, all' wste kolasai. But this cannot be Chrysostom's meaning: for in the opening of the Hom. he remarks, that there was nothing of persecution here (comp. the opening of Hom. xxxix.), and in the Recapitulation, that the Athenians at this time were under Roman Law. Also in the following sentence, he explains that their questions were prompted by the hope of learning, #Ora goun (i. e. to show that this was their meaning) kai en elpidi tou maqein. In the Recapitulation indeed, he says, they brought him wj kataplhcontej, but this is a different thing from wste kolasai. Therefore we have transposed the order of the words. The clause enqa ai fonikai dikai (and in the Recapitulation enqa taj f d. edikazon, which we retain from B.), seems to be meant to show that they did not bring him there for trial.

6 The principal points to be noted for the interpretation of v. 23 are as follows: (1) Pausanias (a.d. 174) and Philostratus (a.d. 244) testify to the existence at Athens of altars with the inscription: agnwstw qew. (2). "Upon important occasions, when the reference to a god known by name was wanting, as in public calamities of which no definite god could be assigned as the author, in order to honor or propitiate the god concerned by sacrifice, without lighting on a wrong one, altars were erected which were destined and designated agnwstw qew." (Meyer.) (3) By these inscriptions the Athenians referred to no particular divinities, but to supposed benefactors or avengers to whom they, in their religious system, could attach no name. (4) No reference is to be found in these inscriptions to the God of the Jews. The true text: o oun agnoountej eusebeite, touto egw kataggelw umin (instead of the masculine on-touton of the cursives and the T. R.) does not require the supposition of such a reference. They acknowledged an unknown-lying beyond their pantheon. Paul declares what this is: the true God as revealed in Jesus Christ. They would only partially and gradually understand his full meaning.-G. B. S.

7 prostet. E. V. "before appointed" (protet).

8 Edd. kai thn dhmiourgian edhlwse kai touj anqrwpouj Comp. Recapitulation. whence it appears that he means "Both heaven and earth, and mankind also were created, not generated or emanated."

9 Kai mhn dia touto ofeilomen. Mod. text inserts a fhsin, to make this an interlocution, in the sense, "Nay but for this reason, viz., being His offspring, we ought to think of Him as in the likeness of man." But this cannot be Chrysostom's meaning. Perhaps Chrys. said, oude touto, viz., after the following sentence, so that the sense will be, "We ought not to think the Godhead like unto gold, etc., the graven work of man's art. By no means: for certainly we ourselves, our souls, are not like unto such. Nay, more, we ought not to think even this, that the Godhead is like unto aught that man's imagination can conceive, as the Apostle adds, kai enqumhsewj anqrwpou to Qeion eikai omoion." (See the Recapitulation.) He proceeds: ti dhpote; i. e. Why having said xaragmati texnhj does he add kai enqum. onqr.? The answer, not expressed here, is, "Because neither is it subject to any other human conception," (dianoia, Recapitulation). Then, the old text has, ouk esti proj filosofian: pwj oun palin to zhtoumenon: touj men oun xron. k. t. l. Here we insert from the Recapitulation a sentence, which, where it stands, is superfluous (p. 236, note 6): 'All' eipoi an tij, Ou touto nomizomen. 'Alla proj touj pollouj o logoj hn autw, and then, ouketi (so we correct ouk esti) proj filosofian. i. e. "Philosophers may say, We do not so think of the Godhead. But he is not dealing with Philosophy, but proj troj touj pollouj. IIwj oun oux euron; or the like; IIalin to zhtoumenon. Again coming to the question in hand (An `Unknown 0' God, Whom ye 'ignorantly worship, he says). Now the times of ignorance," etc.-Mod. text. "Why did he not immediately come (esth) to Philosophy, and say, God is incorporeal by nature, invisible and without form? Because it seemed superfluous at present to say these things to men who had not yet (mhtw om. E.) learned that there is but one God. Therefore leaving those matters, he addresses himself (istatai) to the matter in hand, and says, Now the times," etc.

10 Old text inserts here the whole of v. 30, 31, then, kaitoige fhsin, wrisen hm. anasthsaj auton ek nekrwn. Kataseisaj autwn thn dianoian tw fobw, tote epagei touto. It appears from the Recapitulation that kat. tw f. refers to the preceding verses, being explained by deicaj anapologhtouj: and epagei touto to the first clause of v. 30, the overlooking of the times of ignorance. We have arranged the matter accordingly.-Mod. text, v. 30, 31. "See, having agitated their minds by saying, `He hath appointed a day, 0' and terrified them, then he seasonably adds this, `Having raised Him from the dead. 0'" Which is clearly not Chrysostom's meaning.

11 ouk eferen, all' ethketo. The latter word seems incongruous, unless there he a reference to what St. Paul says of the state of his mind while waiting at Athens, in 1 Thess. ii. 1. q.d. this is not the state of feeling in which one is apt to give way to anger and irritation.

12 ama men tou nomou luomenou fhsin loipon, ama de didaskontej eusebeian touj anqrwpouj. i. e. "of which dispersion the consequence was indeed a breaking down, it may be said, of the Law (by intermarriages, etc.), but withal a spreading of the true religion among men." Mod. text, having mistakenly changed pro to apo, inserts ec ekeinou "from that time" before tou nomouq: and also omits fhsin loipon, which the innovator did not understand.-'All' ouden isxusan (mod. text, ekerdanan) ekeinoi. But those Jews, for all their success in spreading their religion, availed nothing, save that they got (more) witnesses (marturiaj perhaps should be marturaj) of their own proper calamities (when the wrath came upon them to the uttermost), i.e. they prepared the way for the Gospel. but for themselves they availed nothing, but only to increase the number of those who should bear witness to the truth of God's judgment upon them for their unbelief.

13 This, as it stands seems to be meant rather for the Manichaeans than the heathen philosophers, to whom, he has just before said, the very notion of creation was strange. But the whole exposition is most inadequately given, through the carelessness or incompetency of the reporter. To be referred to the heathen, it should be allon men einai kurion (as Jupiter) ou poihthn de: and this is favored, perhaps, by the unnecessary thn de (omitted by A. B.) as remaining from ou poihthn de agennuton ulhn upotiqentej.

14 'Entauqa loipon ainigmatwdwj eipe to autou kai esthse-i. e. in speaking of God, he at the same time hints at the coequal Godhead of the Son: for He also is Creator and Lord. See p. 233 in the comments on v. 23, and v. 25, 26.

15 oti ouk esti merikh, oude yuxh tou anqrwpou. "This is very obscure, and seems remote from the matter in hand. Hales ap. Sav. thinks it has come into the text from some other place. I should rather think the passage either mutilated or corrupt." Ben. "There is nothing either obscure or corrupt in the passage." Ed. Par. The meaning seems to be, As the whole creation is the work of One God, not merikej but to kaqolou, so are all mankind, universally, His work; the soul too, as well as the body.

16 This and the following sentences seem to be fragments belonging to the preceding exposition. But the whole is too confused and mangled to admit of any satisfactory restoration.

17 IIwj kai anqrwpoj gegone. Or (see note 2.) "How He (the Son) became man"-as belonging to some other place; e. g. after oudepw ta megala eipen. Or this may be put in the place of pwj qerapeuetai, note 8. Mod. text. "Having before shown, how the heaven was made, then he declared," etc.

18 apefhnato: above, to mhdenoj deisqai, oper apefhnato.

19 This also may be part of the argument against the Arians, which Chrys. seems to have brought into his exposition. See note 2.

20 This is clearly out of place. Perhaps pwj kai anqrwpoj gegane (note 5.) belongs here.

21 Kata taj oroqesiaj. Perhaps Chrys. may have read kata taj or. in his copy of the Acts: as Cod. Bezae and S. Irenaeus, kata thn oroqesian.

22 Mod. text spoiling tbe sense; "And this he says showing that not even now had they, having sought, found: although He was as plain to be found as anything would be that was (set) in the midst to be handled."

23 Old text: Toutestin, oikeiouj, eggutatouj wsper paroikouj kai geitonaj otan legh: so Cat. The two last words are out of place; we insert them with the text-words after # /Ia gar mh. The sense is: He does not mean, with the heathen poet, that mankind came from God by generation or emanation: but that we are very near to Him.

24 Here mss. and Edd, have ouden gar outwj anqrwpoij enantion, as if it meant, "nothing so goes against men as strangeness." We place it in what seems a more suitable connection: "We ought not to think," etc. for so far from "the Godhead" being "like unto such," nothing is so much the reverse of like unto men, who "are his offspring."

25 ti gar\ uper touto Qeoj\ oude touto: alla tewj touto: A. b.c., ti gar to uper touto qeoj: oude k. t. l. Cat. om. ti gar to, and alla tewj touto. Mod. text, all' uper touto. ti dai to uper touto\ Qeoj: all' oude touto, energeiaj gar estin onoma: alla tewj touto.

26 Possibly the connection may be, "He is not addressing himself to the notions of philosophers, (supra, note 1, p. 234). for them he insinuated to aswmaton by the 'En autw zwmen, the intimate presence of Deity, the denial of body by the denial of diasthma which is necessarily implied in the notion of body. But he speaks to the many, and puts it to them in this way, We, being in respect of the soul, akin to God, ought not to think," etc.-Mod. text omits proj touj pollouj.

27 Here the mss. and Edd. have the sentence all' eipoi an tij-o logoj autw, which we have transferred above, p. 234, note 1. In the next sentence, ei gar hmeij ouk esmen omoioi ekeinoij to kata yuxhn, A. b.c. omit the negative, which Cat. and mod. text retain.

28 Ei gar h texnh h dianoia eure, A. b.c. but Cat. om. ei gar, mod. text h gar texnh h d. eure. Dia touto outwj eipen: A. also has this last clause, which is unknown to b.c. Cat. In the translation we assume the reading to be, Ei gar oper h t. h d. eure-dia touto outwj "texn. h enq. a."-oper oun t. h d. a. eure, touto o Qeoj, kai en liqw ousia qeou.

29 i. e. in v. 27. "that they should seek the Lord ...being, as He is, not far from every one of us." But text refers it to the following clause, by adding eipwn.

30 IIasi gar tauthn pareixe pistin, i. e. God; but C. and mod. text pareixon, as if it meant "the Apostles gave assurance of Christ's resurrection," overlooking the pistin parasxwn of the text.'

31 Mod. text "The things spoken have given proof of His rising from the dead."

32 A. b.c. meta gar tauta kaqolikaj eidenai autw. The sense would be satisfied by meta to taj kaq. eidenai autw xaritaj. Mod. text. "Together with the reckoning up of what God has done for us in common (benefits), so many that none is able even to number them, and giving Him thanks for all these, let us all bethink us of what has been done for each one of us, and reckon them up day by day. Since then these," etc.

33 twn iatrwn twn ekei. Mod. text omits twn, and adds menein, kai: "the physicians ordering him to stay there." The mss., except A. which has preserved the true reading eircato, have hrcato, whence Erasm. Ben. coepit gargarizare-just what the boy refused to do. He would not take the gargle, nor any other medicine or food.-For sbennutai we restore with mod. text sbennunai.-wj dhqen filosofwn either as above, or "to show his strength of mind forsooth."-uper filoneikiaj, B. filotimiaj. (Erasmus' translation is altogether wide of the sense.)

34 aplwj de (kai mod. text.) ashma. Meaning perhaps, "being speechless, he read and heard, but could not give tokens of understanding what he learned."

35 mss. kai o pathr autw kathrato, kai teleuthsai huxeto kai h mhthr: eti gar etuxe zwn o pathr autou. Mod. text. "His mother prayed for him to die, and his father cursed him, for he was yet living."

36 tuxon aplastwj zhtountwn: meaning perhaps, in earnest not for form's sake. The occasion of this strictness was doubtless the affair of Theodorus the Sicilian, see t. i. 343 B. and 470 D. (IIro deka toutwn etwn ealwsan epi turannidi tinej k. t. l.) For the history of the treasonable and magical practices against Valens at Antioch, in which Theodorus was implicated, and of the severities exercised in consequence of that attempt, see Ammianus Marcell. xxix. init. Comp. Zosi mus iv. 13, 3, Sozomen vi. 35, Socrates iv. 19.

37 eita endoqen labwn aphei: apepagh tw deei It is not easy to see what this means, unless the sense intended be, "the soldier paced backward and forward, so that we were intercepted between his walk and the river."-Mod. text, eita e. l, aphei kai apephgei tw deei Erasm qui hoc animadvertens abiit, et timere nos fecit. Ben. Hinc. vero socius. illo occultato abiit et timore tabescebat. We must certainly read apepaghn, or apepaghmen.

1 Here in mss. and Edd. the order is confused by the insertion of the text xvii. 34; xviii. 1-3, and the transposition of the sentence marked (a), in consequence of which the first sentence of (c) has been misunderstood, as if it meant that St. Paul thought it enough merely to sow the seeds at Athens (tewj mod. text Cat. twn logwn), "because the greater part of his life was now passed." So Cat. is further betrayed into a misconception of the following words epi men gar Nerwnoj eteleiwqh, adding o IIauloj, as if it referred to St. Paul's martyrdom: and so Ben. mistakes the matter, major' enim pars vitae illius jam (entauqa) transacta erat. Nam sub Nerone consummatus est, as Erasm. occisus est:' though the opposition to the epi men N. in the following clause apo de Kl., might have obviated this misapprehension.

2 See Recapitulation, p. 239, note 1.

3 A. b.c. tw logw: so the best mss. of the Acts, Gr. and Lat. instabat verbo.

4 A. b.c. wste kai apo (B. om.) tou zhlou (zhlon C.) exein apo thj geitniasewj. Cat. has preserved the true reading, apo toutou zhlon.

5 This would be better transposed thus: kai mhn, fhsin, hgagon auton proj ton anq., all' qouden sxusan. Mod. text, "but they only brought him," etc. What follows is confused by the transposition after ora goun entauqa of the part (a) beginning with the same words.

6 The mss. have qEllhnej as in some copies of the Acts and Elz., but the best authorities Gr. and Lat. simply pantej. We adopt oi 'Ioudaioi from the Catena, and Chrys. evidently understood it of the Jews.

7 Here A. b.c. insert the sentence ora touj pistouj k. t. l. which mod. text rightly removes to the comment on v. 8, and after it, ora pwj o n moj kataluetai loipon: which unless it means, "See here the beginning of the judgment on the Jews, the dissolution of their Law, and overthrow of their nation," of which Chrys. speaks in this sentence, is out of place here, and belongs to the comment on v. 18, i.e. to the beginning of Hom. 40, which in fact opens with these words. So mod. text understands them. "Mark how the Law, begins to be dissolved from henceforth. For this man, being a Jew, having after these things shorn his head in Cenchrea, goes with Paul into Syria. Being a man of Pontus, not in Jerusalem nor near it did he haste to come, but at a greater distance." The innovator's meaning seems to have been, that he shore his head in fulfilment of his vow, not in Jerusalem, nor near Jerusalem, but at a greater distance, viz. in Cenchrea." But St. Chrys. is here commenting on Claudius' edict (see above, p. 240, on v. 2): "See here the beginning of the judgment on the Jews: it was hasting to come, but it began not in Jerusalem, nor in Palestines but at a greater distance-at Rome, in this edict of the Emperor: ouk en 9Ierosolumoi, oude plhsion espeuden elqein alla makroterw."

8 The sentence may be completed with: "had spent the greater part of his life at Rome." etc.; see above, p. 236, but the copyist make outoj nom. to ouk espeuden elqein.

9 To this clause, mod. text rightly refers the comment, ora touj pistouj tote meta thj oikiaj touto poiountaj oloklhrou, which the original text has after kai eteroi tinej of xvii. 34.

10 There is no sufficient ground for the supposition of Chrys. that the Sosthenes here mentioned was a Christian and the same who is saluted in 1 Cor. i. 1. On the contrary, he was the leader of the Jewish party who persecuted the ruler of the synagogue, perhaps the successor of Crispus who had become a Christian. The reading 'Ioudaioi of some inferior mss. in v. 17 which is followed by Chrys. would easily give rise to this misconception. The true text is most probably pantej, meaning the officers of the governor. The representatives of the Roman government, then, attacked Sosthenes, the leader of the party which was persecuting Paul. Thus their effort ended in failure. And so indifferent was Gallio that he in no way interfered. Paul's accusers were thus themselves beaten and the whole effort at prosecution miserably failed.-G. B. S.

11 h de oikeiwsij tou X. pleon, Sed familiaritas Christi magis. Ben. Chrys. said above, that the most powerful consideration was this which is put last, "For I have much people in this city." The meaning here is, That there was "much people" to be converted, was a cheering consideration: that Christ should say, laoj moi polnj estin, speaking of them as "His own," was the strongest inducement.

12 b.c. oti hlegxqh foboumenoj h ouk hlegxqh wste mh (C. mhde) paqein. A., ote elexqh wste de mh paqein, (which is meant for emendation: "This was enough to rouse him when it was spoken: but, that he should not suffer," etc.) Mod. text, oti hl. foboumenoj, h ouk hl. men, all' wste mhde touto paqein. We read Ouk oti hlegxqh wj foboumenoj. wste de mh paqein, 'Egw eimi meta son. The accidental omission of ouk may have been corrected in the margin by the gloss h ouk hl. But the sense seems to be otherwise confused by transpositions. "It is true, even the number, and still more Christ's oikeiwsij of them, prevailed with him. This was enough to rouse him. But Christ begins by saying, "Fear not," etc. And in fact the danger was increased, etc. Not that Paul was reproved as being afraid, etc.

13 From this point to the end of the Exposition all is confused. To make something like connection, it has been necessary to rearrange the parts, but the restoration is still unsatisfactory.

14 Kai edidacen oti ta toiauta dikastikhj yhfou [ou, this we supply,] deitai: alla ataktwj panta poiousin. Mod. text edidace gar (h te toutwn qepieikeia kai ekeinwn qrasuthj, from f) oti ta toi. dik yhf. deitai.

15 Here, between the parts g and h, the mss. have two sentences retained by Edd. but clearly out of place, unless they form part of a second recapitulation: "Therefore he departed from Athens." "Because there was much people here."

16 Ps. x. 4. "The wicked, through the pride of his countenance, will not," etc. E.V.

17 mss. pollw mallon outoi 'Ioudaioi akousontai, otan ta 'Ioudaiwn poiwsin wsper kakeinoi diabolou tekna, epeidh k. t. l. We omit 'Ioudaioi.

18 ou gar outw to ubrisai pleonekthsomen autwn, wj to didaxqhnai oti ubrisamen eautouj. B. and mod. text tw ubr., tw did. The oti om. by A. b.c. Sav. is supplied by mod. text. A has deixqhnai, Sav. dialexqhnai. The construction is pleonektein ti tinoj. "We may think we have got something, viz. the pleasure of having disgraced them; whereas all that we get, in advance of them, is the being taught that we have disgraced ourselves."

19 kai triton (om. C.), oti ubristhn einai ou xrh. This cannot be, "for a third reason," or "in the third place," out seems rather to mean "the third party" spoken of in the preceding sentence. Perhaps it may mean, As the judge does not himself arraign nor even interrogate the criminal, but by a third person, because the judge must not seem to be an ubristhj, so there is need of a third person, kai triton dei eij meson elqein oti. ...But the whole scope of the argument is very obscure.

20 Old text: ubristhj, klepthj kataratoj kai drapethj: kai wj an eipoi tij spoudh eisiwn, kaqaper ekeinoj pantaxou periblepetai ufelesqai ti spoudazwn, outw kai outoj panta periskopei ekballein tiqelwn. We read ubristhj. Kai wj an ei tij klepthj katar. kai drap. spoudh eisiwn, pant. peribl. uf. ti welwn, outw kai outoj kaqaper ekeinoj pantaperisk. ekballein ti spoudazwn. But it can hardly be supposed that Chrys. thus expressed himself. The purport seems to be this: To be abusive is to behave like a slave, like a foul-mouthed hag. (see p. 200.) And the abusive man, when he is eager to catch at something in your life or manners, the exposure of which may disgrace you, is like a thief who should slink into a house, and pry about for something that he can lay hold of-nay, like one who should purposely look about for the filthiest things he can bring out, and who in so doing disgraces himself more than the owner.

21 Here again wsper an eipoi tij, B. for wsper an ei tij, C.-The sentence ouxi ta ofaireqenta hsxune tosouton is incomplete; viz. "the owner, by the exposure of the noisomeness, as the stealer himself who produces it."

1 Two points are much disputed in reference to the vow mentioned in v. 18: (1) What kind of a vow it was, whether the Nazarite vow or some other. (2) Whether it had been taken and whether the shaving of the head was done by Paul or by Aquila. The majority of interpreters maintain that this shaving of the head represented the termination of a Nazarite vow which had been taken by Paul. The view encounters two great difficulties: (1) How can we suppose that the champion of liberty from Jewish ceremonies and observances should himself be given to their observance? (2) Luke here places the name of the wife Priscilla first and then Aquila, and keiramenoj stands next to this name. It is most naturally construed with the name to which it stands nearest, especially when this unexpected arrangement of the names of the husband and wife is taken into account. It is true that the same arrangement is found in the salutation of Paul (Rom. xvi. 3; 1 Tim. iv. 19), but this may be due to the predominant Christian activity of the wife; so also in v. 26, which may have been conformed to this passage. The former consideration is the one of chief importance. On the other side it must be acknowledged that there would be less motive for mentioning a vow of Aquila than of Paul. The vow taken was probably akin to that of the Nazarites. It is referred to Paul by the older interpreters by Bengel, Olshausen, Zeller, De Wette, Lange, Hackett, Gloag, Lechler, Bleek, Ewald; to Aquila, by the Vulgate, Grotius, Kuinoel. Wieseler, Meyer, Conybeare and Howson.-G. B. S.

2 Edd. without stop, htij ouk egeneto meta to tupthqhnai ton Swsqenhn.-B. N. Cat. egeneto eti, which is the eti of v. 18, and explained by the following words.

3 'Idou kai gunh: transposed from after the sentence, "For having been-custom as Jews." Mod. text adds, to ison andrasi poiousa kai didaskousa. But perhaps the comment was, "and mentioned before her husband." See Serm. in illud Salutate Prise. et Aquil. tom. iii. p. 176. B. where he comments on this position of the names, and adds that "she having taken Apollos, an eloquent man, etc. taught him the way of God and made him a perfect teacher."

4 Something is wanting here, for in ekwlueto eij thn 'Asian elqein there seems to be a reference to xvi. 6. kwluqentej lalhsai ton logon en tn 'Asia, and again in ou mhn autouj aplwj eiasen to ibid. 7. ouk eiasen autouj to pneuma. He may have spoken to this effect: This was his first visit to Ephesus, for he was forbidden before to come into Asia. ...Not however that the Spirit aplwj ouk eiasen, but he says, with promise, I will come to you, etc. The prohibition was not absolute, but he was not permitted on the former occasion to preach in Asia (Procons.), because he was impelled to more urgent duties (in Macedonia and Greece); accordingly here also he has other immediate objects in view, and therefore cannot stay. So in Hom. xli. on xix. 10, 11. "For this reason also (the Lord) suffered him not to come into Asia, waiting (or reserving Himself) for this conjuncture."

5 What St. Chrysostom said has been misconceived by the reporter or the copyists. He meant to remark two things concerning Apollos: 1. That having only the baptism of John he nevertheless had the Spirit, nay, was "fervent in the Spirit." How so? He had it, as Cornelius had it; the baptism of the Spirit without the baptism of water. (See Recapitulation fin.) 2. That there is no mention of his receiving baptism, as the twelve did in the following narrative. St. Luke, he says, evidently had a meaning in this juxtaposition of the two incidents. Apollos had the baptism of the Spirit "therefore did not need the water." (Hence whether he received it or not, the writer does not think need to mention it.) Those twelve had no accurate knowledge even of the facts relating to Jesus: nor so much as know whether there were a Holy Ghost.-The scribes did not comprehend this view of the case. Hence A. C. omit all' ou baptizetai, retained by B. mod. text and Cat. Oec. (all' oude b.)-They take oi meta touton (i.e. the twelve of the following incident) to mean the Apostles, and therefore make it pollw mallon kai outoj edehqh an, "if Christ's own disciples after John's baptism needed the baptism of Christ, a fortiori this man would need it."-They find the baptism in the akrib. autw eceqento, "this was one of the points they taught him-that he must be baptized."-St. Chrys. probably spoke of the case of the hundred and twenty who were baptized with the Spirit on the Day of Pentecost: i.e. "Those having" the greater, the baptism of the Spirit, did not need the less, the baptism of water. The scribes absurdly make him suggest that Apollos may have been one of the hundred and twenty.

6 Perhaps it should be, kai ei oi meta touton. <\=85_tou X., pwj oux outoj edehqh an\ 'All' oude bapizetai. Ti oun estin eipein\ oude gar aplwj efechj eqhken amfotera. (By amf. perhaps the scribes understood. the "knowing only the baptism of John," and, the being "fervent in Spirit") 'Emoi dokei oper epi twn ekaton eikosi twn meta twn 'Ap. baptisqentwn, oper epi tou Kornhliou gegone, gegenhtai kai epi toutou.

7 Here Oecumenius perceived that Chrys. was misrepresented. Accordingly, he reads. Toutou oun akrtbwj ecetasqentoj (Cat. to oun akribwj ecetasqen to, a confusion of the two readings), dokei touto mh einai oti ..."This point being closely examined, it does not seem to mean this, that he also needed to be baptized." But the scribes took it as above, and the innovator (with whom A. partly agrees) enlarges it thus: "But he is not baptized, but when "they expounded to him more perfectly." But this seems to me to be true, that he did also need to be baptized: since the other twelve," etc. On this the Paris Editor, supposing the twelve Apostles to be meant, strangely remarks, Itane? duodecim quoe Jesum spectabant nihil noverunt Imo oi kr, i. e. oi ekaton eikost. As if it were likely that those hundred and twenty could be so ignorant.

8 Eikoj de auton kai baptisqhnai. If Chrys. said this (see note 7, p. 247), the meaning may be: "It is likely however that he did receive baptism," viz. though the writer does not mention it. For this is the point-the writer mentions it in the case of those twelve, for it was the means by which they, ignorant hitherto of the existence of a Holy Ghost, received the Spirit; not so in the case of Apollos, for as he had already the baptism of the Spirit, the water was quite a subordinate consideration. See above, Hom, xxiv. p. 157, on the case of Cornelius.

9 Still overlooking the reference to the following narrative, b.c. read Ei de autoi oi 'Iwannou-. "But if even John's disciples," etc.: mod. text and A., Plhn ei kai autoi-, reading the next clause affirmatively, Cat. and Oec., ei de outoi oi 'Iwannou-, which we adopt. The scribes have further darkened the sense by inserting here v. 27 to the end, and xix. 1-7.

10 The utter confusion of the text makes it uncertain what Chrys. said concerning Apollos. The probability is that he still stood upon the plane of John's baptism and teaching, a zealous and able man, but not yet instructed in the Christian doctrine of the Spirit, nor understanding the significance of Christian baptism. It is probable that after receiving instruction he was re-baptized with the twelve at Ephesus (xix. 5-7).-G. B. S.

11 IIroetreyato (Sav, marg. anto) kai outoj (A. outwj). We read proetreyanto de kai outoi.

12 Viz. the Spirit came upon them in baptism, but it did not appear until Paul had laid his hands upon them: then they spake with tongues, etc.

13 epi Nerwnoj must be removed from the end of the sentence where the mss. and Edd. have it.

14 Instead of this, Edd. have v. 22, 23.

15 From this point to the end of the Exposition, all is confused, viz. in the old text the order is as here marked by the letters a, a, a. . b. b. . i.e. it gives two expositions, severally imperfect, but completing each other. In mod. text the parts are rearranged, but so that the first of the portions marked b is placed after the second of those marked a. It also assigns some of the comments to wrong texts, and in many places alters the sense.

16 Mod. text "From the baptism itself (i.e. immediately after it) they prophesy: but this the baptism of John had not; wherefore it was imperfect. But that they may be made worthy of such gifts, he more prepared them first."

17 Mod. text "that they who receive baptism are (therein) thoroughly cleansed from their sins: for were it not so, these would not have received the gifts immediately."

18 Mod. text "And how is it that they who have received the Spirit taught not, but Apollos did, who had not yet received the Spirit?" An entire perversion of Chrysostom's meaning.

19 In the mss. it is pw" de ouk elabon baptisma; which cannot be right. We restore elaben.

20 Mod. text besides other alterations: "that communicating in the other things one with another, in the essentials (en toij anagkaioij) we do not communicate, and being in peace with all men are at variance one with another."

21 Ouk apo toutwn umaj enagomen, all' apo twn allwn. But the scope seems to require, Ouk apo t. u. apagomen, i. e. "as these are things not even to be supposed to exist among Christians, we do not make it our business to lead you away from these;"-and for the other clause, "But would lead you on to those other things" which Sirach has not mentioned.

22 A. substitutes kai gar polla esti ta sunwqounta hmaj kai sundesmounta proj filiaj: "For indeed there are many things which perforce impel us to become and bind us to continue friends," viz. independently of our own choice: which is good in point of sense; but the original reading of the passage implies this meaning: "Even the men of the world acknowledge the necessity of friendship, and look out pleas, inducements, and justifications for friendship: ora posa oi ecwqen epenohsan filika"-i. e. which are far-fetched, and therefore need epinoeisqai, compared with the near and constraining motives which bring and keep us Christians together. For sunteknian which appears in all our mss. and is retained without suspicion by the Edd. we confidently restore suntexnian, comp. xviii. 2. dia to omotexnon einai. There is a gradation from lower to higher, suntexnian, geitonian (or geitosunhn C. A.) suggeneiaj.

23 In the old text both sense and syntax are confused by the transpositions of the parts marked (c) and (b)-occasioned perhaps by the homoeteleuton, viz., sumfwnian at the end of (a) and (c): hence (d) ouden aphxej adousa meloj has nothing to agree with, unless it were the mia yuxh of (c); accordingly C. omits adousa. Mod. text reforms the whole passage thus: "Just as in an harp, the sounds are diverse, but one the harmony, and one the musician who touches the harp: so here, the harp is Charity itself, and the ringing sounds are the loving words brought forth by Charity, all of them giving out one and the same harmony and symphony: but the musician is the might of Charity: this strikes out the sweet strain. I could wish to lead you into such a city, were it possible, wherein were one soul, and thou shouldest see how than all harp and flute more harmonious is the symphony there, singing no dissonant strain,"-Instead of ouden aphxej adousa meloj. Touto ..., we place the full stop after adousa, so that the next sentence begins Meloj touto kai aggelouj k. t. l. and at the end of it, instead of Qeon eufrainei to meloj. #Olon ..., we read eufrainei. Touto meloj olon k. t. l.

24 The omission in b.c. of this clause and the following which A. and Mod. text retain, may be explained by the like ending upoqesin sxein. Mod. text has also after qumhdia: the clause en gelwti aei esti kai trufh.

25 eij to pleon timhqhnai epispwmenoj. As epispasqai, epispasasqai in Chrys. is generally transitive with accusative of the thing, which is here to pleon timhqhnai we read, eij sauton to pl. t. 0.

1 mss. and Edd. IIantaxou gar par autwn ebouleto labein aformhn, oper efhn. Ta te gar eqnh parezhlou loipon kai padiwj k. t. l.. In parezhlon there is an allusion to Rom. xi. 14, "if by any means I may provoke them to jealousy:" its subject therefore should be "the Apostle" (nam et gentes exstimulabat jam, Erasm.) "he was henceforth provoking to jealousy, being what he said to the Romans, "If by any means I may provoke," etc., not "the Gentiles," as Ben. makes it, nam gentes jam zelo fervebant. Besides transposing the parts b, c, we read, IIarezhlon loipon. Ta. re gar equh radiwj. ...But perhaps it should be IIarezhlou loipon, oper efh <\dq_Ei pwj parazhlwsw k. t. l."

2 Dia touto enoxlei (hnwxlei Sav.) autoij sunexwj metapeiqwn, old text, retained by Saville. He is explaining why St. Paul still resorted to the synagogues, though an unwelcome visitant. He wished to separate the Church from the Synagogue: but he would not himself take the first step towards this. It must he the act of the Jews. Therefore until they by their outrageous conduct obliged him to depart, he kept on troubling them with his presence (eiswqounta, hnwxlei). Not that his discourse was harsh: that word, eparrhj., does not mean this, but that he spoke freely and without reserve. (Recapitulation)-The unusual word metapeiqwn is probably a corruption of the abbreviation of the text-words, epi mhnaj treij dialeg. kai peiqwn, which the reporter may have written thus, m. t. peiqwn.-Mod. text substitutes Dia touto dielegeto autoij sunexwj oti epeiqe.

3 poson hnusen h epistasia. Cat., apostasia, with reference to apostaj in v. 9.-The letters marking the order in which the parts are given in the mss. will show the extreme confusion into which the notes of this Homily have fallen.

4 Ouxi forountej hptonto monon. Edd. i.e. "The process was not only this, that persons bearing these things, by touching the sick healed them, but the things themselves simply laid upon the sick were effectual for their healing." But A. C. Cat. forountoj, which is much better: "It was not only that they touched him (the Apostle) wearing these things"-viz. as the woman was healed by touching the hem of Christ's garment-"but receiving them, they laid them upon the sick," etc.-In the next sentence (g), for touto kai to twn skiwn estin oper elegen, (which Sav. gives in marg.), Edd. have touto to twn skiwn ainittomenoj, which Ben. renders has umbras insinuans. St. Chrys. elsewhere alleges the miraculous efficacy of St. Paul's garments and of St. Peter's shadow, in illustration of our Lord's saying, t. i. 537. A. t. ii. 53. C.

5 Ephesus was famous for its sorcerers and magicians. Plutarch and Eustathius speak of Ephesian letters ('Efesia grammata) which, written on slips, were carried about as charms and had power to assure success and avert disaster. The perierga were arts connected with this sorcery and the books burned contained, no doubt, mysterious sentences and symbols which gave to them an extravagant worth in the eyes of the superstitious. In this way the large price set upon them may be accounted for.-G. B. S.

6 The meaning seems to be, Such was the effect of his two years' preaching at Ephesus: and his Epistle shows what high attainments in the faith were made by the Ephesians.

7 The partial restoration which is here attempted implies this scheme of the derangement: 2, 1.: 1, 3, 2, 4: see note 3, p. 252.

8 wj mhte tonj maqhtaj eij qumon egeirai, mhte ekeinouj anaxwrhsai. Mod. text. transposes eij q. egeirai and anaxwr. We read anexwrhse. The verb either to ekeinouj or to touj maqhtaj is probably lost.

9 Some have supposed Tyrannus to have been a Jewish teacher, who conducted a school in a private synagogue-a Beth Midrash (so Meyer). In this view, Paul and his companions, on account of the opposition which they encountered, separated themselves from the public synagogue, and betook them to this private Jewish school. But Tyrannus is a Greek name and the more common and preferable opinion is that he was a teacher of philosophy or rhetoric who had become a Christian and in whose apartments both Jews and Gentiles could meet without molestation.-G. B. S.

10 thn konin tauta ergazomenhn, pistenetw, b.c. Cat. But A. substitutes korhn, Mod. text skian. He seems to allude here to the miracles effected by the very ashes of the martyrs: see e.g. t. ii, 494, A.: and perhaps with reference to these he says, Babai, posh twn pisteusantwn h dunamij: unless this be meant as an exclamation of the persons who "took upon them," etc. i.e. Like Simon, they saw the wonders wrought in the name of Jesus; "Wonderful (said they). Why, what power is exercised by these men who have believed!" namely, by those who by laying the handkerchiefs, etc., upon the sick restored them to health.-Mod. text adds, "that to others also there comes (the power) of doing the same things: and how great the hardness of those who even after the demonstrations of power yet continue in unbelief."

11 From this point to the end of the Exposition, having in vain attempted to restore the true order, we take it as it lies in the mss. and Edd.-Below, "and after this;" i.e. "yet after this," then these itinerant Jewish exorcists took upon them, etc. and not until after their punishment, when "fear fell upon them all," did those of the professed believers (pwn pepisteukotwn) who still practiced magic come forward confessing their sins.

12 IIwj de etrexoj goipon khruttontej di wn epasxon. The subject to epasxon seems to be "these exorcists" the sons of Sceva: but to etrexon it seems to be "the Apostles." "This made the Apostles wonderful in men's eyes:" they had wrought miracles, and preached two years, "so that all in Asia heard the word of the Lord," yet still these practices continued: but (see) how they ran (what success they had) now, preaching by the things these men were suffering: "and this became known to all the Jews and Greeks also dwelling in Asia, and the name of the Lord Jesus was magnified."-Mod. text, seemingly referring etrexon to the exorcists, reads kalwj de etr. And in place of v. 10, gives, "Whence, showing this, it saith, `And this became known to all, 0' "etc. v. 17.

13 Ben. assigns this to the year 399, and cites the first of the "Eleven Homilies" t. xii. as having been delivered according to St. Chrys. thirty days after that great earthquake, viz., in the year of the fall of Eutropius, therefore a.d. 399. But Ed. Par. justly corrects this mistake: in fact, the seismoj of which St. Chrys. there speaks (t. xii. p. 324. A.) is only a metaphor, meaning the catastrophe of Eutropius.

14 Perhaps with an allusion to Jude ver. 7, "Sodom and Gomorrah-set forth for an example, suffering the vengeance of eternal fire."

15 Meaning, perhaps, Even when they believe the miracles to be real, that which should have brought them to faith becomes to them an occasion of greater wickedness.

16 The miracles at Antioch, when at the instigation of the demon (Apollo) the remains of the martyr Babylas were removed by order of Julian. See the Hom. de S. Babyla, t. ii. p. 567.-The Theodorus mentioned below cannot be the lapsed person of that name to whom St. Chrys. addressed the first of the two Paroeneses, t. i. init. But probably perusi is corrupt, and the allusion may be to the troubles at Antioch in connection with Theodorus the Sicilian; see p. 238, note 4.

17 an mh fusij etera proselqh. To complete the sense we must supply, "because this also (the being blinded by fear) is a natural affection: but what I have said is true, viz. that twn kata fusin kai anagkhn ou dunameqa meqistasqai, an mh k. t. l.

18 ti oun an kai h swfrosunh. This is corrupt or mutilated. The sense requires, "What if in some cases `an evil mind 0' be a natural necessity-as much as seeing or any other natural property or affection, but when there seems to be a change, it is only that fear casts out the evil mind for a while?"

19 Meaning perhaps, That which should be the Temple of Christ, the body of the believer.

20 Mod. text, "For look now at some one who has been abusive and has not been punished: not for this only is it a subject for weeping, that he does not suffer the punishment for his abusiveness, but also for another reason it is a subject for mourning. What may this be? That his soul is now become more shameless." But Chrys, is speaking of the immediate evil-here the act of ubrij for which the man suffers, or will have to give account hereafter-and the permanent effect, the ecij which every evil act fixes on the soul.-#Eteron here and above we render in its pregnant sense, "other and worse," or, "what is quite another and a more serious thing."

21 Old text. Ei de tinej mhd' olwj nhfoien, oude ekeinoi didoasi dikhn. Say. and Ben. outw and dwsousi. But Par. has resumed the unintelligible reading of mod. text, ei de tinej mhd' outw n., all' oun ekeinoi didoasi dikhn.

22 alla trifwsi par eautoij oikeion kakon, kaqaper tina dhmion thn mnhsikakian. Mod. text oikeiakon kaq. t. d.

23 4 For ti kataskeuazeij ektikon sautw noshma; B. has, ti k. ekthkon sauton :tw noshmati, quoe lectio non spermanda, te morbo tabefaciens, Ben. The reading ekthkon is explained by the etacism; the ti in noshmati is derived from the following ti boulomenon; hence it was necessary to alter sautw into sauton tw. In the following sentence, B. has ti boulomenoj, "Why when thou wouldest be quit of it, dost thou keep thine anger?"

24 Mod. text weakly, "But this I do that he may not laugh me to scorn, that he may not despise me."

25 Kaqaper gar ekeina (meaning ta brefh) kai proj (om. b.c.) qa ayuxa orgizetai, kan mh plhch to edafoj h mhthr, ouk afihsi qhn orghn.-Mod. text and Edd. except Sav. omit h mhthr.

26 Mod. text followed by Edd. perverts the whole story, making the parties contend, not for the relinquishing of the treasure, but for the possession of it, so making the conclusion (the willing cession of it by both to the third party) unintelligible, and the application irrelevant. The innovator was perhaps induced to make this alteration, by an unseasonable recollection of the Parable of the Treasure hid in a field.-"The seller having learnt this, came and wanted to compel the purchaser apolabein ton qhsauron," (retaining apol., in the unsuitable sense "that he, the seller, should receive hack the treasure.") "On the other hand, the other (the purchaser) repulsed him, saying, that he had bought the piece of ground along with the treasure, and that he made no account of this (kai oudena logon potein uper toutou.) So they fell to contention, both of them, the one wishing to receive, the other not to give," etc.

27 kai hmaj filoneikein mh amunasqai, kai touj leluphkotaj filoneikein dounai dikhn: as in the story, the parties efiloneikoun, the one mh labein ton q., the other dounai.

1 'Enteuqen. If St. Chrys. is rightly reported, he means the second Epistle, which he proceeds to quote from. But that Epistle was plainly not written apo 'Efesou. Perhaps what he said was to this effect: "At this point I suppose it was-viz. after the mission of Timothy and Erastus-that he wrote (his first Epistle) to the Corinthians from Ephesus: and in the second Epistle he alludes to the great trial which ensued in the matter of Demetrius. He had promised to come to Corinth sooner, and excuses himself on the score of the delay." But ta kata Dhmhtrion dihgoumenoj can hardly be meant of St. Paul: it should be ainittomenoj.

2 The use of h odoj without further definition, to represent the Christian religion, is peculiar to the Acts (ix. 2; Acts xix. 9, Acts xix. 23, Acts xxiv. 22). Kuriou or swthriaj would express the omitted defining idea.-G. B. S.

3 #Oraj thn eudokimhsin; This seems to refer to v. 17-20. "But see how successes and trials here, as all along, alternate. Then the Jews contradicted: (v. 9) then miracles, twofold, (11-12 and 13-19): now again (after that eudokimhsij), danger."-Here the mss. and Edd. give v. 24-27, which we have distributed to their proper places.

4 These silver "temple" (/aouj) were shrines, small models of the temple containing images of the goddess, which pilgrims to the temple purchased and carried away and probably used in their homes as objects of domestic worship.-G. B. S.

5 Kai ora koinwnouj ontaj autouj: eita ton kindunon epesthsen (so Cat. C. -san, A. B. epethsen). Mod. text, "But being themselves partners of the craft, he takes them as partners also of the riot. Then also he exaggerated (huchsen) the danger, adding. This our craft is in danger of coming into contempt. For this is pretty nearly what he declares by this, that from this art," etc.

6 oti kaqairwn (Cat. ote ekaqhroun) autwn ta sebasmata, ekei stemmata kai taurouj proseferon: entauqa fhsin oti kinduneuei k. t. l. These seem to be only rough notes or hints of what Chrys. said. The first words kaq. autwn ta seb. look like a reference to Acts xvii. 23, anaqewrwn ta sebasmata umwn: "thus at Athens, surveying the objects of their worship, and finding an Altar, etc. he thence takes occasion to preach the Unknown God. At Lystra, they brought garlands and oxen, and the Apostles thereupon, etc. Therefore these men here might well say, Our craft is in danger. For it was true, as was said on another occasion (at Jerusalem), Ye have filled, etc.: and, They that have turned the world, etc. Nay, of Christ also the Jews said the same, The world is going after Him."

7 Dia rauta met' ecetasewj dei poiein, Mod. text adds panta. This sentence, om. by A., seems to be out of place, and to belong rather to v. 36. We have transposed the text v. 28, 29, which in mss. and Edd. is given after wj pasi prokeisqai.

8 kai pantaxou autoij prokeintai. To make some sense of the passage, we adopt proskeintai from B. We also transpose v. 30 which is given with 31 after the following sentence.

9 IIrobalonto 'Ioudaioi oikonomikwj de (supplied by Cat.) outoj ouk efqegcato. Mod. text "The Jews thrust him forward, as Providence ordered it, that they might not have (it in their power) to gainsay afterwards. This man is thrust forward, and speaks: and hear what (he says)."

10 Old text: 9Ieron eteron outwj ekeleito-meaning, as we take it, the Palladium of Troy, which was also called "the Diopetes," to IIalladion to Diopetej kaloumenon, Clem. Alex. Protrept. iv. 47.-htoi to ostrakon authj fhsin. Something more is needed, therefore we supply h to agalma authj fhsin. But ieron in this sense is not usual. #Ostrakon, whatever it mean, cannot he the image of Diana, which was known to be of wood. The passage seems to be corrupt, and one might conjecture that ieron eteron relates to "another Temple" of Diana built after the first which was burned by Herostratos, and that the name of this man is latent in the unintelligible htoitoostrakon, and that Chrysostom's remark is this, that together with that former Temple perished the original Diopetes: so that to speak of that image as still in being was a lie (touto yeudoj)-Mod. text "But a different ieron was thus called diopetej: either then the idol of Diana they called Diopetes, wj ek tou Dioj to ostrakon ekei nopeptwkoj, and not made by man: or a different agalma was thus called among them."-Isidore of Pelus. in the Catena: "Some say that it is spoken of the image of Diana, i.e. `(a worshipper) of the great Diana and of her diopetej agalma: 0' some that the Palladium also (is here named as diop.), i. e. the image of Minerva, which they worshipped along with Diana." Ammonius ibid., "the naoj tou Dioj: or the strogguloeidej"-meaning the ostrakonj-"or rather, which is the true explanation, this image of Diana: or the Palladium, which they thought came from Jupiter, and was not the work of men." Oecum. gives the same variety of explanations, from the Catena. The words touto yeudoj, which in the mss. follow the text v. 36, 37, are better referred to the Diopetes, as in our translation.-Mod. text ara to pan yeudoj: and then, "these things however he says to the people, in order that those also," etc. omitting de preserved by the old text.

11 This Diapetes, the image which was supposed to have fallen down from Jupiter or heaven (Dioj-piptw), was the image of Diana which was in the great temple at Ephesus. This was the superstitious belief of the people as is clear from the many instances in classic mythology in which statues are famed to have fallen from heaven. This image was of wood and was probably found there by the Greeks when they colonized Ionia.-G. B. S.

12 i. e. In this, he prophesies (see above on this verse): but in his purpose of going to Jerusalem from Achaia, he was disappointed, for he had to return through Macedonia: h proeileto, i. e. this is the meaning of eqeto en pneumati. Mod. text om. ouketi egxronisaj, and adds: "for this is the meaning of eqeto, and such is the force of the expression." Then: "But why he sends away T. and E., the writer does not say: but it seems to me that of this also he says, 'En pneumati. Wherefore when," etc.-The meaning is: "He sends them away on this occasion, as he did at Athens: viz. because he could no longer forbear, therefore he thought it good to be left alone."

13 ekei gar hn h turannij (mod. text h pollh fatria) twn filosofwn. But this seems to belong rather to Athens.

14 Mod. text inserts for connection: "And if from this work wealth accrues to you, how hath he persuaded," etc.

15 ekkausai. Erasm. ut et confutaret totum et furorem populi extingueret. Ben. subverteret. ...extingueret. But ekkausai will not bear this sense, nor does the context suggest it. Alexander's object, it is represented, was to overthrow the preaching, and kindle the rage of the people yet more.-Cat. and Svy. marg. elkusai.

16 Mod. text "As if he had said, Do ye not worship her?"

17 Mod. text "But, Our city, paying court to them: qerapeuwn autou":" for which the old text has. But, Your city. 'Eqerapeusen authn. Which may mean, Thus he, the town clerk, paid homage to the city, by speaking of its honors. But qerapeuete authn in the preceding sentence requires the sense given in the translation.

18 Sfodra gar autouj hloghsen kai dihporhsen. Mod. text Toutw sf. autouj dihp., omitting, hloghsen, which, if not corrupt is here put in an unusual sense.

19 ou dunhsomeqa old text, here and above, as in the Alexandrine ms. of the N. T. (received by Griesbach) but here with thj sustr. t. transposed. (If the negative be retained, it is better to read teri thj j. t. as in the leading authorities of the text: so that this clause is epexegetical to tepi ou: for which, namely, for this concourse.)

20 taraxqeisa B. The other mss. tarixeuqeisa, which is unsuitable here.

21 olwj ouden eteron h panta gelwj kai gelwj kai katagelwj ta ekei.

22 C., 'All' ei boulei palin pollouj ecetaswmen topouj: B., 'Alla palin ei boulei eterouj ecet. topouj. Mod. text 'All' ei b., palin eterwj ecet. touj autouj topouj. In the Translation we adopt eterwj and omit topouj.

23 The text is corrupt: kai fricei touj topouj-perhaps it should be touj ekei topouj-entauqa orwn: kaqaper, gar entauqa en desmwthriw tugxanwn outw kakei pro thj krisewj pro thj melloushj hmeraj, sc. fricei. i. e. "just as here, being shut up in prison he looks forward with dread to the coming trial, so will he in that world," etc. Mod. text quite misrepresenting the sense: "For, as he that is here shut up in prison is gentle towards all, so those also before the Judgment, before the coming Day, will be more gentle," etc.

1 The phrase axri thj Asiaj are omitted by )

and B. and are now discarded in the leading critical editions. The residence of Timothy is not given, as being well known. It was probably Lystra (Acts xvi. 1).-G. B. S.

2 St. Chrysostom's reading of v. 4 is peculiar, but does not appear in the vv. 11. of N. T. perhaps because the Edd. of Chrys. conform it to the usual text, which is Qessal. de, 'Ar. kai Sek. kai Taij Derbaioj kai Timoqeoj, i. e. two Thessalonians, and beside them Gaius of Derbe, and Timothy, etc. But in the preceding chapter, v. 29, a Gaius was mentioned along with Aristarchus, and both as Macedonians. Hence it seems St. Chrys. read it with a stop after Gaioj, of Thessalonians, Aristarchus and Secundus and Gaius. In his remark, be seems to be giving a reason for striking out kai before Timoqeoj: viz. "How does he call Timothy a Thessalonian, (as a negligent reader might suppose to be the case, viz., Of Thess. Ar. and Sec. and Gaius Derbaeus and Timothy?) He does not say this, but, of Thessalonians he mentions three, and then, of Derbe, Timothy, cf. xvi. x., whereas Gaius was not of Derbe, but of Macedonia, xix. 29." The note of Oecumen. on the passage shows that Derbaioj was supposed by some to be a proper name: "Of the rest, he tells us what countries they were of: for Timothy he is content with the name, his personal character was distinction enough, and besides he has already told us where T. came from: viz. xvi. 1. But if Derbaioj here is a noun of nation and not a proper name, perhaps he has here also mentioned his country."

3 Penthkosth, meaning the whole of the seven weeks. The scope of the remark is, Being met for celebration of the Holy Eucharist, which followed the Sermon, and the discourse being lengthened out until midnight, they were fasting all the time (for the Eucharist was taken fasting, see Hom. xxvii. in 1 Cor.): so that, though it was during the weeks after Easter, when there was no fast, and not only so, but the Lord's Day moreover, here was a fast protracted till midnight.

4 That the religious observance of Sunday is here alluded to has been generally assumed. Taken in connection with 1 Cor. xvi. 2 and Rev. i. 10, the passage renders it highly probable that at this time (about a.d. 57) the first day of the week was regularly observed by the Christians in memory of the Lord's resurrection, although it is certain that the Jewish Christians still observed the Jewish Sabbath.-G. B. S.

5 ouk apesth, so as to lose the opportunity of hearing, and forego the "breaking of bread," which was to follow the discourse. Comp. Hom. x. in Gen. init.

6 The narrative requires the interpretation of Chrys. that this was a case of restoration to life, not merely of revival from suspended animation (as Olshausen, Ewald, DeWette). This is established by the fact that Eutychus is said to have seen taken up nekroj, not wj nekroj. Moreover to hrqh /ekroj (v. 9) is opposed hgagon zwnta (v. 12). He was dead; they brought him alive. It is true that the apostle says: "His life (soul) is in him," but this is said after he had fallen upon and embraced him, or this may have been said from the standpoint of his confidence of a miraculous restoration, as Jesus said of Jairus' daughter: "The damsel is not dead, but sleepeth," meaning that from his standpoint and in view of his power she still lived, although she was in reality dead.-G. B. S.

7 Old text instead of #Asson has Qason, a misreading which appears in some mss. and Versions of the Acts: Cat., Nason.

8 paideuwn te autouj xwrizesqai autou: but mod. text ama kai paideuwn autouj mhde xwrizesqai autou. After this, old text hair anhxqhmen, fhsin, eij thn Qason evidently confusing this clause of v. 13, with the first of v. 14, then, eita parexontai (for parerx.) thn nhson, followed by v. 15, 16. Mod. tent, v. 15 followed by "See, how Paul being urgent, they put to sea, and lose no time, but parerxontai taj nhsouj," and v. 16.

9 kai touj exqrouj elein (F. eleein) boulouenoj, wishing by this means to overcome (for their good) even those who hated him. Then, ama kai ton logon kaqiei. Mod. text ama espeude ton logon kaqeinai. Mr. Field remarks on Hom. in 1 Cor. p. 553 B. where we have parainesin kaqihsi, that the much more usual expression is, eij ti kaqeinai, and adds: "semel tantum ap. Nostrum reperimus logon kaqeinai, viz. t. ix. p. 236. E."-our passage.

10 all' omwj kateixe ton poqon kai ta ekei katorqoun. The infinitive requires boulomenoj or the like: i.e. "though desirous to get to Jerusalem, he restrained his desire, and made a stay at Troas of seven days, wishing, etc.:" but B. gives the same sense by reading katorqwn, Cat. katwrqon. Mod. text outwj eixe ton poqon kai ta ekei katorqoun.

11 Proj auton ton kairon, arxhn o logoj labwn pareteinen wj endeiknumenoj peinhn: kai ouk hn akairon: ou gar prohgoumenwj eij didaskalian kaqhken. This is evidently mutilated; the verb to o logoj is wanting: wj endeik. peinhn, either "making a display of," or, "pleading as excuse the being hungry," is unintelligible; so is ouk hn ak. Mod. text attempts to make sense by reading: "At the very time w enedeiknuto peinhn, kai ouk hn akairon, arxhn o logoj labwn paretaqh, wste ou prohg."

12 Mod. text "many occupying even the windows, to hear that trumpet, and see that gracious countenance. What must the persons taught have been, and how great the pleasure they must have enjoyed!"

13 Touto oikonomia legetai eij akrothta kai eij uyoj. "This"-the blameless life and therewith ougkatabasij described in 2 Cor. vi. 3 ff-"is what one may indeed call Oikonomia-managing or dispensing things for the good of others, so that they shall have what is best for them in the best manner, without shocking their prejudices. Oikon., in the moral sense of the word, implies sugkatabasoij, letting one's self down to the level of others for their good. (Hence below, kai ta thj oikonomiaj, kai (ta) tou alhptou biou.) "Talk of `economy 0'-here you have it at its very top and summit, in a degree not to be surpassed." Instead of uyoj the context seems to require "the lowest depth." Hence mod. text to eij akrothta einai kai uyouj arethj, kai tapeinofrosunhj sugkatabasewj. Kai akoue pwj o uperbainwn... "the being at the summit both of loftiness of virtue and of lowliness of condescension." In the next sentence St. Paul is described as o uperbainwn ta paraggelmata tou Xristou, namely, the precept "that they which preach the Gospel should live by the Gospel," 1 Cor. ix. 14.

14 Edd. kalwj ge: ou gar touj misqouj apelabon: as if it meant, "And well that it is so: for I have not received my wages-therefore the reward is yet to come: not as it is with those who apexousi ton misqon autwn in this life, Matt. vi. 2 ff." If this were the meaning, the sentence would be out of place; it should be, "He said nothing of the kind, but would rather have repressed such thoughts with the consideration, It is well: for I have not received my wages-they are yet to come." But in fact here as elsewhere the Edd. overlook the ironical interrogation ou gar. Read kalwj ge (ou gar\) touj misqouj ap elabon (or kalouj ge).

15 Ainan. Sav. marg., Sainan. LXX. Edd., Sennaar. Hebr., Zaanan.

16 This clause is evidently misplaced, and moreover requires to be completed. The meaning may be: "So in the highest of all God's saving acts, the mission of the Son; for he that receiveth Him receiveth the Father."

1 i. e. putting this foremost of the Beatitudes.

2 Something more ought to follow, but the report is imperfect Mod. text "Others again there are who are not such as these, but who in the case of both characters preserve according to the occasion both the lowly and the high bearing: which thing indeed above all is characteristic of humility. Since then he is about to teach them such things, lest he should seem to be arrogant," etc.

3 To gar diamarturasqai touto estin, otan. .<\=85_ To gar diamarturasqai wj epi to polu touto estin.

4 Old text dia te ta erga, dia te ton Uion agnoein: kai pistin thn eij ton K. 'I. as if all this were said in explanation of the preceding Oude gar 'Ioudaioi hdesan auton. But dia te ta erga explains the clause thn eij ton Qeon metanoian, which requires to be inserted as in the Translation. Mod. text "both because they were ignorant of the Son, and because of their works, and their not having faith in the Lord Jesus."

5 Chrys. understands "bound in the spirit" to mean constrained by the Holy Spirit (so Theophylact, Beza, Calvin, Wordsworth et al.). The fact that the Holy Spirit is mentioned in the next verse (23) in such a way as to be distinguished apparently from "the spirit" here mentioned, has led most critics to believe that "the spirit" was Paul's own spirit (so Meyer, Lechler, Lange, DeWette, Ewald, Alford, Hackett, Gloag). Dedemenoj should not be taken as meaning bound with chains in prospect, i. e., as seen in his spirit in advance (as Bengel, Conybeare and Howson), but rather constrained, inwardly constrained.-G. B. S.

6 mss. Cat. and Edd. algwmen "let us grieve:" but Savile, algw men. The next clause all' oude hgoumai, or, all' oude, 9Hgoumai, requires something to make sense of it, as in the Translation.

7 Diplh h paramuqia. The meaning is, "It was his face that they would see no more: he chooses that expression by way of softening matters, implying that in spirit he would be present: and again, all ye, not they only, so that the grief was not peculiar to them:" but this being rather obscure, A. substitutes aqumia, and mod. text Diplh h luph, i. e. "the dejection (or, the sorrow) was twofold, both the being to see his face no more, and the, All of them."

8 Neither of the two ideas which Chrys. draws from v. 25-(a) that though absent in body, he would be present with them in spirit; (b) that the "all" addressed refers to the whole company-comes naturally from the text. The apostle states his firm conviction that he shall not again visit Ephesus. Whether he ever did so or not, we do not know. The probabilities in the case would depend upon the question of a release from his Roman imprisonment. He hoped for such a release and intended to visit Colossae (Philem. 22). On the supposition of such a release and on the consequent supposition of the Pauline authorship of the Pastoral Epistles, a visit after this time to Ephesus becomes very probable. especially since we find the apostle (2 Tim. iv. 13, 2 Tim. iv. 20) at Troas and Miletus.-G.B.S.

9 Hence it appears that St. Chrys. reads Kuriou not Qeou in this text, though in the citation the Scribes give it according to the other reading, Qeou.

10 It is an interesting fact that in this passage where the reading vacillates between Kuriou and qeou, whale the report of the Homily has given us qeou, the citation of the N. T. text favors the reading Kuriou. The great majority of mss. read tou Kuriou: )

and B. have tou qeou (the usual Pauline formula). Many critics hold that Kur. was changed to q. in accordance with Pauline usage in the Epistles. The idea of the "blood of God" is against the reading qeou. Modern critics are nearly equally divided. Alford, Westcott and Hort, read qeou; Meyer, Tischendorf, Kuriou; to us the latter seems decidedly preferable.-G. B. S.

11 deiknusi timion to pragma, oti. Mod. text. polu deikn. di wn eipe timion to pr. So Edd. Multum ostendit dum dicit pretiosam rem. Ben.

12 Ou gar ei pollouj eide tote efeisato (mod. efeideto). Non enim si multos vidisset, eis pepercisset, Ben. But Cat. has preserved the true reading, efistato.

13 #Estai xrhstoj kai megaj anhr. The second epithet, being evidently unsuitable, mod. text xrhstoj anhr kai praoj genhsetai. But perhaps x. a. kai. m. belongs to the next sentence, as an exclamation on v. 22. "A good and great man!" and for malassetai: estai we may read malaxqhsetai.

14 Old text: ina mh kataxwsh autwn thn dianoian, followed by the latter part of v. 27. Tou anaggeilai umin k. t. l. But the connection may also be, "I have not shrunk-of course in due order and proportion" (or something: of that kind) "that he may not overwhelm their minds, from declaring," etc. It might seem, however, from the comment which follows, viz thn peri tou parontoj pragmatoj, that Chrys. is here proposing an interpretation of v. 27 different from what was implied in the first exposition, p. 269, and from that of v. 20: i. e. "painful as it is, I have not shrunk from announcing to you all the counsel of God, to wit, as touching the present matter, my separation from you, so that ye shall see my face no more." But this being very unsatisfactory, it is better to take the connection thus: Nor does he now shrink from declaring to them the whole counsel of God concerning the coming events, and their duty and responsibility therein. (We have therefore placed the mark of an hiatus before this clause.)-Mod. text substitutes, "But what is this (that he adds), `Also of your own selves shall men arise, speaking perverse things. 0' What then," etc.

15 The text is evidently confused or defective here. Mod. text "For that none may fancy it plea enouah for his justification, that he is a disciple while yet he does not yield, therefore having said, I take you to record, he adds, for I have not shunned," etc.

16 St. Chrysostom succeeded Nectarius in the Archbishopric of Constantinople, 26th Feb. Coss. Honorius iv. and Eutychianus a.d. 398. Socrat. vi. 2.-From the following passage :t appears that these Homm. though begun after Easter, perhaps of a.d. 400, extended over a considerable period of time, not being preached every day.-Below, mod, text spoils the sense by altering pikrotera into koufotera.

17 Mod. text inserts a fhsin, and makes the sentence interrogative. "And does this, you will say, profit them nothing nor shield them, that they watch for our souls? But then they watch as they that must give an account: and to some indeed this seems to be terrible." The meaning in general seems to be: "If they perish, yet surely you can comfort yourself with the thought, that you at least are pure from their blood. No, this thought avails nothing to ward off (that sorrow). "Because they watch," etc.-this seems a fearful thing. But if you be lost, it is not the thought of my accountability that gives me most concern-it is the thought of your perishing. Oh! that I might in the last day find you saved though not through me, yea, though I myself thereafter were called to account as not having done my part by you!"

18 9Eterwqen men oudamoqen, apo de twn genomenwn) meaning perhaps, "From what has been done by us in our ministry: we will endeavor to persuade you by reminding you of all our care and pains for our salvation:") ta kaq' umaj panta apolusomeqa. 'Apoluesqai (egklhmata), is frequent in Chrys., often confused with apoduesqai. See Mr. Field's Index and Annotat. in Hom. Matth.

1 The phrase "which is able" (tw dunamenw) may be connected with the word "God," or with "the word of His grace." As standing nearer the latter, this would be the natural construction. So our author has taken it, understanding by "the word of His grace" rather the grace itself than the doctrine concerning it. Most critics have preferred to connect the phrase with tw qew on the ground that it is more appropriate to ascribe the giving of an inheritance among the sanctified directly to God than to His word. (So DeWette, Meyer, Alford, Gloag).-G. B. S.

2 By "the weak" Chrys. evidently understands the physically weak, the sick and poor (see the Recapitulation) and we think correctly as opposed to the "weak in faith." The apostle counsels labor in order to liberality toward the needy. So Olshausen, DeWette, Hackett, Gloag, Alford, vs. Neander, Tholuck, Lechler, Meyer.-G. B. S.

3 The remainder of v. 13 and 14 we have removed from this to its proper place.

4 Ouk ara en Korinqw touto eirgasanto monon oi diafqeirontej touj maqhtaj k. t. l. One would have expected eirgasato monon, kai oux wj oi d. But the connection, not fully expressed, may be this : "So different from those "grievous wolves not sparing the flock," the false teachers who would make a gain of them! So then" etc.

5 Some text or texts of the Gospels should be supplied here : beginning perhaps like the next-sentence with a Kai gar.

6 By Syria he seems here to mean the northern parts, about Antioch. "They left Cyprus on the left, but nearer to it than the opposite coast of Syria, because he did not wish to come near that either." Mod. text "This is not said idly, but to show that he did not think fit even to come near it (Cyprus), they sailing straight for Syria." What follows required transposition : the derangement, 2, 1 : 3, 5, 7 : 4, 6, 8.

7 A. C. Cat. (in B. the original characters are written over by a later hand), Eita boulhqhnai pente eij Turon. Perhaps boulei qeinai. Mod. text eita ekeiqen di hmerwn pente.

8 Hom. x. in Matt. E. "But why, you may ask, did he (the Baptist) use a girdle also with his garment? This was a custom with the ancients, before this present soft and dissolute fashion of ours came in. Thus Peter appears girdled, and Paul likewise: as it says, 'The man that owneth this girdle."

9 The meaning of the latter part of v. 16 (agontej par w cenisqwmen Mnaswni tini Kupriw k. t. l.) according to Chrys., is that the disciples from Caesarea conducted Paul to the house of Mnason at Jerusalem where he was to lodge, not (as our Eng. vss.), that they brought with them Mnason on their journey from Caesarea to Jerusalem. The former seems the preferable view as there is nothing in the context to intimate that Mnason was at this time in Caesarea and his residence was evidently Jerusalem. The construction of attraction is also equally well resolved in this way.-G. B. S.

10 Here supply, "He that receiveth Me. receiveth Him that sent Me."

11 oukoun kai o Xriston should it be Xristianon5) dexomenoj, lhyetai misqon tou Criston cenizonoj.-Ben, renders the latter clause, recipiet mercedem Christi peregrnantis.

12 All our mss. omit xeirej, but the text ai dedemenon auton idousai requires more than this for its emendation. Below. before "not ashamed." mod. text inserts, "These things He (Christ) confesseth."

13 'All' exei iouga h ekklhsia. On iouga, juga, see p. 74. Here also B. iugga., mod. text substitutes dapanhmata.

14 A. b.c. kan katagwgion h so Morel. Ben. But E. has here preserved the true reading katwgeon, so Savil. with marg. katagaion.

1 It has been much disputed whether the charge: "Thou teachest apostacy from Moses," etc., was true or not. There certainly was truth in the charge. Paul maintained that the Mosaic law, as such, was not binding upon Christians. But it was against those who made it a yoke of bondage upon believers, that he waged a polemic. Where there was no imposition of the law as necessary to salvation, Paul in no way antagonized it, but rather trusted to the free working of the principles of the gospel to gradually accomplish the abolition of its rites and forms. The truth seems to be that Paul was tolerant of Judaism where it did not impose burdens upon believers or threaten the completeness and sufficiency of the gospel; he even accommodated himself to Jewish requirements. as in shaving his head at Cenchrea and circumcising Timothy. He never unnecessarily opposed the law of Moses, but taught that it had been fulfilled in Christ. So far as he accommodated himself to its ceremonies, it was only that he might remove prejudice and so win the Jews to Christ.-G. B. S.

2 Old text: malista gar ekeinoij sugxronisei, as the comment on oi apo thj 'Asiaj 'Ioudaioi, meaning apparently that his arrival at Jerusalem would naturally fall at the same time with that of the Jews who, like himself, came from the same parts. Mod. text transfers the comment to the first clause of the verse, "And as the days were about to be fulfilled: ora pwj malista dh autoij egxronisei," it is not easy to see with what meaning.

3 ora to hqoj autwn pantaxou taraxwdej, kai aplwj bowntwn en tw mesw. Meaning perhaps that the conduct of these Ephesian Jews was of a piece with that of their heathen countrymen, ch. xix. 28.

4 en toij signoij auton embale. Ammonius in the Catena, "It was a custom of the Jews to utter this cry against the just as they did against the Lord, Aire auton! i. e. away with Him from among the living." Hence Oecumen. combining this with the explanation in the text, "It was the custom of the Jews, etc. But some say, That is, what they say with us," etc. And so mod. text, "It was a custom of the Jews to say this against those whom they would condemn, as also in the case of Christ they appear doing this, and saying, 'Aron auton! that is, Make him to disappear from among the living. "But some," what among us they say according to the Roman custom, En toij signoij auton embale, the same is the Aire auton.

5 Mod. text supplies the evident lacuna with, "And by what he says, takes him off from his suspicion. "But let us look again at what has been read. "There are," they say, "with us seven men," etc.

6 This vow appears to have been the Nazarite vow described in Num. vi. 1-21, taken by the apostle as an accommodation to Jewish prejudices and to allay the suspicions of the legal party in Jerusalem. This was done upon the recommendation of James, the "Bishop" of the church, and his associates. The significance of Paul's paying the expenses, is, perhaps, that the period during which the others vow had run was on this condition reckoned to his account also. It is noticeable that the party of James distinctly admits that adherence to the legal ceremonies is not required of the Gentile Christians; it is equally important to notice that Paul yielded to the advice to take this view, as a concession in a matter of indifference, since he was living for the time as a Jew among Jews, that he might give no needless offence and might win the more. It was not a compromise, but an expedient concession to convictions and prejudices which it was not wise or necessary to oppose or increase.-G. B. S.

7 Mod. text, "Using this economy then, he himself at a later time (?) accuses Peter, and he does not do this aplw." St. Chrysostom's view of St. Peter's dissimulation at Antioch as an "economy," is most fully given in his exposition of the passage, Xomment. in Gal. xap. ii. <\=a7_4, 5.

8 Mod. text adds, "But as for the sicarii, some say they were a kind of robbers, so called from the swords they bore, which by the Romans are called sicoe: others, that they were of the first sect among the Hebrews. For there are among them three sects, generally considered (aireseij ai genikai): Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes who are also called osioi, for that is the meaning of the name `Essenes, 0' on account of their reverend manner of life: but the same (?) are also called sicarii, because of their being zealots." For a further illustration of the way in which the modern text was formed, especially in respect of its use of the Catena (see p. 279, note 3), compare the latter with Oecumenius on this passage. The Catena, namely, cites from Origen: "Among the Jews are treij aireseij genikai Pharisees, Sadducees, Essenes: these (last) exercise a more reverend manner of life, being lovers one of another and temperate: whence also they are called Essenes, i. e. osioi: but others called them (?) sicarii, i. e. zealots." (Oecumen. using the Catena, makes a continuous exposition from Chrys., Origen, and Josephus. Mod. text from the same materials, interpolates the text of Chrys, as above.

9 B. alone of our mss. gives the negative which the sense requires; restored to the text by Ed. Par. Ben. 2.

10 The cupbearer may be Narcissus (Rom. xvi. 11): the name of the concubine is not mentioned. In one of his earliest works, Adv. Oppugn. Vitoe Monast. i. §3. t. i. p. 59. D. St. Chrys. relates that Nero cast St. Paul into prison, and in the end beheaded him, in his rage at the loss of a favorite concubine, converted by him to the faith.

11 Ben. hspasato, which is the reading of D. only: all the rest epespasato.

12 In the original, muriadaj pollaj. The deacon is probably Chrys. himself; the bishop, Flavian.

13 kai mh meta thj hmeteraj blabhj. Mod. text and Edd. kai ei mh, which is ambiguous. "The thing to be considered is, whether they are offended dikaiwj kai mh meta t. h. b. justly, and not with concomitant hurt to ourselves should we give way." As in the case afterwards mentioned, the sitting at meat in an idol's temple; the "weak brothers" were offended dikaiwj, and to abstain from such conduct was not attended with any moral hurt or loss to the men of "knowledge."

14 otan toinun adiaforon h to kwluma, ginesqw. Ben, quando igitur indifferens est, abstineatur. But the kwluma (which is overlooked in this rendering) seems to mean, the hindrance to the apotacasqai, which latter will be the subject to ginesqw. For instance, if the impediment urged by others against a person's taking the monastic vows be a thing indifferent, let him take them. Else, if we were to look to this only-viz. that this or that man is offended-pollwn exomen aposthnai-many are the right undertakings we should have to forego or desist from: as on the other hand were we to make it a rule to despise all considerations of offence, we should have to be the ruin of many a brother.

15 Namely, in a matter where the duty of persisting in our course is plain-viz. where the other is offended ou dikaiwj, and to give way would be meta thj hmeteraj blabhj-then, even though great evils to him or others result from our not giving way, we must take no notice of the offence, must allow it no weight.

16 autoj de ouk eti. Here, as above, p. 118, it seems to be assumed that St. Paul's judaizing at Jerusalem gave offence to the Gentile brethren in his company.

1 Eita ina mh nomisqh to eqnoj 'Ioudaioj, legei thn qrhskeian: kai gar kai allaxou ennomon eauton Xristou kalei. Ti (A. b.c. add oun, Cat. dh) touto estin; (Mod. text adds, Pauloj yeudetai\ #Apage) Ti oun\ ouk hrnhsato\ k. t. l. The sense is confused by omission and transposition. It seems to be this: He gives the tribune to understand that he is a Roman: but because he would not have the Jews to suppose that he was not a Jew, therefore he declares his religion, that he is a Jew. And herein was no denial of his Christianity, etc. See below on v. 3. ina mh palin nomiswsi to eqnoj allo, thn qrhskeian ephgagen. Hence we restore the sense as in the text.-Oecumen. gives it. "He immediately drew him off from this surmise, kai to eqnoj kai thn qrhskeian eipwn, as in fact he elsewhere calls himself, Under the law to Christ."

2 Mod. text omits the article. 9O tw Xristw pistenwn, as we take it, is the answer to the question, ti dh touto estin; In the next sentence (which Edd. separate from this only by a comma) he says: in the same sense he calls himself and Peter, fusei 'Ioudaioi, "born Jews (not proselytes,) and Jews still." But Ammonius in the Catena: "I am a man which am a Jew: for we Christians are fusei 'Ioudaioi, as confessing the true faith: which is what the name Judah signifies."

3 The whole purpose of Paul's defence here is to appease the prejudice against him as an apostate from Moses. He addresses the people of Jerusalem in their own tongue and as "brethren." He shows them that although born in a Greek city, he had received his education in Jerusalem, under one of their most famous Rabbis. He sketches his history as a zealous adherent of Judaism. After his conversion he did not desert the religion of his fathers. It was while praying in the temple that the call of God came to him which summoned him to go as an apostle to the Gentiles. From this apology, it would be seen how far Paul was from despising the Mosaic law and also, how manifestly providential had been the call by which he had been set apart to a distinct work among the Gentiles. It is a guarded defence which neither antagonizes the law, nor admits its binding force over the apostle or his converts.

4 Perhaps it should be, "And he too, not an alien:" viz. being a "devout man according to the Law:" as above, he says of Ananias, outwj ouden allotrion esti.

5 Krinetai par anqrwpoij (tisin o Qeoj add. mod. text) oti ouk esti Qeoj. The subject, not expressed, is Christ. He is brought before the bar of men's judgment for trial whether He be God: so below touj dikazontaj.

6 Mod. text adds: "say the same: but be not thou seduced, but stand nobly that it may not be said of us also, They profess," etc.

7 Kan fanerwj ou kataginwskh (b.c. -ei) dia to dogma, all' apodexetai k. t. l. Ben, retains this, in the sense, saltem aperte non damnabit propter doma: taking kan in different senses in this and the former clause. Ed. Par. Ben. 2, Legendum videtur fanerwj oun katag. Licet sit quispiam valde efferus, licet aperte ob dogma condemnet, at clam etc. Erasm. Etiam si per dogma non condemnetur. The emendation is sure and easy: kan fanerwj SOU kataginwskh. So below. Polloi de kai kataginwskontej autwn dia to dogma, aidountai dia ton bion.

8 Old text echxoteron: a word unknown to the Lexicons, and of doubtful meaning. If we could suppose a comparative of the perfect participle in kwj (analogous to the comparison of errwmenoj and asmenoj), ecesthkotero/ would suit the sense very well: but such a form seems to be quite unexampled.-Mod. text anohtoteron. Then: "Even as madmen have no self-possession, so this has no self-possession. When therefore is this to come to consciousness of itself, having such a dizziness' which it were well," etc.

1 The sense is confused in old text by misplacing the portions of sacred text. Mod. text "witnesses of the truth of Christ speaking boldly. But the Jews," etc. v. 21-24, which verses are followed in old text by fhsin: aire auton ou gar kaqhkei auton zhn. Below, mod. text "or the Jews themselves also," and omits "or if it Were not so, to have ordered him to be scourged."

2 The words, "I will send thee to the Gentiles," were those at which the Jews took offence. That a word should come from heaven to Paul in the Temple, commanding him to leave the chosen people and the Holy City and go to the uncircumcised heathen, was a statement verging upon blasphemy. This admission they would regard as proof of Paul's apostasy from Moses. It implied that he regarded the heathen as standing upon the same plane as themselves. The thought roused all their native bigotry. Beyond "this word" they would not hear him, nor did they think that one who should so estimate the privileges and character of the Jews as compared with the Gentiles was fit to live.-G. B. S.

3 Proeteinan auton toij imasin is commonly rendered, as here, "When they stretched him out, or bound him with thongs." But this rendering seems to overlook the force of pro in the verb and the force of the article toij. The preferable interpretation seems to be, (Thayer's Lex.): "When they had stretched him out for the thongs, i. e. to receive the blows of the thongs, by tying him up to a beam or pillar." (So Meyer, DeWette, Lechler, Gloag).-G. B. S.

4 Mod. text entirely mistaking the sense, interpolates, "On which account also the tribune fears on hearing it. And why, you will say, did he fear?" as if it meant, The tribune would have been afraid to be condemned for this, etc.

5 Meaning that all provincial subjects of the Roman Empire came to be called Romans, only in the time of this Emperor: therefore in St. Paul's time it was a great thing to be able to call one's self a Roman. If it means, "All the citizens of Tarsus," the remark is not apposite. Certain it is that Tarsus. an urbs libera by favor of M. Anthony, enjoyed neither jus coloniarum nor jus civitatis until long afterwards, and the Apostle was not a Roman because a citizen of Tarsus. This however is not the point of St. Chrysostom's remark. In the Catena and Oecumen. it will be seen, that in later times the extended use of the name "Roman" as applied to all subjects of the Roman Empire made a difficulty in the understanding of this passage. Thus Ammonius takes it that St. Paul was a "Roman," because a native of Tarsus which was subject to the Romans (so Oec.): and that the Jews themselves for the like reason were Romans; but these scorned the appellation as a badge of servitude; Paul on the contrary avouched it, setting an example of submission to the powers that be.-After this sentence mod. text interpolates, "Or also he called himself a Roman to escape punishment: for," etc.

6 parepemyan an: mod. text (after Cat.) needlessly alters to paretreyan.

7 profasin einai to pragma kai to eipein auton 9Rwmaion ton Paulon: kai iswj. ...We read tw eipein and kai yeudesqai ton P. iswj. Mod. text "But the tribune by answering, `with a great sum, 0' etc., shows that he suspected it to be a pretext, Paul's saying that he wasa Roman: and perhaps he surmised this from Paul's apparent insignificance."

8 Mod. text interpolates: "So far was it from being a falsehood, his saying, etc., that he also gained by it, being loosed from his chains. And in what way, hear." And below, altering the sense: "He no longer speaks to the tribune, but to the multitude and the whole people."

9 Mod. text "When he ought to have been pricked to the heart, because (Paul) had been unjustly bound to gratify them, he even adds a further wrong, and commands him to be beaten : which is plain from the words subjoined."

10 Mod. text "Now some say, that he knowing it speaks ironically (or feigns ignorance, eirwneuetai); but it seems to me, that he did not at all know that it was the high priest: otherwise he would even have honored him: wherefore," etc. In old text tinej fasi, placed before oti ouk hdein, k. t. l. requires to be transposed.

11 Mod. text "Away with the thought: he appears to have done neither the one nor the other: but to one accurately considering it, the words," etc.

12 Parainousi, all our mss. But Erasm. debacchantur, and all the Edd. paroinousin, contrary to the sense.

13 Other interpretations are given in the Catena and Oecum. "Anonym.: The high priest being a hypocrite deserved to be called a `whited wall. 0' Whence also Paul says he did not even know him as high priest, since it is the work of a high priest to save the flock put under his charge: but this man made havoc upon it, etc. Severus : Paul justly reproached him, but then, as if repenting, said: `I knew not, 0' etc. Not know that he was high priest? Then how saidst thou, `And sittest thou to judge me? 0'-But he pretends ignorance: an ignorance which does no harm, but is an `economy 0' (oikonomousan): for reserve (metaxeirismoj) may be more forcible than speaking out (parrhsia): an unseasonable parrhsia often hinders the truth: a seasonable metax. as often advances it."

14 Other methods of dealing with Paul's much debated statement: "I did not know that he was the high priest," besides the view given in the text (with which agree Beza, Wolff, Lechler, et al.) are: (1) Paul did not perceive who it was that addressed him and thus did not know that it was the high priest whom he rebuked (Alford). (2) Paul did not acknowledge Ananias to be high priest; he would not recognize so unjust a man as a real high priest (Calvin, Meyer, Stier). (3) Ananias was not high priest at this time (Lightfoot, Whiston, Lewin). (4) Paul did not recollect or consider that it was the high priest whom he was addressing (Bengel, Olshausen, Neander, Schaff, Hackett, Conybeare and Howson, Gloag). In this view Paul apologizes for his rash words, spoken inadvertently and without reflection, by adding: "for it is written, Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people." Baur and Zeller suppose that the apostle never said what he is reposed as saying. The choice appears to lie between views (2) and (4).-G. B. S.

15 Mod. text omits the whole of the portion marked (a). The sense is: St. Paul is concerned to explain how it was that having been bred and taught in Jerusalem, he did not remain there. It was by command of Christ in a vision that he departed. In fact he could not stay there unless, etc. Accordingly we find him everywhere fleeing about from place to place, like one exiled from his own land. The words which are corrupt, are: ouk ekei emenen\ oude ekei dietriben (oude gar echn ekei diatribeinj) ei mh muria kat' autwn (autou A) kataj-keuasai (sic) hqele pantaxou: kaqaper tij fugaj perifugwn.

16 to outw paradocon, viz. that the Jews would not receive the testimony of one, who from his known history had, of all men, the greatest claim to be heard by them: "`Lord, they know, 0' etc., therefore surely they will listen to me." (So St. Chrysostom constantly interprets these words: see Cat. in loco.) But Christ did not gratify his wish for information on this point: He only bade him depart.-The innovator, who has greatly disfigured this Homily by numerous interpolations, has here: "did not teach him what he must do."

17 Better: "they cast off their clothes" as a signal of their anger and readiness to stone Paul. Others understand it to mean: waving their garments as a signal of their assent to the exclamations against Paul of those who were near.-G. B. S.

18 touto malista hporhsan an oi 'Ioudaioi: i. e. perhaps "they would be at a loss to know the reason of his being brought before them loosed, not knowing what had passed between him and the tribune." Mod. text amplifies: "This he ought to have done at the outset, and neither to have bound him, nor have wished to scourge him, but to have left him, as having done nothing such as that he should be put in bonds. `And he loosed him, 0' it says, etc. This above all the Jews knew not what to make of."

19 eidon anqrwpon qanatwnta: ei gar touto hn, kan esighsen: kai labwn auton aphlqen: kan ecedwken auton autoij o xiliarxoj. The meaning (see above p. 289.) may be: "The wrong was not to be put up with, for to hold his peace under such treatment would have been to embolden the tribune to sacrifice him to his enemies, as a person who might be insulted with impunity." But the passage is corrupt: perhaps it should be ouk (mod. text has outwj) eidon anqr. qan. "They did not see before them one who was willing to die, i.e. to let them take away his life. For if this were the case, he had but to hold his peace, and the tribune would," etc. Mod. text "In such wise saw they a man ready to die; and they would not endure it. `I knew not that he was the high priest. 0' Why then: the rebuke was of ignorance. For if this were not the case, kan labwn auton aphlqe kai ouk esighse, kan ecedwken, k. t. l."

20 Mod. text quite perverting the sense: "Obeying the law, not from a wish to show (endeicasqai) to them: for those he had even strongly condemned. For the law's sake, therefore, he defends himself, not for the sake of the people, with reason," etc.

21 Viz. it was because he did not choose to let the tribune despise him, p. 289. And so mod. text adds, oti ouk ebouleto katafronhqhnai.

22 Maqwmen kai thn epieikeian, i. e. Paul's as well as his parrhsia. Mod. text "Let us then also learn gentleness."

23 oti parufestasin autaij ai kakiai, th men parrhsia qrasuthj. th de epieikeia anandria. It is seldom possible to match the ethical terms of one language with exact equivalents in another. Here qrasuthj, as opposed to parrhsia "courage in speaking one's mind," is not merely "audacity," or "hardihood," or "pugnacity," or "the spirit of the bully," though it may be applied to all these. On the whole, "forwardness" seems to be most suitable for the antithesis: the one character comes forward boldly and speaks up in the cause of truth and justice; the other thrusts itself forward, in its own cause, for resentment of wrongs done to one's self. Below, in connection with anandria it means what we call "bullying."

24 All our mss. o gar uper eautou mh algwn, duskolwj uper eterwn alghsei, but Sav. marg. ouk alghsei; which we adopt as indispensable to the sense. In the next sentence, C. omits the mh before amunwn, and A. the ouk before amuneitai.

25 'Ekeinoj men gar oude anagkaiaj apaitoushj xreiaj, thj ousiaj aptetai twn xrhmatwn, outoj de ekeinou genoito an adelfoj. We leave this as it stands, evidently corrupt. Something is wanting after outoj de. "The former, the oikonomikoj, is careful not to touch his principal or capital, but will confine his outlay within his income: the latter," etc. But oude anagk. ap. xreiaj is hardly suitable in the former case, and should rather come after outoj de "the latter, the niggard, though the need be ever so urgent, has not the heart to touch either principal or income"-or something to that effect. Then perhaps, pwj oun outoj ekeinou genoito an adelfoj; Mod. text "For the former spends all upon proper objects; the latter, not even when urgent need requires, touches the principal of his money. The oikon. therefore will to brother to the megaloy."

1 This Homily is wanting in C. The mod. text swarms with interpolations.

2 kai en toutw, viz. in saying "I am a Pharisee," kai en tw meta tauta, i. e. "Of the hope of resurrection," etc. Mod. text "but is also permitted to contribute somewhat of himself, which also he does and kai en t., kai en tw m. t. both on this occasion and on that which followed (?) he pleads for himself, wishing," etc.

3 Mod text "Either because spirit and angel is one or because the term amfotera is taken not only of two but of three." (This is taken from Ammonius in the Catena. The innovator adds): "the writer therefore uses it kataxrhstikwj, and not according to strict propriety."

4 The last clause in the Vulgate text, mh qeomaxwmen, is unknown to St. Chrys., being in fact quite a modern addition. Chrys. interprets it as an aposiopesis-viz. poion egklhma; St. Isidore of Pelusium in the Cat. to gar ei h esti: tout' estin, h pn. elalhsen autw h aggeloj. Ammonius ibid. "Either the sentence is left incomplete, viz. but whether a spirit or an angel has spoken to him ...is not certain: or, it is to be spoken as on the part of the Pharisees, Eide (5) pn. k. t. l. that is, Behold, he is manifestly asserting the resurrection, taught (kathxhqeij) either by the Holy Ghost or by an angel the doctrine of the resurrection." Mod. text using the latter: "Where is the crime, if an angel has spoken to him, if a spirit, and taught (kathxhqeij) by him, he thus teaches the doctrine of the resurrection?" (and then, adopting the modern addition mh qeom.), "then let us not stand off from him, lest warring with him, we be found also fighting against God."

5 The Pharisees were uniformly more favorably inclined to Christianity than the rival sect of the Sadducees. The latter, as disbelieving in the resurrection and the spirit-world, would be especially prejudiced against a system which made these tenets so central. The Pharisees, on the other hand, agreed on these points with Christianity. It is evident that in his defence here before the Sanhedrin Paul wishes to conciliate the Pharasaic party so far as can be done by emphasizing his own agreement with them respecting the resurrection. They, as believers in this doctrine, would have less prejudice against Paul's teaching concerning Christ's resurrection. In asserting his Pharasaic ancestry, Paul wishes to establish a point of connection with them and thus gain a foothold for the defence of his central truth of Christ's resurrection, which justifies him in being His disciple and servant.-G. B. S.

6 To this question mod. text interpolates for answer from Ammonius in the Catena, "that is, they declared themselves to be out of the pale of the faith to Godward, if they should not do that which was determined against Paul."

7 Kai acion ekplaghnai ton Paulon: (A, and Cat. omit this) ti dh touto\ ouk eqorubhqh, oude eipe. Here mod. text rightly transposes ti dh touto.

8 Mod. text "And with reason the tribune does this (i. e. sends Paul away): for of course he did not wish either to gratify (xarisasqai) or to assent." But the meaning is: "If he had not been informed of their plot, he would have been embarrassed by the request, not liking to refuse, nor yet to grant it."

9 ei gar mh outw. Cat. outoj: "but for this man (the tribune.)"

10 Mod. text omits alla kai allhj pollhj: ora pwj.

1 tou dhmou thn orgmhj. 'Epei oun thj polewj auton ecebalon, tote afistantai. So Edd. and our mss. but Cat. simply thn orghn. The next sentence, if referred affirmatively to the Jews, would be untrue, for in fact the Jews ouk apesthsan. Possibly the scribes took it to refer to the soldiers: but this is very unsatisfactory. To make sense, it must be read interrogatively: "Well then, at any rate that now, they have got him out of the city, they desist from further attempts? By no means; and in fact the precautions taken for his safety show what was the tribune's view of the matter, both that Paul was innocent and that they were set on murdering him." We read afistantai thj ormhj.

2 It has been necessary to rearrange the texts, and also to transpose the parts mark a, b.-Kai mhn umeij, fhsi touto pepoihkate. The fhsi here is hypothetical: "Tertullus wishes to arraign Paul as a seditious person. And yet, Felix might say, it is ye Jews that have been the movers of sedition: in these words ye describe yourselves."-Mod. text "v. 2, 3, 4. And yet ye have done this: then what need of an orator? See how this man, also from the very outset wishes to deliver him up as a revolutionary and seditious person, and with his praises preoccupies the judge. Then as having much to say, he passes it by, and only says this, But that I be not further tedious unto thee."

3 So much was sedition to their taste, they would have been the last to arraign him for that; on the contrary etc.-But Mod. text wj lumewna loipon kai koinon exqron tou eqnouj diaballousi.

4 The bracketed passage in vv. 6-8 om. in A. B. G. H. )

5 Hence it appears that Chrys. read onta se krithn dikaion in v. 10, though the old text in the citation omits the epithet. Cat. retains it.-See p. 299, note 2.

6 As Felix had been many years a judge, he was conversant enough with the habits of the Jews to be aware that the Pentecost which brought Paul to Jerusalem was but twelve days past: so that there had not been time to raise a commotion. Mod. text. "And what did this contribute to the proof? A great point: for he shows that Felix himself knew that Paul had done nothing of all that he was accused of. But if he had ever raised an insurrection, Felix would have known it, being judge, and such an affair would not have scaped his notice."-Below, dia touto entauqa auton elkei, we suppose auton to be Felix: Mod. text substitutes enteuqen afelkwn, referring it to the accuser. The meaning is obscure. but it seems to be, "draws the attention of his judge to this point," viz., of his having come up to worship, and therefore endiatribei toutw tw dikaiw lays the stress upon this point, of Felix being a just judge. Perhaps, however, the true reading here is tw dekaduo, "of its being not more than twelve days."

7 #Airesij in v. 14 has the same meaning as in v. 5. The meaning is therefore obscured by rendering it (as A. V.) in the former verse by "sect" and in the latter by "heresy." It is party or sect in both cases, used as a term of reproach. Paul's accusers considered him a member of a sect which they contemptuously called the Nazarenes. In his defence he takes up their own word.-G. B. S.

8 Eita kai ekballei autwn to proswpon, rejects their person, repudiates their pretension. They had said, "We found him:" he answers, "There found me, in a condition as far as possible from that of a mover of sedition-not they, `but certain of the Jews from Asia. 0' In the Recapitulation, he says, kalwj de oude tonto ekballei referring to v. 21. Hence one might conjecture here, eita ouk ekb., to be placed after v. 20; but see p. 299, note 3.-Mod. text ekb. a. t. pr. legwn adioristwj, 'En oij euron me tinej twn k. t. l. "Saying indefinitely, `In which there found me, 0' (and then adding), `certain of the Jews from Asia. 0'"

9 Vv. 5 and 6 had contained the three charges preferred by Tertullus, viz.: sedition, sectarianism and profanation of the temple. Paul was charged with creating disturbances among the Jews (5). To this he replies (11, 12), that the charge is not sustained by facts; he worshipped in the temple, but neither there, nor in the synagogues, nor in the city, did he create a disturbance or gather a crowd. To the second charge that he is a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes (5), Paul replies by conceding that he worships the God of his fathers after a way which they call a sect, but he denies that this fact involves rejection or contempt of the law or the prophets (14). To the third charge that he had attempted to profane the Temple (6), he replies by alleging that he had, on the contrary, brought offerings to the Temple service and that he had there peaceably taken part in the religious rites of the Nazarites (17, 18). He concludes by insisting that his whole offence consists in having stoutly maintained the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead.-G. B. S.

10 Old text tauta gar eikotwj peri ekeinou legetai, para de toutou ...We read para ekeinou in the sense, "All that is to be said on those points comes from Lysias: from Paul, not a word." Mod. text tauta gar par ekeinwn legetai genesqai: "these things are said to have been done by those."

11 Here old text has the reading en aij, above it was en oij.- Here the first Redactor has confused the matter, in consequence of his supposing that at the mention of Tertullus (d) Chrys. must have gone into the Recapitulation. Hence he places (c) the formula all' idwmen k. t. l. immediately before this. Accordingly to (d) as being comment on v. 4, he joins (e), and then supposing the epieikeiaj of (f) to refer to epieikeia v. 4, he places this next. The part (b) he keeps in its place, viz. before the Recapitulation: there remained (a), and this he prefixes to b, though its contents clearly show that it belongs to the Recapitulation of v. 31.

12 ta men ekeinou, evidently the tribune, but Ben. quoe Paulum quidem spectabant.-They made the most of what the tribune had done, of their own violence they make as little as possible.

13 See above, p. 197, note 3. The principal authorities for the dikaion are Laud's Cod. Gr. and Cat. of Acts.

14 kalwj de (B.) oude touto ekballei. i. e. but while he does well to challenge the parties who found him viz. the Jews from Asia, he does well also that he does not cast out or repudiate this particular which he goes on to mention-viz. his exclamation before the Sanhedrim. This may consist with what was said above, ekballei autwn to proswpon: (see p. 297, note 1) viz. though he does this, and deprives them of the credit they took to themselves, for it was not that they found him; and as to his behavior in the temple, he will not admit their testimony, for they were not present: yet even these he challenges to testify to that of which they were cognizant.-Mod. text "from Asia, saying, Who ought to accuse me before thee, if they had aught against me. So confident was he to be clear as to the matters of which he was accused, that he even challenges them. But not only those from Asia, nay, those also from Jerusalem."

15 Mod. text adds, "by saying, 'Ekekraca: as much as to say, They have it not," etc. But their violence was shown not by his crying out, but by the fact that they had nothing more against him than this exclamation.

16 Old text ara an hqelhsate outw filosofein dunasqai-; Mod. text ara an outw filosofein dunhsqe-; and so Ben. against grammar and the sense. Savile and Ed. Par. Ben. 2, ara an eqelhshte, . .... dunasqe; But our mss. give it as above: and Savile's reading does not suit the sense: which is, "Would not you have wished-? Well, then, so would he."-Below, wsper oun ekeinoj ouk (B., ekeinoij and om. ouk) apo ecqraj tosouton, oson apo asqeneiaj, touto upomenei: outw kai hmeij ouk apo thj fusewj twn ubrewn kinoumeqa, oson af' hmwn autwn. The scribes have made nonsense of the passage, and the Edd. retain it. If for upomenei we read upomene, this will answer to episxej in the preceding sentence: to touto we supply pasxei: so we read, wsper oun ekeinoi. outw kai outoj ouk apo e oson apo asq touto pasxei: upomene. kai hmeij etc.

17 b.c. ina eidwj ekeino (mod. text ekeinoj) touto (we read toutw) katastellhtai. Here, as often, ekeino refers to the other world, touto to this life: "knowing what will come of it there, (i. e. the coals of fire) he may," etc.

18 kai mh ...Mod text kai mhn ..."And yet thou art," etc.

1 !Anesij better rendered "relaxation" or "indulgence" (R. V.) than "liberty" (A. V.). Meyer understands by this that he was to be allowed rest, "to be spared all annoyance." Others (DeWette, Lange) suppose anesij to refer to release from chains, the so-called custodia libera of the Romans in which the prisoner went free on bail or upon the responsibility of some magistrate. This view is, however, inconsistent with the fact that Felix committed Paul to the keeping of a centurion (23) as well as with his leaving Paul bound (27). The custody was doubtless the custadia militaris and anesij denotes the relaxation of the rigors of his imprisonment.-G.B.S.

2 Paul's reasoning "concerning righteousness" was directed against the well-known injustice of a prince of whom Tacitus says that he acted as if there were no penalty for villainy. His reasoning "concerning self-control" (ekrateia) was in opposition to his sensuality. He had unlawfully married Drusilla who was the wife of Azizus, the king of Emesa (Jos. Ant. xx. 7, 2). His references to the judgment to come might well have been directed against the governor's murder of Jonathan, the high priest.-G. B. S.

3 This formula is placed by C and mod. text just before the text "Go thy way," etc., v. 25, as if what is said of the wife also hearing, etc., related to the hearing before Agrippa and his wife Bernice.

4 Mod. text "And having gone down in Caesarea, he spends ten days." Which is evidently false, but so Edd. have it.-wste eggenesqai, seemingly, "to give them an opportunity of buying him." Pen., ut prostaret eis qui vellent ipsum corrumpere.

5 to, "fulattesqai;" this seems to refer to xxiii. 35: in v. 4, the expression is threisqai. Perhaps Chrys. said, "He was safe in custody, for Felix had ordered him fulattesqai, and there he was still. Then what needs this fresh order that he should threisqai? He is not attempting to escape, is he? It shows the spirit of the governor: `we have him safe; come down and accuse him. 0'"

6 epeidh hn kai h apofasij. Mod. text and Sav. omit the kai, Ben. epeidh ei hn apofasij, with no authority of mss. We have marked the clause as corrupt. Possibly, kalh profasij is latent in the words, with the sense "since some handsome pretext was necessary" (or the like): or, perhaps, epeidh Kai [saroj] hn h apofasij, as comment upon the clause, 'Epi tou bhmatoj Kaisaroj estwj eimi.

7 eij ta 'Ierosoluma all our mss., and so Edd. without remark. Yet the sense plainly requires eij 'Pwmhn, and in fact the Catena has preserved the true reading. In the next sentence, he seems to be commenting upon the pleiouj hmeraj of v. 14 to this effect: "See how his cause is lengthened out by all these delays: the time (ten days) of Festus' stay at Jerusalem; then the second hearing; now again, pleiouj hmeraj: but for all this, his enemies are not able to effect their design.

8 Alluding to v. 26, 27 (which mod. text inserts here): i. e. "to this same effect Festus also writes, in his report to the Emperor."

9 For kai oi xarizomenoi autoij, mss. and Edd. we restore from the Catena kaitoi xarizomenoj autoij.

10 'Alla kai eteron: all ouden aciopiston: mallon de oude mikron, alla kai wflei. So b.c. in A. all this is omitted, Mod. text-"incalculable mischief, but little to another, or rather not even a little does it hurt, nay even benefits. But I have said nothing worthy of belief all ouden aciopiston eirhka. Well then, let there be," etc.

11 xrhmata exwn oliga kai thj anagkaiaj euporwn trofhj, eteroj de plousioj kai euporoj. So the mss. and Edd. without comment. We assume it to be aporwn.

12 'Alla to spanion aei toiouton. One would expect 'Alla spanion aei to toiouton.-Mod. text adds, kai oligoi oi kaloi.

13 kai podalgia\ ouxi eauton sundiefqeire met ekeinou; h xolh palin euruxwrian zhteitw. Mod. text "is not this dropsy? met ekeinou h xolh k. t. l. and below ean uperbh to metron, ouxi eauton sundiefqeire; outw kai h trofh. adding, "if it be taken beyond what can be digested, it involves the body in diseases. For whence comes the gout? whence the paralyzing and commotion of the body? Is it not from the immediate quantity of aliments? Again in the body," etc.

1 Old text omits iswj, and puts it as a question, "Who would not have received the saying?"

2 This is the comment on "forgiveness of sins:" the epieikej consisting in the not enlarging upon the greatness and aggravation of their sins. In the mss. and Edd. this is placed at the end of v. 18, and then, "God said to me, I have appeared to thee," and the rest repeated to "forgiveness of sins."

3 Mod. text "Whether He (as) first to rise from the dead should declare light: as if he had said, Christ as the first that rose dieth no more." It is manifest from the declaring this to all, that they also (have to) expect it for themselves. Then Festus seeing the boldness, since he all along addressed himself to the king, not once ceasing to look full towards him, was as annoyed (wsper epaqe ti), and says, "Thou art mad, Paul." And that he says this in annoyance (or passion), hear from what follows. "And as he thus discoursed," etc.

4 wsper epaqe ti. This is explained in the Recapitulation: "with a loud voice-outw qumou hn kai orghj."

5 Old text: "v. 27-29. Eucaimhn an, fhsin, egwge ouk en oligw, ti esti\ para mikron. Kai oux aplwj euxetai alla kai epitetamenwj. From the Recapitulation it appears that Chrys. supposes that Paul, as an idiwthj, i.e. not conversant with the elegancies of Greek style, ouk enohsen ti estin 'En oligw all' enomisen oti ec oligou: did not perceive what Agrippa's phrase meant (viz. as here explained. para mikron), but supposed it to be the same as ec oligou." "With little ado"-i. e. thou makest short work to persuade me, as if this were an easy thing, to be done in brief: therefore Paul answers, Be it in little, or be it in much, I could pray to God, with no brief and hasty prayer, but epitetamenwj, much and earnestly.-For kai oux aplwj, we read kai en pollw: oux a. and transpose ti estin en oligw para mikron, to its fitting place. Mod. text ouk en oligw: toutesti, mikron, omitting para, meaning this as the explanation of St. Paul's euc. en oligw. Of the Edd., Commel. Sav. Ben. give para, and so Par. Ben. 2, who however rejects the ouk.

6 The correct interpretation of v. 28, 29 depends upon the ff. points: (1) Whether the remark of Agrippa is sincere or ironical. (2) Whether the true text in v. 29 is en pollw or en meralw. (3) What noun, if any, is to be supplied with the adjectives oligw and megalw (or pollw). Regarding the first question, the considerations in favor of the view that Agrippa's remark is ironical are (a) the frivolous character of the man, (b) the current use of Christian among Jews and Romans as a term of reproach and contempt. Touching the second point, we find that megalw is favored by )

A. B. Syr. Copt. Aram. Vulg., as against G. H. for pollw. The former reading is adopted by Tischendorf, Lachmann, Meyer, Westcott and Hort, and most modern critics, and the evidence in its favor may be considered decisive. Whether any noun is to be supplied to oligw and megalw (as most) or not (as Meyer) is not important. In any case the sense must be completed. What do "in little" and "in great" mean? The sense may be completed by supplying (a) the idea of time-"in a little time," i. e. almost. In this case, en megalw would have to be rendered "wholly" or "altogether," a meaning which en megalw cannot well convey. Another rendering which might be derived from supplying the idea of time-differing but slightly from the foregoing-would be: "in a little time thou art persuading me!" i. e. dost thou think so soon to persuade me? and Paul replies: "Whether in a little time or in a long time-whether soon or late-I could wish," etc. The first interpretation lays emphasis upon the state of Agrippa's mind-persuaded almost-persuaded altogether; the second upon the element of time required to accomplish the persuasion (ironically spoken of). (b) The idea of labor, trouble or argument may be supplied thus: "Easily-with few words-or with little trouble-thou persuaded me!" and Paul's answer is: Whether with little (labor) or with much, I would to God that," etc. This view we prefer, because, (a) it harmonizes best with the natural meaning of en megalw which (if the true reading) requires taking both phrases in a quantitative sense. (b) It is favored by the evidently ironical character of Agrippa's remark. There is no ground for the opinion of Chrys. (followed by Calvin) that en oligw is used in different senses in the language of Agrippa and Paul, much less for the idea that Paul did not understand what en oligw meant!-G. B. S.

7 'Apesthsan loipon oi 'I. th afesei xrhsamenou ekeinou A. B. (C. has lost a leaf here). Mod. text efesei. Cat. 'Epesthsan loipon oi 'I th efesei xrhsamenoi ekeinou. If this be the true reading, it should seem to belong to pan to pl. twn 'Ioud., viz. "`concerning whom all the multitude of the Jews besought me: 0' the Jews thereupon had set upon him, using his, Festus' permission." But apest. and efesei give a better sense as comment on v. 23, i. e. "No mention now of the Jews-they had left him, when he had made his appeal."-Then, meta pollhj fant. (mod. text adds o basileuj kai) pan to plhqoj twn 'I. parhsan oux oi men oi de ou. Which is not true, for it could not be said that all the Jews were present at this hearing before Agrippa. We read meta p. f. parhsan. Then from v. 24, "pan to plhqo"" sc. enetuxon moi.

8 Ei gar ouden men eixon delnon eipein. i. e. "As far as the matter of accusation was concerned, he knew that he had nothing to fear: ekeinoi de ememhnesan, but the people yonder (at Jerusalem) were mad against him: therefore eikotwj ep ekeinon erxetai, no wonder he is for going to Caesar."

9 The apologia is Festus' written report of the hearings before him, which would be sent to Rome, and would at once testify to Paul's innocence, and to the malignity of the Jews.

10 Panta toinun apodusamenoj, not as Ben. "omnibus ergo relictis, apud quos natus, etc." but in the sense of the phrase apoduesqai (egklhmata) which is frequent in Chrys. That is, "the consequence is that Paul makes his first appearance at Rome, not merely as one who has cleared himself of all charges brought against him at home, but, after these repeated examinations, clear from all suspicion."-Below oiate kuriwn ouk ontwn twn katadikazontwn auton: the sense intended may be, "seeing they were not his judges, even if they wished to condemn him."

11 Mod. text "But not before the tribunal of Lysias alone does he this, but also before Festus, and again here." Ben. cites the old text only to condemn it. Inconsiderately: for it was in the hearing epi Lusiou xxii. 3-5. (Lysias had no "tribunal") and here, that St. Paul thus challenged the testimony of the Jews: not before Felix, which is what is meant by ekei, still less before Festus.

12 kai touto meson tiqhsi. The innovator not understanding the phrase, and its reference to Ei paqhtoj o Xristoj etc., substitutes, "And puts their (words) in the midst."-The meaning is: "He had greater things to say than what the prophets had said:" he could say, "The Christ whom ye slew is risen, for I have seen Him: but instead of this, he put it as a subject for discussion, Did the prophets teach that the Christ was to suffer and to rise again?"

13 See above, p. 310, note 1, and.* Yet some modern commentators assert that en oligw cannot mean, as Chrys. says, para mikron: that this sense requires oligou, or oligou dein, or par oligon: so that, in their view, Chrysostom's remark outwj idiwthj hn would be quite out of place.-In the next sentence ou boulomai, all our mss. and Edd. But Ben. renders it without the negative Et non dixit, Vellem.

14 He is commenting upon 2 Tim. ii. 9. "I suffer trouble as an evil-doer even unto bonds." To others, this might seem a twofold aggravation: both that he was treated as a malefactor, and that his destruction was intended. For if indeed he was put in bonds wj ep agaqw, the thing bore its comfort with it, and such was the case to him, but not in their intention; which was, that he should be in chains kai wj kakourgoj kai wj epi toij deinoij. Of the mss. A. C. have wj epi toij deinoij allouj: all oudenoj toutwn efrontizen. B. alouj: and so mod. text. But allouj seems to be only the abbreviation of the following all' oudenoj.

15 Mod. text adds, "To say this, belongs to Paul only: ours it is, who are so far removed from him as the heaven is from the earth, to hide our faces, so that we dare not even to open our mouth."

16 metewroi twn energeiwn hmin ginontai ai oyeij. Unable to discover any meaning in this, (Ben. sublimes nobis sunt: operationum oculi), we conjecture twn epigeiwn.

17 mss. and Edd., tria gar tauta esti yuxh (only F. has yuxh): "there are for the soul these three subjects."-Below, mss. and Edd. oikodomein for oikonomein.

1 Kai toutouj, meaning perhaps those who remained at Myra.

2 The fast referred to was that which occurred on the great day of atonement (Lev. xxiii. 27) i. e. on the tenth of the seventh month (Tisri). This would be about the end of September, after the autumnal equinox, when navigation was considered dangerous.-G. B. S.

3 Preponderant authority favors the reading eurakulwn from euroj, the S. E. wind and the Latin Aquilo, a N. wind (so )

, B* A. Vulgate Erasmus Mill, Bengel, Olshausen, Hackett, Tischendorf, Lachmann, Tregelles, Westcott and Hort, R.V.) If eurokaudwn is read, it is disputed whether the first part of the word is euroj (Alford, Gloag, Howson,) or euruj, broad. Meyer defends the latter reading, on the ground that the phrase o kaloumenoj requires that the word eur. denote a name and not merely the direction of the wind and that it is easier to suppose that this reading should be modified into the former than the reverse. Alford supposes that eurakulwn was the name of the wind, which the Greek sailors did not understand and pronounced eurokludwn. Meyer's argument is inadequate, and the probabilities favor the reading eurakludwn with the meaning, N. E. wind, a signification, moreover, which answers all the conditions of the narrative. (See Bib. Dict. sub voce.)-G.B.S.

4 Rather, "on the Syrtis" (eij thn Surtin.) There were two shoals on the coast of Africa, called by this name, the Syrtis Major and the Syrtis Minor. The former to the S. W. of Crete is the one here referred to.-G. B. S.

5 R. V. "they lowered the gear" (skeuoj). The word skeuoj-utensil, implement-is in itself indefinite and must be understood from the context. It has here been taken to mean "anchor;" "mast" (Olshausen); "sail" (Meyer, Lechler, Hackett, A. V.): "gear," meaning the ropes and topsails in order to set the ship in a direction off shore.-G. B. S.

6 Kai episfiggontai autwn ai yuxai. Hom. in Matt. p. 60, A. episf. is applied to the action of salt in stopping corruption; and ib. 167 B. Christians are the salt of the earth, ina episfiggwmen touj diarreontaj. Here in a somewhat similar sense, "the vessel goes to pieces and their (dissolute) souls (which were in danger of going to pieces) are powerfully constricted, held in a close strain, braced to the uttermost." Mod. text omits this, and for ina mh laqwntai-anaisxuntein, substitutes, "That they may not perish, the corn is thrown out and all the rest."-Below, all otan kai ta pleiona legh thj sumforaj: mod. text absurdly substitutes paratrexh: we insert after this the clause tote ta xrhsta prolegei which our mss. have below after kai o foboj marturei.

7 Kai episfiggontai autwn ai yuxai. Hom. in Matt. p. 60, A. episf. is applied to the action of salt in stopping corruption; and ib. 167 B. Christians are the salt of the earth, ina episfiggwmen touj diarreontaj. Here in a somewhat similar sense, "the vessel goes to pieces and their (dissolute) souls (which were in danger of going to pieces) are powerfully constricted, held in a close strain, braced to the uttermost." Mod. text omits this, and for ina mh laqwntai-anaisxuntein, substitutes, "That they may not perish, the corn is thrown out and all the rest."-Below, all otan kai ta pleiona legh thj sumforaj: mod. text absurdly substitutes paratrexh: we insert after this the clause tote ta xrhsta prolegei which our mss. have below after kai o foboj marturei.

8 poqen ta sithresia eixon; i. e. what were they to subsist upon, having thrown out the rest of the corn? But they trusted Paul's assurance for all.

9 xarisasqai i. e. to the holy man, to be saved for his sake, in like manner as "He gave (kexaristai) to Paul them that sailed with him," v. 24.

1 The Maltese, though undoubtedly civilized, were barbaroi in the Greek and Roman sense of speaking an unintelligible language (cf. 1 Cor. xiv. 11). The word might be appropriately rendered "foreigners." The Maltese were of Phoenician descent and spoke a mixed dialect.-G. B. S.

2 amelesterouj genomenouj, i. e. the impression left on their minds by the storm was not suffered to wear out, when the danger was over. What happened on shore, Paul's miracles, the kindness and honors shown them by the barbarians for Paul's sake, all helped to keep them from relapsing into indifference.

3 Or with the sign of the Dioscuri. The reference is to the ships insigne, an image or picture of the divinities Castor and Pollux on the prow of the ship. In the current mythology they were the sons of Jupiter and Leda, and were regarded as the tutelary divinities of sailors.-G. B. S.

4 ou gar an en trimhnw tosoutw dielexqhsan mh sfodra autwn pisteusantwn. (Mod. text tosauta dielexqh.) This is evidently corrupt. The context requires (as we have given in the translation), "would not have been so hospitably and liberally entertained, such a number as there were of them, two hundred and seventy-six souls and this for a period of three months:" but in dielexq. perhaps dihlegxqhsan is latent: "they would not have been so honored etc., but rather would have been convicted," etc.-In what follows, the parts had fallen out of their places thus, 2, 4, 6: 3, 5: 1, 7. Mod. text in e, oti fobhqentej ton kindunon echlqon, connecting this with the first clause of f, kai tauta ikana ekeinouj pistwsasqai.

5 The dialogue seems to proceed thus. "If the devil was the cause of Adam's fall, at this rate it ought to follow that all whom the devil tempts should perish (edei kata touto pantaj touj peirazomenouj apollusqai): if this be not the case, as certainly it is not, then, the cause (of our perishing) is with ourselves (ei de mh apolluntai, par hmaj h aitia)." Then: 'All' edei, fhsi, pantaj touj peirazomenouj katorqoun: ou: par hmaj gar h aitia: edei, fhsi, kai xwrij tou diabolou apollusqai. "But," say you, "(at this rate) all that are tempted ought to succeed (against the Tempter, to come off victorious from the encounter)." No: for the cause (of our being tempted) is with ourselves. "Then people ought to perish even without the devil:" i. e. `It should follow that those who perish, perish independently of the tempter. 0' Yes: in fact many do," etc. In the printed text all' edei-katorqoun, <\=85_edei apollusqai are put interrogatively, and in place of the ou par hmaj gar h aitia of the mss. (which we point Ou. par hmaj g. h. a.) it has h, ei par h. h. a.

6 Hom. xxiii. in Gen. §, 6, p. 215, A. "I exhort you never to lay the blame upon Satan, but upon your own remissness. I say not this to exculpate him, for he `goeth about, 0' etc. 1 Pet. v. 8, but to put ourselves in more security, that we may not exculpate ourselves when we so easily go over to the evil one, that we may not speak those heartless, senseless words, `Why has God left the evil one so much freedom to seduce men. 0' These words betoken the greatest ingratitude. Consider this: God has left him that freedom, to this very end, that by fear of the enemy he may keep us ever watchful and sober."

7 The printed text, isxurouj gar hmaj poiei kala kai ta enantia. Ben., fortes enim nos reddunt quoe bona et contraria sunt. But kala kai ta enantia clearly answers to kalon kai luph summetroj, kalon kai frontij, kalon kai endeia. Only it may be doubted whether ta enantia is to be taken here as above, "Good also are adverse things, or, "their opposites," i. e. "freedom from sorrow, and care, and want, if in moderation." But the context speaks for the latter: viz. "(In moderation), for each of them (both these things and of their opposites) being out of measure destroys: and as the one leaves no solidity or stability (kai to men xaunoi, i. e. immoderate joy, ease, comfort), so the other by excessive tension breaks."-So below by tauta we understand "these things and their opposites," which are described as ta men pikra, ta de hmera (mod text hdea).

1 Paul's prompt summoning of the unbelieving Jews was due as Chrys. reminds us, to his desire to conciliate them and thus to prevent the rise of new obstacles to the progress of the gospel. The apostle might naturally suppose that the Jews of Jerusalem, who were bent upon destroying him, had lodged information against him with their brethren at Rome and that his appearance as a prisoner might still further excite their prejudice and opposition. This view of Paul's action removes the objection that he could not have given attention to the Jews before making the acquaintance of the Christian church (Zeller). He had, however, made their acquaintance; the brethren had gone out to meet him on his approach to the city and he had probably spent the most of the three days referred to in their company. Zeller has objected still more zealously to Paul's statement. "I have done nothing against this people or the customs of the fathers." Paul's meaning, however, is, that he had never sought the destruction or subversion of the Jewish law and customs, but had ever labored in the line of the Messianic fulfilment of them. Meyer fitly says: "His antagonism to the law was directed against justification by the Law."

2 viz. by saying only antilegontwn twn 'Ioud., whereas they had shown the utmost malignity against him, accusing him of crimes which they could not prove, and "saying that he was not fit to live:" but he is so forbearing, that though he might have turned all this against them, he sinks the mention of it, etc.

3 Ti dh ta meta tauta; For the answer to this question, see the Recapitulation.-The remainder of the Exposition had fallen into extreme confusion, in consequence of the original redactor's having read the notes in the order 2, 4, 6: 1, 3, 5: 7: and this is followed by another series of trajections. The restoration of the true order here, and in the numerous cases of the like kind in the former homilies, was no easy matter; but being effected, it speaks for itself. Later scribes (of the old text) have altered a few words here and there: but the framer of the mod. text has endeavored to make it read smoothly. in point of grammar, little regarding the sense and coherence of the whole.

4 Kai tosauth h periousia, i. e. not only the Jews could prove nothing against him, but the Romans also, to whom they delivered him, after strict and repeated examinations, found nothing in him worthy of death. So ex abundanti, enough and more than enough, was his innocence established. Mod. text adds thj eleuqeriaj.

5 This clause to deicai oti Pwmaioij paredwkan desmion is wanting in A. C. In the next clause. deon ekeinouj katadikasai, "whereas, had I been guilty, those, the Jews at Jerusalem, ought to have condemned me, instead of that, `they delivered me prisoner to the Romans, 0' and the consequence was, that `I was compelled to appeal unto Caesar. 0'" But this clause being followed by e, mod. text connects thus: touj de katadikasai deon ekeinouj, deon kathgorhsai: but whereas these (the Jews at Rome) ought to have condemned those (the Jews at Jerusalem), ought to have accused them, they rather apologize for them, etc.

6 deon ekeinwn kathgorhsai: apologountai di wn kathgorousin autwn. We restore it thus, apologountai: di wn apologountai, kathgorousin autwn. And in (b), Touto men gar auto for-autou. "This very thing," i. e. their neither sending letters concerning him to Rome, nor coming themselves; "if they had been confident of their cause (eqarroun), kan touto epoihsan, they would at any rate have sent letters concerning him, if they did not come themselves. wste mh dunhqhnai sunarpasai me, Erasmus, who here makes his version from the old text, ita ne possent me simul rapere. The mod. text "for if they had been confident, they would at least have done this and come together, wste auton sunarpasai, ut ipsum secum attraherent." (Ben.) It does not appear what me has to do here, unless the words, defectively reported, are put in St. Paul's mouth: "if," he might say, "they were confident, they would have done this, so that I should not be able sunarpasai." The expression sunarpasai (sc. to zhtoumenon) is a term of logic, "to seize to one's self as proved some point which is yet in debate and not granted by the opponent:" therefore a petitio principii. Above, p. 321, we had sunarpagh in the sense of "jumping hastily to a conclusion." Later authors also use it in the sense, "to suppress." See above, p. 209, note 5. Here, "they would at any rate have written letters concerning him (or, me), that so he (or, I) might not be able to have it all his (or, my) own way:" to beg the point in dispute, and run off with his own justification.-allwj te kai elqein wknhsan, "especially as they shrunk from coming: kai to pollakij epixei-risai edeican, A., epixhrai edeisan." Read kai tw p. epixeirhsai "by their repeated attempts (to slay him?)" edeican oti ouk eqarroun, or oti edeisan. Mod. text. "But now, not being confident they shrunk from coming; especially as by their frequent attempting, they showed that they were not confident."

7 Needless difficulties have been found in v. 22. It is said that the Jews speak as if they had heard of the Christian Church at Rome, which some years before is represented by Paul's Epistle to the Romans as large and flourishing (Rom. i. 8), only from hearsay, and that Luke must have represented them as so speaking in order to represent Paul as the founder of the Roman Church. For the reserve of the Jews, however, plausible and sufficient reasons can be given, if the fact that they say no more than they do requires explanation. To us it does not seem to require any. The Jews do not state that they know nothing concerning the Roman Christians. They speak of the "sect" in general, but do not say that they know of it only by hearsay. They simply state one thing which they know, not how they know it, nor that it is all that they know. This statement served their purpose to commit themselves in no way against Paul concerning whom they had received no official information from Jerusalem (v. 21) as also the purpose to encourage Paul to explain himself and defend his cause fully and frankly to them.-G. B. S.

8 i. e. "You say, He is accused of preaching everywhere against the Law-but of what do ye accuse him? what have you heard him say? Not a word of the kind did he speak. They did but see him in the Temple, xxi. 27, and straightway stirred up all the people against him."

9 all' ekeinoj ouketi. A., ekeinwn. Cat., ekeino. Mod. text all' entauqa men outwj, kei de ouketi. !Allwj de kai-. He makes this an argument against those who affirmed the Holy Ghost to be a created Angel. There are many places where an Angel speaks in the name of the Lord, and what the Angel says, is the Lord's saying. But in speaking of such a communication, one would not say, Well spake the Angel, but, Well spake the Lord. So here, if the Spirit were but an Angel, St. Paul would not have said, "Well spake the Holy Spirit: he would have said, Well spake the Lord. Hence the clause all' ekeinoj or ekeino (sc. to Pn.) ouketi means, "But not so the Spirit," i. e. What has been said of the case of an Angel speaking in the name of the Lord, does not apply here: the Holy Spirit speaks in His own name. The sense is obscured by the insertion of the clause kalwj eipe, f., to Pn. to #A. (which we omit) before all' ekeinoj ouketi.

10 Here follows another series of trajections: the parts, as it seems, having been transcribed from the notes in this order, 5, 3, 1: 6, 4, 2: 7, 9: 8, 10. Mod. text inserts here: "But Paul," it says, "dwelt two whole years in his own hired house." So without superfluity was he, rather so did he imitate his Master in all things, since he had even his dwelling furnished him, not from the labors of others, but from his own working: for the words, "in his own hired house," signify this. But that the Lord also did not possess a house, hear Him saying to the man who had not rightly said, "I will follow Thee whithersoever Thou goest: The foxes" said He "have holes, and the birds of the air have nests: but the Son of Man hath not where to lay His head." Thus did He from His own self teach that we should possess nothing, nor be exceedingly attached to things of this life. "And he received," it says, "all that came in unto him, preaching the kingdom of God." See him speaking nothing of the things of sense; nothing concerning the present things, but all concerning the kingdom of God." And below after b, in place of c-g, the same has: "But he does this, and tells not what things came afterwards, deeming it would be superfluous for those who would take in hand the things he had written, and who would learn from these how to add on to the narration: for what the things were which went before, such doubtless he found these which came after. Hear too what he says, writing after these things (?) to the Romans, "Whensoever I take my journey into Spain, I will come to you."

11 The report is very defective, but the meaning in general is this: See how his desire of coming to Rome is accomplished, but not in the way which he proposed. Hence in (h) we do not hesitate to supply the negative which is omitted in the mss. and the printed text. 'Oraj pwj OU panta proewra.

1 Field counts this as the first Homily: but it seemed needless to disturb the usual numeration.

2 It is remarkable that the conclusions of Chrys. should harmonize so well with the results of modern scholarship in regard to the order of the Pauline epistles. Except in assigning the Epistle to the Hebrews to Paul and in apparently interposing a considerable period between Philemon and Colossians, his statements may be taken as giving the best conclusions of criticism.-G. B. S.

3 "Or `Angel, 0' i.e. Malachi; who was so called from the expression Mal. i. 1 (LXX. dia xei/oj aggelou. autou cf. E. V. in margin `by the hand of Malachi 0'), cf. 2 Esdr. 1. 40."

4 Our author rightly attaches much importance to the time and occasion of writing as bearing upon the meaning of the epistles. The earliest epistles-those to the Thessalonians-relate to Paul's missionary labors and are but a continuation of the apostle's preaching. They might almost be called samples of his sermons. The group which falls next in order (Gal., 1 and 2 Cor., and Rom.) comprehends the great doctrinal discussions of the problems of law and grace, and reflects the conflict of the Apostle to the Gentiles with the Judaizing tendency in all its phases. This group is most important for the study of the Pauline theology. The third group-the epistles of the (first) imprisonment-Col Philem., Eph. and Phil.-besides containing a wonderful fulness and richness of Christian thought, exhibits to us the rise and spread of Gnostic heresies,-the introduction of heathen philosophical ideas which were destined to exert a mighty influence upon the theology, religion and life of the church for centuries. The last group-the Pastoral epistles-has a peculiar private and personal character from being addressed to individuals. They have a special value, for all who hold their genuineness, from being the latest Christian counsels of "Paul the aged."-G. B. S.

5 The "learning" of the Apostle Paul has been greatly exaggerated on both sides. It has been customary to overestimate it. He has been described as learned in Greek literature. The quotation of a few words from Aratus (Acts xvii. 28) and the use of two (probably) proverbial sayings which have been traced to Menander and Epimenides (1 Cor. xv. 33; Titus i. 12) furnish too slender support for this opinion. (vid. Meyer in locis). It is said that Paul had abundant opportunity to become acquainted with the Greek literature in Tarsus. But he left Tarsus at an early age and all the prejudices of his family would disincline him to the study of Heathen literature. His connection with Gamaliel and the style of his epistles alike show that his education was predominantly Jewish and Rabbinic. He was learned after the manner of the strictest Pharisees and from his residence in Tarsus and extended travel had acquired a good writing and speaking knowledge of the Greek language. Chrys. is uniformly inclined, however, to depreciate the culture of Paul. This springs from a desire to emphasize the greatness of his influence and power as compared with his attainments. The apostle's confession that he is an idiwthj tw-logw (2 Cor. xi. 6), means only that he was unskilled in eloquence and is to be taken as his own modest estimate of himself in that particular. Moreover it is immediately qualified by all ou th gnwsei which is entirely inconsistent with the idea that he was rude or illiterate in general, or that he considered himself to be so.-G. B. S.

1 In every one of his Epistles prefixes (Savile).

2 This expression is significant as showing the confidence of Chrys, in the Pauline authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews. It need hardly be said that the reason for the omission of the Apostle's name is purely fanciful and that the non-Pauline character of the Epistle is almost demonstrable.-G. B. S.

3 Or, "not in one way only."

4 oikonomiaj, viz. the concealment of His glory in the Incarnation.

5 It is noticeable that in the New Testament the apostles call the body of believers "saints," but never apply this term to themselves or to one another. In later times the body of believers returned the compliment and fixed the term as a title upon the Apostles, New Testament writers, Church Fathers, and a large number of Christians more or less distinguished for learning or piety. Most Christians find the title more appropriate to the two first classes than to the two last.-G. B. S.

6 Which the Fathers teach to be a type of Christ upon the Cross. See on Tert. Apol. c. 30, p. 70. Oxf. Tr.

7 Supposed to be a vague recollection of St. Luke viii. 10, or of Acts xix. 10.

8 The expression has also another important bearing upon a question much debated by modern scholars, viz.: was the Roman Church predominantly Jewish or Gentile? The Pauline usage is strongly in favor of understanding by the words tae qnh Gentiles as opposed to Jews. If this is correct the expression together with en oij este would seem decisive as showing the predominantly Gentile character of the Roman Christian community.-G. B. S.

9 See St. Basil de Spiritu Sancto, c. 2, 4. and 5. St. Chrysostom is arguing against the Arian abuse of 1 Cor. viii. 6, as he does on the passage itself.

1 diaqesewj, see Ernesti Lex. Technol. in v.

2 Four mss. didaskaliaj, a father's mode of Teaching. S. khdemoniaj.

3 One Ms. adds, if Christ hath given him this care, and

4 Verse 12 is best understood as a quasi-correction, or modification of v. II, to show that he does not mean that his coming to them would be a blessing to them alone, but also to himself; thus: I mean to say that I want to visit you not only that I may impart (metadw, v. 2) something unto you, but that I may be encouraged in you (or among you) through the action and reaction of our common (en allhloij) faith. Thus touto de estin is taken not as simply explanatory, but as mildly adversative.-G. B. S.

5 periplakwmen seems here to have a double sense from the context.

6 Verse 13 adds a new reason for his wish to visit Rome-ina tina karpon sxw. It seems to me that more is here meant than the establishing and encouragement of v. 11, 12; that the Apostle is not here merely repeating the idea of ti metadw xarisma (Meyer, Afford), but is thinking of the conversion of those outside of the Roman Christian community. This is confirmed by the generalization of v. 14: "And to Greeks and Barbarians, I am debtor." It was not merely a joy that he might experience, but a conquest which he might win for Christ. His purpose to go to Rome is grounded upon his fixed purpose to carry the gospel to all Gentile nations without distinction of race or culture (so Godet, Hofmann). Chrysostom's exposition proceeds upon the B.S.supposition of the simple identity of these statements.-G. B. S.

7 ecwmidaj, a short tunic leaving the arms and shoulders bare, which had with it a kind of mantle. It was used by slaves, and adopted perhaps by these philosophers as a badge of austerity. See Aelian. Var. Hist. 1. ix. c. 34. Ed. Varior. note of Perizonius.

8 Field reads adomenoj kai periferomenoj, Vulg. agomenoj which may mean "alleged."

9 And this the wiser heathen urge, as Plato, Rep. xi. and Euthyph. and Aristoph. Nub.

10 Joel ii. 25. S. Ephrem considers that passage to allude to the plagues of Egypt; and so others.

11 See the Ceremonies of Baptism, St. Cyril Lect. xx. (ii. on Myst.) c. 4. He says they "were led to the holy pool." p. 264.

12 Verse 16 might almost be considered as a summary of the apostle's doctrine. It could be expressed thus: subject: The gospel, what is it? God's power. For what? Salvation. For whom? Every one that believeth. On what historic conditions? To the Jew first and also to the Greek. Prwton is best taken not as simply chronological (Chrys. Godet, Hodge), but as denoting a providential, economic B.S (Meyer, De Wette, Tholuck, Philippi, Alford).-G. B. S.

13 Dikaiosunh qeou (17) means a righteousness which is from God (gen. orig.) and of which God's character is the norm. The dikaioj stands in an ethical relation which, on its divine side, is designated as dik. qeou. God is the author of this right condition, but man is placed in it on condition and in consequence of faith. The dik. is ek pistewj as its conditioning cause and its aims at faith and terminates in faith-eij pistin. How closely and vitally are faith and righteousness connected! And yet they are to be distinguished. Faith is a subjective exercise; righteousness is a status. The former is that which man does; the latter is the relation and condition in which God places the believer. They represent respectively the human and the divine sides of salvation and are so vitally related that Paul can say: logizetai h pistij eij dikaiosunhn (Rom. iv. 5 sq).-G. B. S.

14 See Eccles. xi. 5. and Homer, Odys. 1. 216, also Menander as quoted by Eustathius on that passage.

15 2 mss. "to call God to account for His injunctions."

1 The author does not make it plain in what he understands' the revelation of God's wrath here spoken of to consist. He mentions famines and pestilences as things in which it "often takes place." Paul evidently means that God's wrath is manifest in the judicial hardening of the people for their sins (vid. vv. 21, 28). Their shameful deeds and lives are the penalty of their sin. "God punishes their sin by sin" (Weiss), that is, He made them reap the bitter fruit in sinful lives of their sinful choices and acts. The view of Ritschl that orgh qeou is here eschatological in meaning seems very inadequately supported (vid. Godet on Romans-Am. ed. p. 102).-G. B. S.

2 St. Basil speaks similarly of various punishments, Reguloe. Br. Tr. int. 267, ed. Ben. text ii. p. 507. Theophylact on Matt. viii. 12, seems to allude to this passage. Both say that "outer darkness" implies an "inner," but seemingly in opposite senses Theoph. taking esw to be towards Heaven. Origen on Matt. xxii. 13 makes it a temporary punishment. St. Chrys. on Matt. xxii. 13. St. Aug. on Ps. vi. 6. St. Jerome on Matt. viii. 12, take it otherwise. See also St. Bas. on Ps. 33 (4), 11, text i. 151 e. See Maldonatus on Matt. viii. 12, and St. Chrys. on Rom. xvi. 16, infra on the difference of punishments.

3 Pascal. Pen. c. 20, thinks an inward illumination implied here.

4 agnohsantej 4 mss. and Sav. marg.; in text agnwmonhsantej, having been obstinate.

5 Thus Tert. Ap. 46. Lact. iii. 20. Origen cont. Cels. vi. c. 4, quotes this as showing the Philosophers guilty of St. Paul's charge at the same time speaking of Socrates' previous discourse as "what God had shown them;" the note of Spencer, Ed. Ben. i, 631, quotes an allegorical explanation. Theodoret, Groec. Aff. Cur. Dis. vii. de Sacr. says it was done to disprove the charge of Atheism.

[Probably Socrates' real judgment on the popular mythology was, that it was an imperfect and economical revelation of a higher truth than it expressed: and its ceremonies the legitimate though conventional expression of true devotion. Thus "the cock to Aesculapius" was the sick man's thank-offering for recovery from "life's fitful fever."]

6 See Plat. Io 533 E. and perhaps Euthyph. 6 A. B: passages certainly not fairly representative of Plato's deliberate opinions. But Greek Philosophy is here treated as attempting to rival the Gospel. The Fathers who most value what is true in it, as Clement of Alexandria and Justin Martyr, speak of it as from partial Divine Light, and use it against the false; as CI. A. Str. 1. recommends the study of it for subordinate knowledge, and Cohort. ad Gr. quotes Heathens against the mythology, whose authors he considers led by demons to deceive men. So too Justin, Ap. i. 46, allows Heathens a partaking of the Logoj, and 20, 55, 58, 62, etc., refers idol rites to the demons. St. Augustine de Civ. Dei, viii. 10, and elsewhere, gives a fair estimate of Gentile Philosophy. The Apostolical Constitutions, 1. i. c. 6, forbid studying heathen books. Cotelerius in his note quotes on the same side, 1. ii. c. 61, recog. x. 15, 42. Isid. Sent. iii. 13, etc., and the blame cast on Origen by many. On the other side Tert. de Idol. c. 10, who however only defends learning in heathen schools, rather than Christians should conform to heathen customs as teachers. Origen Philocal. c. 13. Greg. Naz. Or. 20. Hieron. ep. 84. 70 Vall ad Magnum Oratorem Greg. Papa. ad 1 Reg. xiii. 19, 20. Theod. H. E. iv. 26, as checking excess in such studies, Greg. ad Desiderium, l. ix. Ep. 48. Hier. adv. Luciferianos, c. 5. Ep. 61, c. 1. Cassian. Coll. xiv. c. 12, etc.

7 The steps of this degeneracy of the Gentile world as indicated in v. 21-23 maybe indicated thus: (1) ceasing to give glory to God and to recognize his power and divineness. (2) Thanklessness. They lost the sense of their relation to him as recipients of his bounty. (3) They entered into vain and foolish speculations-dialogismoi. (4) These ended only in blindness of mind and heart to the truth which they once possessed. (5) Mistaking all this folly for wisdom, they were ripe for complete self-deception. They perverted their religious feeling' by ceasing to make the glorious perfection of God the object of their worship and by substituting images of men and animals.-G. B. S.

8 The expression: "God gave them up," etc. is not to be so softened down into the idea of mere permission. With this v. (24) begins the description of God's revelation of his wrath against them. This is introduced by dio; because they had pursued the course outlined in the preceding verses (19-23) God set in operation against them those moral and providential forces which reduced them to the lowest depth of misery and shame. Vv. 25-32 show what this exhibition of his wrath was and what were its consequences. For historic illustration of the condition of the Heathen world at this time, see Fisher, Beginnings of Christianity, chap. vi.-G. B. S.

9 Greg. Nyss. i. p. 720.epei apaqej to Qeion, o en paqei wn thj proj to Qeion sunafeiaj aposxoinizetai.

10 ta thj pr. i.e. his fastings, etc. S. Ephrem notes that it was not the miracles which were supernatural, but the grace of the doers thereof, in Nat. Dom. ix. text 2. p. 427. f.

1 3 mss. tauta de (boulomenw) amfotera ouk enon (katorqoun). (Sav. enhn) but in these one cannot succeed merely by wishing it.

2 mikraj, mss. the fem. is used of jewels. The Translator once had some earth which the natives of Mozambique eat in this way; it becomes a dram to them, its taste is like magnesia with iron, which last would give it a stimulant property. There are some other instances, but cases of madness are perhaps intended.

3 3 mss. I should say, ...and if you ask whence is the desertion of God, I shall answer you again.

4 Gal. 6, 1. prolhfqentej, but 5 mss. paral.

5 kuriwj, perhaps "as by name."

6 See Mùller's Dorians, 1. iv. c. 4, §6, where it is shown that this charge is more than exaggerated from confounding earlier times with later. Aristotle, Pol. ii. and Plato, Leg. i. 636, accuse the Lacedaemonians in like manner, but see Xen. de Rep. Lac. ii. 13. Aelian. v. H. iii. I. 12, and other writers quoted by Mùller. At Athens opinion was, according to Plato, rather lax than positively immoral: it may be doubted if Solon's law (Aesch. in Tim. 19, 25,) was meant to bear the worst sense, though censured by Plutarch in almost the same terms as here. That there was however a fearful prevalence of this vice among the heathen cannot be disputed.

7 There is no more forcible exhibition of the meaning of the apostle in the volume, then that found in this Homily. The depravity of the heathen world of which Paul has drawn but an outline picture is here painted in full in dark and awful colors. The force of dia touto (26) is rightly brought out as showing the relation of this depravity to the divine penalty for unbelief and irreligion. This deplorable moral condition is the judicial consequence of not following the light which God had given. It follows from the recoil of the moral law upon those who violate it. It is an example of the Saviour's warning: "If the light that is in thee be darkness, how great is the darkness?" (Matt. vi. 23). The inevitable result of continued sin is a constantly increased and inveterate sinfulness which, as Chrys. says, is itself a most bitter punishment.-G. B. S.

1 mss. the evil mind and negligence (or self-will, raqumiaj) to which the sins belonged. See St. Aug. Conf. b. 3, c. 16, b. 5, c. 18, b. 7, c. 4, Oxf. Tr. pp. 40, 78, 110, etc.

2 Chrys. is correct in denying that Paul refers sin to the flesh (in the sense of the body), as its cause and seat. With the apostle sarc is not the same as swma in its relation to sin. Sarc comprehends the whole unregenerate man and not merely his body or the impulses and passions connected with his physical life. It is true that Paul regards the body as the sphere in which sin makes many of its worst manifestations. It may be due to this that he chose the word sarc to denote unrenewed human nature. With Paul the cause and seat of sin are in the will. He nowhere identifies evil with the body and therefore lays no basis for asceticism or for the contempt or ill-treatment of the body. Of the "works of the flesh" which he enumerates in Gal. v. 19-21 more than half are sins having no special relation to the body and not manifesting themselves through physical appetites or passions, as, e.g. "idolatry, enmities, jealousies, divisions, heresies."-G.B.S.

3 adokimoj, usually rendered "reprobate" as in the text, here seems to be used with a consciousness of its etymology, as St. Paul plays on the word in ouk edokimasan.

4 The author seems here to overlook the fact that Paul at the beginning of ch. ii. turns to the Jews. Chrys. speaks as. if he were now addressing specifically "rulers." But as the argument goes on, the language shows more and more clearly that he is here thinking of the Jewish world (see v. 12 sq and esp. 17). The "therefore" grounds the fact of universal condemnation upon the description of sin as universal, contained in i. 18-32. The only peculiarity is that the statement that this picture of Gentile depravity is a picture of universal application, is made afterwards, "For wherein," etc. The argument proceeds as if after i. 32 the apostle had been interrupted with the objection, "But your description. does not apply to us." The apostle answers: "It does, for you do the same things." The "therefore" is proleptic so far as it assumes as shown what he now asserts: ta gar auta prasseij o krinwn. The conclusion is thus stated before the major premiss.-G. B. S.

5 So Field, from mss. the old reading would have to mean "For it is not that thou shouldst not suffer any punishment, but that thou mayest suffer a worse if thou abide unamended, that He delayeth-and may that never befall thee."

6 Or, "he" (St. Paul, according to Field) "is terribly severe upon him who:" for most Mss. omit "he shows that."

7 'Eriqeia is probably derived from eriqoj, a hired laborer and not from erij (strife) as commonly. Hence the meaning is: labor for hire-Lohnarbeit, party spirit. Better translate "factious" (R. V.) than "contentious" (A. V.). So Weiss, Thayer's Lex.-G. B. S.

8 tacei kexrhtai, see on v. 16.

9 epeteixisen, strictly, attacked him by planting in his heart the thought of that fearful day.

10 Verse 12 assigns the ground of v. 11. "Sin brings penalty and death whether committed under the Mosaic law or under the ethical law of conscience." The first member of the sentence (v. 12) applies to the Gentiles. They have sinned without the standard and guidance of positive law; they are, therefore, not brought to the test of that law's demands, but to the tests of natural, moral law (which the apostle will directly describe), and by that test their sins meet their penalty. Death, as sin's penalty, is coextensive with sin, not with the Mosaic law. Sin existed before the Mosaic law and apart from it; it is imputed to the Gentiles-not, indeed in the same way and degree (Rom. v. 13)-because they have a law of conscience. Each class is judged by the standard which has been given to them. All the terms relating to law here signify the Mosaic law, which was to Paul the specific statutory expression of the divine will and the embodiment of moral principles and duties.-G. B. S.

11 prwtoj sou cf. St. John i. 30.

12 First blood, i. e. the taking and slaughter of the inhabitants: then, fire, etc., i. e. the burning of the city.

13 As B. has this sentence, which is in fact necessary to the sense, the omission of it in C. A. may be referred to the homoeoteleuton, elenqeroj.

14 kai (=kaiper, or ei kai>\/) foberon to thj kolasewj. i. e. he alleviates the severity of his discourse by speaking of the effects of faith, at the same time that he shows the fearfulness of the punishment. Edd. kai ou fob. kruptwn to thj kolasewj, i. e. light ...and not fearful, by withdrawing out of sight what relates to the punishment: which however Ben. renders as if it were ou to fob. And not concealing the fearfulness, etc."

15 It is extremely doubtful if Peter understood by "the great and terrible day of the Lord" (20) the destruction of Jerusalem. (Chrys.) It probably refers to the Parousia which is thought of as imminent. The "last days" then would be the days preceding the Messianic age which is to begin at the Parousia. This view harmonizes with the Jewish conception and with the Christian expectation that the then existing period (aiwn outoj) was soon to pass into a new age (aiwn mellwn). The scenes of Pentecost were thought to be the harbingers of this consummation and were so significant both of the joys and woes of the impending crisis, that the bold imagery of the prophet Joel is applied to them. Cf. the prophetic terms in which the destruction of Jerusalem is foretold-an event closely associated with the personal return of our Lord in Matt. xxiv.-G. B. S.

16 wj otan legh en ampelwni pempein ta strateumata autou. Chrys. is misreported here, for the sending forth of the armies belongs to the parable of the marriage of the king's son.

1 tou propatoroj, A. C. F. D. and Cat. but tou Dauid eukairwj, B. E. Edd. Oecumenius fell into the same mistake and has tou propatoroj Dauid. But it is evident that Chrys. is commenting on the address !Andrej 'Israhlitai.

2 From the 17th verse on the apostle speaks of the Jew by name and clearly shows that he had him in mind from the beginning of the chapter. The correct text reads ei de instead of ide to which the question of v. 21 corresponds as apodosis. Chrys.' interpretation of dokimazeij ta diareronta is that which is followed by the Vulgate ("probas utiliora"), most anct. vss., Wordsworth, Meyer, and our Eng. vss. The majority of modern commentators, however, adopt the interpretation: "testest things that differ." So Weiss. Godet, Wilke (Clavis N. T.), Lange, Tholuck. Alford, Philippi. This interpretation has the advantage of following the original meaning of both verbs.-G. B. S.

3 Ei gar kai wrismenon hn, fhsin, omwj androfonoi hsan. b.c. after apall. tou egklhmatoj, and before the text. As the sentence so placed seemed to make Chrys. contradict himself, the other mss. and Edd. before Ben. omit it. Something is wanting, which perhaps may be supplied from Oecumen. 'Alla kai apallasswn ouk afihsin autouj panth tou egklhmatoj. 'Epagei gar, oti dia xeirwn anomwn aneilete.

4 In v. 23, the preferable reading is dia xeiroj anomwn, "through the hand of lawless men," instead of dia xeirwn anomwn of the Text. Recep. So A, B, C, D, Tisch. W. and H., Lach. Treg. R. V. This reading is also to be preferred in accordance with Bengel's first rule of text-criticism-Lectio difficilior principatum tenet.-G. B. S.

5 The confusion may be cleared up by supposing that Chrys. here commented upon the words dia xeirwn anomwn as admitting of a double connection: viz.: with ekdoton labontej and with prosp. aneilete. In the former, it refers to Judas: while at the same time, it is shown that of themselves they had no power against Him. He was delivered up by the predestination and will of God, by means of the wicked hands of Judas; upon whom (already gone to his doom) the evil is shifted entire. But again, as ekdoton is not put simply and without addition (aplwj), so neither (oude) is aneilete: but "by wicked hands ye slew," i. e. by the soldiers.

6 The text seems to be corrupt: kai auto didontoj estin ti: deiknusin oti. B. omits estin ti. Perhaps kai auto is derived from an abbreviation of krateisqai auton: and didontoj estin ti: may be, "is (the expression) of one assigning something. i.e. some special prerogative to Him:" or, possibly, "For the expression, Kaqoti ouk hn dunaton even of itself implies the granting of something (in His case):" viz. as a postulate. E. kai auton didonta emfainei katasxein: kai oti, i.e. "that it Was even He that gave death the power to hold Him:" this, which is adopted by Edd. is, however, not a various reading, but only an attempt to restore the passage. Oecumen. gives no assistance: he has only, dia de tou, kaqoti ouk hn dun. auton krat., to megaleion autou paristhsi, kai oti ouketi apoqnhskei. In the next sentence E. and Edd. have: "For by `pains of death 0' Scripture is everywhere wont to express `danger: 0'" but Oecumen. and Cat. agree with the old reading, h Palaia. Possibly the meaning of the whole passage may be somewhat as follows. "It is something great and sublime that Peter has darkly hinted in saying, `it was not possible that He should be holden of it. 0' And the very expression kaqoti implies that there is something to be thought of (comp. Caren. in 1). Then, in the Old. Test., the expression wdinej qanatou means pains in which death is the agent; but here they are the pangs inflicted upon death itself, travailing in birth with Christ `the first-begotten from the dead. 0' It shows then both that death could not endure to hold Him, and, that Christ being raised from the dead dieth no more. For the assertion, etc. But then, without giving them time to ponder upon the meaning of what he has darkly hinted, he goes off to the Prophet," etc.-On the expression wdinaj luein Mr. Field, Index to Hom. in Matt. s. v., remarks, that "it is said sometimes of the childbearing woman herself, as p. 118. B., sometimes of the child born, as p. 375. A., sometimes of the person aiding in the delivery, as Job xxxix, 2. Hence the obscure passage Acts ii, 34 is to be explained. See Theophylact in 1."

7 It is noteworthy that this interpretation of wdinaj tou qanatou (24) is exactly that of Meyer who explains thus: "Death travailed in birth-throes even until the dead was raised again. With this event these pangs ceased, they were loosed; and because God had made Christ alive, God has loosed the pangs of death." Other interpretations are: (1) The snares or bands of death, on the ground that wdinej is used in the lxx. to translate the Hebrew lbx

(e. g. Ps. xviii. 5), which has this meaning. So Olsh. (2) That the pains of Jesus connected with the whole experience of death are meant. He is popularly conceived as enduring these pains until the resurrection when God loosed them, the conception being that he was under their power and constraint. We prefer this view. So Lechler, Gloag, Hackett.-G. B. S.

8 It might be observed, that all St. Paul's reasoning here and to the Galatians holds against circumcision and the Sab: bath alike.

9 politeia.We want a word to express at once the spiritual citizenship and the corresponding life.

10 The passage iii. 1-8 considers four possible objections. (1) "This placing of Jews and Gentiles in the same condition, takes away all the theocratic prerogatives." (v. 1.) No, answers Paul, they have a great advantage as to light and privilege, though none as to righteousness. (v. 2.) (2) "They have the O. T. scriptures, you say; but what if those scriptures have not attained their end in bringing the Jews to believe in Jesus as the Messiah? If some have not believed, does not that render void God's promises to his people in the O. T., so that he is no longer bound by them?" (v. 3.) The answer is: "No, God is faithful to his promises in all conditions (v. 4). (3) "Then the unbelief of the Jews seems to be the occasion of eliciting God's faithfulness. The conclusion would be that falseness contributes to God's glory." To this Paul gives no specific reply but develops the argument so as to show that it leads to a (5) position: "Let us do evil that good may come." (v. 8.) He thinks it enough to exhibit the logical conclusion of such an objection. It is enough to know that it obliterates all moral distinctions and impugns the justice of God. Paul might have shown that from God's overruling of sin to his praise the approval of sin does not follow. But he is content to make it clear that the objection is inconsistent with a righteous judgment of the world.-G. B. S.

11 See Gen. xviii. 19; Deut. iv. 37, and Deut. x. 15.

12 For this use of the word, see 1 Tim. iii. 16.

13 Field reads logoij "His words:" probably by a misprint.

14 A practical, not a theoretical unbelief. It might he clearer to use the word "unfaithful" throughout, but that apistein is treated as the exact negative of pisteuein: in fact we cannot translate idiomatically all that either St. Paul or St. Chrysostom has to say of pistij, without using the three words "faith" "trust" and "belief" for it and its correlatives.

15 Field thinks that St. Chrysostom wrote "Therefore if, because we did despite to Him ...... was shown to be clear, why am I to be punished," etc.? Heyse would have "Then, since through our despite and wrong God became victorious. ...why," etc.?

16 So Field with most Mss. and Interp.

17 elegen. St. Chrysostom treats it as his habitual teaching, so that it had been already misrepresented, though not yet embodied in this Epistle.

18 goun.He is evidently aiming at some who still used such reasonings.

19 i. e. The Greek, see a few lines below. Savile's punctuation was first corrected by the Benedictines.

20 Barbaroj,Though this word is not equivalent to Barbarian, it has force enough to give a fitness to the term "merciless." St. Chrysostom excels in these side-strokes, which he so much admires too in the Apostle.

21 kakistoj o proj eauton xrwmenoj th moxqhria, etc. Arist. Eth. v. 1.

1 So St. Chrysostom here and in the next homily, but in both places some Mss. (and Vulg. ante Field) had inserted the common reading of the text of the N. T. "what then? are we better than they? No, in no wise."

2 The meaning of proexomeqa here is much disputed. What is its subject? Most agree (vs. Olshausen, Reiche) that it is Ioudaioi. Is proex. middle or passive? If middle, it may mean (1) Do we hold (a place) before them? Are we superior to them (the Gentiles) as respects the condition of sinfulness? So Vulgate ("praecellimus") Luther, Calvin, Bengel, Tholuck, Baur, De Wette, Alford, Weiss; or (2) Do we hold before us (any protection)? Have we any excuse or pretext? So Meyer, Godet, Schaff, on the ground that (1) is against the admitted advantage of the few (vv. 1, 2). If passive, it can mean (a) Are we held superior to them? This is substantially the same as (1) or (b) Are we surpassed by them? This is the sense given in the trans. of the R. V.: "Are we in worse ease than they?" It connects v. 9 immediately with the special points of v. 1-8. It seems to me that it is better to suppose that he here breaks away from these special objections and recurs to the larger subject. In this view the pro in compos. points back to such passages as i. 18-32; ii. 15 and 17-29. The argument is: "We have established the sinfulness of all; therefore we Jews have no advantage in relation to sin, repentance and justification."-G. B. S.

3 The term Law was commonly applied to all the Pentateuch by Jewish writers: but to the Psalms not so. They, however, viewed the whole Old Testament as an evolved form of the Law.

4 So Field with 2 Mss: others "that the Word," one Mss. and Vulg. "that the Law."

5 h fusij, here used probably for the particular nature or kind in question, viz. the human. Somewhat in the same manner it is used of individual beings. For the several uses of the term, see Arist. Metaph. 4, where he calls this use metaphorical.

6 mss.; "yet not owing to the feebleness of the Law, but to, the listlessness of the Jews."

7 With iii. 21 begins the great central argument of the epistle: the positive development of the doctrine of justification by faith. He had prepared the way for this negatively by showing that all men were sinners and could not hope for justification on the condition of obedience to the law of God. This he proved in regard to the Gentiles in i. 18-32, and in regard to the Jews in ii. 1-iii. 20. Having now showed that justification cannot be by law he proceeds to prove that it is by faith. This central argument extends to the end of chap. viii. It may be analyzed as follows; (1) General introductory statement iii. 21-31. (2) O. T. proof, iv. (3) Consequences of justification, v. 1-11. (4) Universality of the principles of sin and grace, showedby the parallel between Adam and Christ, v. 12-21. (5) Objections answered and false inferences refuted, vi. vii. (6) Triumphant conclusion: the blessedness of justification, viii. This argument concludes the doctrinal portion of the Epistle so far as the question of justification is concerned. chaps. ix.-xi. treat of the rejection of the Jews and may be considered a kind of doctrinal appendix to the main argument. The remaining chaps. (xii.-xvi.) are chiefly practical.-G. B. S.

8 akra high or excellent things; thus Longinus. Or perhaps "terms." See Arist. Anal. Pr. 1. i. where this use of the word is explained.

9 4 mss. read o deina Ellhn, etc. for o deina o Ellhn, making the sense, do not say (in contempt) "such an one is a Greek! such an one a Scythian!" etc.

10 So Sav. Mor. Ben., against the Mss. and the Ed. of Verona, which omits these words.

11 v. 26, 3 P. Mss. en tw nun kairw.

12 4 mss. add, "to show that this was so brought about."

13 paresin. Our translation cannot be kept without losing St. Chrysostom's meaning. He taxes this word in a medical sense, for the cessation of vital energy. It was sometimes used thus, or for paralysis. It does not occur elsewhere in the New Testament; the usual word for remission is afesij.

14 Or "pleading the same."

15 The term kauxasqai, here rendered boasting, is used in a good sense also, and sometimes rendered glorying in our Version. See Rom. v. 2, Rom. v. 3, Rom. 2; Rom. xv. 17; 1 Cor. i. 31; 2 Cor. x. 17; 2 Cor. xii. 9; Gal. vi. 4 and Gal. vi. 14 ; Phil. iii. 5; 1 Thess. ii. 19; James i. 9, etc.

16 Field omits "there was no difference:" but most Mss. have the words; and at any rate they must be supplied.

17 4 mss. add what madness doth not this exceed?

18 4 mss. for "and" have "for when thou art so disposed toward thy brother."

19 apostrofh, "turning away," some read epistrofh, as Cyr. Al. Glaph. ad. loc. who speaks of the apostrofh or turning away of God's face from Cain; but to render it thus here is inconsistent with Gen. iii. 16, and with St. Chrysostom's interpretation in Gen. iv. Hom. xix. which illustrates several expressions here.

20 outwj and egw are not in the text in St. John. 1 Ms. (Bodl.) here omits outwj.

21 5 mss. "if we give all."

22 Savile, "about our own self-destruction," peri thj apwleiaj eautwn, but the Mss. autwn, which makes better sense.

23 lhcin, which may mean "rest."

24 So the Mss.; i.e. the Apostles'.

25 See St. Cypr. Of works and alms, c. 15: Treatises, pp. 243 244, O. T.

26 era; cf. p. 367, note 3.

1 Rom. iii. 9, ti oun prokatexomen perisson; as 2 Mss. of Matt. read at the beginning of the last Homily. So too some Mss. of the text, and the Syriac version.

2 agxisteian, which the orators use for right of inheritance as next of kin. See verses 13, 14; c viii.15 17; ix. 8; Gal. iii. 7, Gal. iii. 15, Gal. iii. 16, Gal. iii. 18; Heb ix. 16, Heb. ix. 26; which renders it probable that there is reference to the death of Christ, (see Rev. xiii. 8.) and so to the idea of "Testament," in the Ep. to the Galatians.

3 St. Chrysostom understands proj ton qeon not "as claiming credit with God," but "glorying in reference to God," in which He has a share. He takes the argument to be, "If Abraham was justified by works he hath not whereof to glory before God" (in this sense), "but can only glory in himself: as it is, he hath whereof to glory before God, and therefore was not justified by works."

4 4 mss. that he that is of faith might also have whereof to glory.

5 filosofou gnwmhj, the word is used (as frequently by Christian writers) in the sense of choosing wisdom for the guide of life.

6 So the mss., omitting v. 3.

7 So Vulg. and Field: most Mss. have kamonta "that hath toiled."

8 Or "it"; i.e. the righteousness of faith.

9 So several mss. Vulg. "but not before God." But the text suits St. Chrysostom's view of the argument: see p. 112, note c.

10 6 mss. om. and whose, etc.

11 So 5 mss. Sav. "thou receivest," which scarcely makes sense.

12 Chrys. is free from the polemical treatment of the subject of justification which has been so prominent in modern expositions. The following points may be suggested: (1) It is the imputation of faith which here receives chief emphasis-logizetai h pistij autou eij dikaiosunhn (vv. 3, 5, 6, 8, 9). (2) Although logizesqai is an actus forensis, it has an ethical counterpart involved in the very conception of faith and righteousness. (3) While faith is not to be identified with righteousness, it can be reckoned as such because it involves the soul's commitment to a life of fellowship with Christ, in which a perfect righteousness is guaranteed and increasingly secured. This righteousness is real as well as putative. (4) The power and value of faith are in its object, not in its own inherent moral excellence. It brings the believer into real and vital union with God and Christ. The dikaiosunh qeou is the righteousness of which God is the author but in faith we appropriate it and God makes it ours. Man does not attain it by any act of goodness; he receives it from God as a gift of grace. It is God's righteousness as coming from God; it is man's as being imparted to him on condition of faith.-G. B. S.

13 Text, "the sign of circumcision, a seal," etc. All our copies, however, and those of Matth. agree. The whole verse, in fact, is paraphrased rather than quoted.

14 The meaning seems to be that the faithful Jews were brought in as it were to the house of Abraham, and added to the number of the faithful already existing as uncircumcised, and children of Abraham by their faith. The reading of Savile's text, h kai toutouj touj en akrobustia ekeinoij proserrimmenouj, means, "in that these too, that were in uncircumcision, were added to them," which is inconsistent with the context and is not noticed in the Ben. Edition. Possibly the passage is still corrupt.

15 mss. "and that neither those in circumcision might thrust away the uncircumcised, nor the uncircumcised those in circumcision."

16 i. e. "do not require him to be circumcised." See Rom. xiv. 3; Gal. vi. 12 Gal. vi. 15, etc.

17 According to vv. 14-17, the promise cannot be through the law because that would annul faith and destroy the promise entirely (14). The principle of law is quid pro quo and on that basis alone there is no room for faith and promise. Claim, debt and reward, are the ideas which stand on the plane of law. Justification by law would imply no act of trust, obedience or gracious promise, but would be matter of reward simply. But since man is a sinner, it is inconceivable that he be justified on this basis, and the gospel of a gracious salvation is the only hope. To reject the latter is to exclude the possibility of any salvation whatever. Only by clinging to the Gospel can the Jew find any ground of hope in the ancient promises and covenants.-G. B. S.

18 i.e. as justifying. Rom. iii. 21.

19 These words are very important, as they show that the Law was not held empty in itself, but at this time, i.e. since Christianity.

20 Or perhaps "fixing the relationship," i.e. of Abraham to the Gentiles, sunaptwn.

21 Nearly all Mss. omit "not": as do the oldest of the N. T.

22 i.e. Sarah's personal barrenness, and her present age.

23 6 mss. filoneikian, Sav. filosofian, 1 Ms. sofian, which makes better sense than the reading of Savile.

24 logismouj. It may be used for imaginations, as by Macarius: but perhaps St. Chrysostom is thinking of Arist. Eth. vii. iii 9, 10.

25 Tertull. de Res. Carn. cap. xii. Totus hic ordo revolubilis rerum, etc.

26 Or, "destroy"-dialusai, for diasaleusai. Savile's reading seems the most forcible, but the other makes good sense.

27 Tyrant was the name given to any rebel who set himself up for Emperor.

28 See St. Chrys. on Matt. iv. 1; Hom. 13 in St. Matt. p. 174 O. T., and the Catena Aurea on the same place, Oxf. Trans. p. 117, etc. Being alone is represented as always exposing us to temptation, though it is sometimes done for holy purposes, and for greater victory.

29 Alluding perhaps to the sons of Sceva, and then to Goliath.

30 Sav. mar. and 5 Mss. dhloj: Vulg. deiloj a coward.

31 Compare Bp. Taylor, Worthy Communicant, Sect. iv. 10 t. xv. p. 480.

32 Or tunes, the word is ambiguous in the original.

33 The substance used was probably not salt, but something possessing astringent properties.

1 If a fresh argument commences here, there is no vicious circle. For there was independent proof of each proposition, and so, when shown to involve one another, they were mutually confirmed.

2 So nearly all Mss. here; and there is good authority for the reading in the text of the N. T. both from mss., versions, and Fathers. It is accepted by Tregelles: Tischendorf retains the received text "we have."

3 The text of Chrys. adds confirmation to the strongly attested exwmen (so )

A. b.c. D.) as against the reading (exomen) of the T.R. Strong and clear as is the external evidence here, it is to me very doubtful whether it is not overborne by the internal evidence. There seems to be no appropriateness in an exhortation here. The thought has been developed in a didactic form thus far and we should now expect a didactic conclusion (oun). Nor should we expect an exhortation to have peace with God which would be the natural consequence of justification and scarcely the proper object of an exhortation. De Wette, Meyer, Godet and Weiss reject the better authenticated reading exwmen on these grounds. It is difficult to see how Chrys. can think that the Apostle is here treating of our "Conversation"-when he proceeds at once to enumerate the new comfort, patience and hope which follow from justification.-G. B. S.

4 3 mss. If thou wilt consider how, etc.

5 Or perhaps "by the terms of reconciliation," for so the text may be understood. The reading in Savile's margin, toij katallageisi, seems also to bear the same sense.

6 The word rendered "patience," (upomonh) means rather patient endurance, constancy. It is active rather than passive in meaning. Then the endurance which is developed under tribulation helps to form a tried, tested character, Dokimh means a tested state-approved character. The R. V. renders "probation," which is more nearly correct than "experience" (A. V.). We have no word which makes a felicitous translation. The meaning is that steadfastness under trials develops a tested moral manhood, and this kind of character begets hope; it takes away fear for what the future may bring.-G. B. S.

7 We do not see what use patience will be of in a future state, cf. Butler's Anal. part i. c. v. §4. That such is the power of conscience even in a heathen is plain from Plato, Rep. 1. §5. Steph. p. 350. e. "For you must know, Socrates," said he, "that when a man is near the time when he must expect to die, there comes into his mind a fear and anxiety about things that were never so thought of before. For the stories that are told of things in Hades, how a man that has done wrong here must satisfy justice for it there, which have hitherto been laughed at, come then to perplex his soul with alarms that they may be true. And even of himself, whether from the infirmity of age, or in that he is in a manner already nearer to that state, he sees somewhat more of it. However it be, he becomes full of suspicion and alarm; and takes account and considers whether he has at all wronged any one. And then a man who finds a number of guilty actions in his life is often roused by alarm from his sleep, like children, and lives ever in expectation of misery. But one who is conscious in himself of no wrong has a pleasing hope ever with him, as the kind nurse of his old age, as Pindar too says. For beautifully indeed, Socrates, has he expressed this, that whoever has passed his life in justice and holiness,

Well said indeed! one wonders to think how well," etc.

8 Meyer and Weiss make no distinction between dikaiou and agaqou here. Most have held (I think, rightly) that the latter expresses more than the former. It comprehends those qualities of benevolence, kindness, etc., which may be considered as the peculiar bonds of friendship and would lead to the greatest sacrifices. Holman, Godet and Weiss (following Jerome) take tou agaqou as neuter. J. Müller supposes it to refer to God. The force of the argument is: For an upright man one would hardly be moved to die, but in the case of a benefactor to whom one owed much, the motives of love and pity might move one strongly enough to lead him to summon up the resolution (tolma) to die, but this would be the highest and a very improbable reach of human love. But Christ died for his enemies, etc.-G. B. S.

9 pollakij, Heind. ad Plat. Phaed. p. 140, §12.

10 So Field, from one ms. and Brixius' version: the old reading could only mean "Now none of these things can be said of God, considering He hath given up."

11 Same word as joy. See v. 2, etc.

12 Several mss. "art in pain."

1 This whole passage is introduced to show the glory and power of Christ's salvation as able to conquer the power of sin and death. The case of Adam's sin is not introduced for its own sake but as a background on which to exhibit the greatness of God's grace. Two erroneous assumptions are often made in respect to this passage (1) that Adam's sin and not God's grace in Christ is the chief theme, and (2) that the Apostle intends here to set forth a theory of original sin. This verse contains four points (1) Sin came into the world by the agency of one man-Adam. (2) In consequence of sin came death. (3) In virtue of the causal relation between sin and death, the latter extended itself to all men, for the reason (4) that all sinned. The wsper shows that this is used as an illustrative parallel to magnify the greatness of grace which is mightier than sin (cf. pollw mallon vv. 15-17).-G. B. S.

2 oi ta hmetera eirhkotej. The passage is corrupt in Savile: most Mss. read fasin and legonta.

3 The apostle does not say that there can he no sin if there is no law. He says the exact contrary. He elsewhere says (iv. 15) that where there is no law there is no transgression. By "law" here he means positive, statutory commands and prohibitions. His meaning here is: God does not reckon amartia as parabasij where there is no explicit commandment. But sin was in the world during all this period previous to the Mosaic law, as proved by the reign of death. It extended its sway and penalty even to those who had not sinned, as Adam did, against positive enactment. We know well on what principle the apostle justifies his position that there is sin even where no written commandment is transgressed. The principle has been already developed viz.: there is a moral law implanted in the human heart (i. 19, 21; ii. 15). To offend against this is sin (though not transgression, which implies positive law) and induces death as its consequence.-G. B. S.

4 procenoj.

5 The comparison of the two Trees is very frequent in the Fathers; see St. Cyr. Cat. xiii. §19, p. 152, O. T. Tert. adv. Judaeos, §13.

6 Chrys. has well apprehended v. 15-17 as an argument a fortiori. Here are three contrasts between the principles of sin and grace to show the superior power of the latter: (1) It is a much more reasonable and supposable case that many should find life in one man's act than that many should suffer death in consequence of one man's sin, v. 15. (2) The condemnation has in it (so to speak) only the power of one sin; the gracious gift overcomes many trespasses, v. 16. (3) Life in Christ must be greater than death in Adam.-G. B. S.

7 i.e. since we have been redeemed. See on Rom. ix. 11.

8 The Author's view of ina pleonash cannot be exegetically justified. Paul teaches that it was the purpose of the dispensation of law which came in between Adam and Christ to make transgression abound (cf. Gal. iii. 9). The meaning is not that its purpose in coming in alongside (pareishlqen) of this reign of sin was to increase sin; but to make sin appear as such, to exhibit it as transgression and to reveal it in its true character to the consciousness of men. Only through the law could sin appear as transgression and thus be apprehended by men in the clearest manner as contrary to God's will (cf. iv. 15 and v. 13).-G. B. S.

9 In all this there is a design to obviate Manichaean notions concerning matter, and the opinion resulting from them, that we must be content to live in sin as unavoidable.

10 i. e. baptized, St. Cyr. Cat. Intr. §1. p. 1, O. T.

11 Or "still," ei kai alhqhj.

12 St. Gr. Naz. Jamb. xx; 271, p. 228 (in Ed. Ben. xxiv. 277, p. 508). B. What? have I not the cleansing laver yet? A. You have, but mind! B. Mind what? A. Not for your habits, but for past transgressions. B. Nay, but for habits! What? A. Only if thou be first at work to cleanse them. See Tert. de Paen. §6, 7, and the beginning of the next Homily.

13 Mar. faneitai, 4 mss. fainomenh.

14 diatmew. ap. Hipp. p. 505. 10. Liddell & Scott, sub. v. or to cut through, from diatemnw.

15 This passage is one among many which show how the fides formata was that which the Fathers contemplated.

16 See Macarius on the Keeping of the Heart, c. 1. translated in Penn's Institutes of Christian Perfection, p. 2.

1 Better: "United with him by the likeness" or "united with the likeness." See, note *, p. 409.-G.B.S.

2 The construction here is harsh, and seems to require "in the likeness of."

3 The word likeness in our version is in italics as an addition, and unless it is understood, the construction is scarcely grammatical; but this interpretation favors the reading questioned in the last note. Perhaps also St. Chrysostom may have taken the words thus, "If we have been in likeness planted together with His Death," which would be a parallel construction.

4 The word sumfeutoi should be rendered "united with" (as in R V.)-literally "grown together," from sun-fuw, not "planted together" (A. V.) as if from sun-feuteuw. The Dat. tw omoiwmati may be taken as instrumental after sum. gegon. (R. V., Weiss), or (I think better), after sun in composition (Thayer's Lex., Meyer), because there is no indirect object expressed and on the former view one must be supplied (as autw, or xristw). We must supply in the apodosis, sumfeutoi tw omoiwmati. The omoiwma here means that which corresponds to the death and resurrection of Christ, i. e. our moral death to sin and resurrection to a holy life (vid. vv. 2, 4), or (dropping the figure) the cessation of the old life and the beginning of the new. If the former occurs, the latter also must take place and thus the objection that if sin makes grace abound we should continue in sin, contradicts the very idea of the Christian life which is that of freedom from sin and continuance in holiness. The interp. of Chrys. is somewhat confused, apparently by not clearly apprehending the fact that Paul is dealing with an analogy to the death and resurrection of Christ.-G. B. S.

5 Verse 6 urges the same thought under the specific figure of the crucifixion of the body. The use of this figure almost necessitates the use of the word body to carry it out. As the one is figurative, so is the other. By swma thj amartiaj is not meant "the body which is sin-or sinful," but the body which is under the sway of sin. In the moral process of the new life the body so far 'as ruled by sin-as being the seat of evil passions and desires-is destroyed in this character. Paul could hardly have employed this figure had he not regarded the body as the special manifestation-point of sin.-G. B. S.

6 The necessity spoken of is clearly, from the context, that of obligation.

7 filoneikian, his determination to take the highest ground, and give up no single point.

8 Or "by sin."

9 opla is most usually arms, secondarily any instruments.

10 aleifei. anoints. Hannibal, before his victory on the Trebia, sent oil round to his battalions to refresh their limbs. Ignibus ante tentoria factis, oleoque per manipulos, ut mollirent artus, misso, et cibo per otium capto, etc. Liv. xxi. 55.

11 The Argument of the vv. 15-23 is briefly this: Does the principle that we are not under the (Mosaic) law lead to lawlessness and sin? No! for, although we are freed from the Mosaic law as such, we are still under the law of righteousness (cf. 1 Cor. ix. 21 "Not being without law to God, but under law to Christ). We are free from the law and free from sin, but are bondsmen to righteousness. See esp. 18. "And being made free from sin, ye became servants of righteousness."-G. B. S.

12 Tit. ii. 12; 1 Tim. i. 10; are instances of a similar use of the term "doctrine." Compare Eph. iv. 19-24, from which context the phrase, "Even as Truth is in Jesus," appears to be used nearly in the same sense.

13 So 4 mss. Sav. and 3 mss. omit "not," but the sense requires it.

14 So Field from one Ms. Vulg. "of our very being,"-ousiaj for osiaj.

15 Or "the pillar" and so in the next line kiwn and kiona for kuwn and kuna.

1 The ground for Paul's speaking "after the manner of men because of the infirmity of their flesh" can hardly be, as Chrys. suggests, because he would only demand for the service of the gospel an earnestness equal to that which they had formerly displayed in sin. The reference to the infirmity of their flesh gives the reason for his manner of speech in illustrating the character of the Christian life, rather than a ground for the moderatehess of his demand. His meaning might be thus expressed: "I am carrying the figure of bondage to its utmost length in applying it to righteousness because I wish to make it clear to you that we are not in a lawless condition, but are still under authority; hence I use the strongest language and press it almost beyond its proper limits in calling our relation to God and righteousness a servitude."-G. B. S.

2 Verse 23 is a confirmation of what he had said in 21, 22 about death and life. They are the results of the two courses spoken of. The servant of sin receives death as his wages. It follows on the principle of desert. Not so, however, on the other side. Respecting eternal life there can be no thought of wages or deserts. There all is grace, And thus Paul closes this refutation of objections by triumphantly maintaining the praise of God's grace in Christ, as he had closed the argument constructed upon the parallel between Adam and Christ (v. 21).-G. B. S.

3 Chrys. rightly apprehends the Incongruous logical form of the argument in vii. 1-6. The Apostle starts out with a general principle: "The law rules a man as long as he lives." It is a question of the man's living or dying not of the law's. Now (v. 2.) he introduces in confirmation of this a specific example. He takes the case of a woman who is "under the law of her husband." Here the "law of the husband must correspond to o nomoj of the general principle; the gunh to o anqrwpoj (v. 1). That is, the "husband" of the illustration corresponds to the "law" of the general principle and the "woman" of the illustration to the "man" of the principle. But in v. 1, it is a question of the man's (not of the law's) living or dying, while in the illustration this order is reversed. Here it is a question of the husband's living or dying (who corresponds to the "law") and not of the wife's, (who corresponds to the "man" of v. 1). How can this incongruity be explained? We answer that if Paul will use the illustration from the dissolution of the marriage relation at all, he can use it only as he has done. In order to make the illustration harmonize in form with the principle (v. 1) and with the application (v. 4.) it would be necessary to suppose the wife as dying and then marrying again after death-which is impossible;-so that in order in any way to carry out the idea of the wife's marrying another (as illustrating the Christian's becoming free, as it were, from one husband-the law-and joining himself to another-Christ). he must suppose the husband as dying and not the wife. Nor can the thought which the apostle wishes to bring out (the freedom to espouse another master) be brought out by adhering to the form of verse 1. There it is the man who dies and so gets free from the law, but with this figure it is impossible to take the next step (which is necessary to the argument) and say: He being dead to his former master, is free to take up allegiance to another. In order to carry out the idea the thought of verse 1 must change form and represent as dying, not the person under authority, but the person exercising it. The essential point of the argument is, that the relation of the Christian to the Mosaic law is as fully terminated as the marriage bond is by the death of one of the parties. There is in each case a termination by death, this term being used of the relation of the Christian to the law as a strong figure. (Cf. Rom. vi. 6, where the "death" is predicated of the man, and Gal. vi. 14 where it is applied to both terms in the relation of the Christian to the world: "By whom the world is crucified unto me and I unto the world.") The key to the whole passage is the idea of death figuratively applied to the termination of the Christian's relation to the law, and its central thought is, that having died to the law, we must live unto Christ.-G. B. S.

4 The Manichees, who said the Law was given by an evil being.

5 Deut. xxiv. and Deut. xxv. It is applied by Is. 1. 1; and Jer. iii. 8, to the then existing Church.

6 Cf. Origen in Rom. v. 8, p. 537.

7 Perhaps alluding to Menander (J. Mart. Ap. i. 26; Iren. i. 21; Eus. iii. 26), who pretended that those who received his baptism became immortal.

8 Alluding to Plato's Phaedrus again as in the word wing too.

9 So St. Aug. interprets "shall be least in the kingdom." See Cat. Aur. ad loc.

10 See St. Athan. de. Incarn. c. 27 t. i. p. 70.

11 See the Analogy, 1. v. §4, p. 132.

12 This expression seems strange with respect to the acts of God, but it may be referred to what man could have imagined beforehand; as indeed one use of the Law was to make men sensible of their real state. It may also be taken in the sense suggested by Is. v. 4; Matt. xxi. 19; Luke xiii. 6.

13 Gen. vi. 3; and Psalm xciv. 10. do not contradict this, since St. C. is using the word in its limited sense, as in St. John vii. 39.

14 See Herbert's Poems, 2d. on Sin. "Oh that I could a sin once see!" etc. Also Möhler Symb. 1. i. c. 8. also St. Aug. Conf. vii. §12 (18) p. 122, O. T. and De Civ. Dei. xi. §9, xii. §2.

15 Such is apparently the sense, though Field with most mss. reads iliggoij not iligci.

16 See St. Chrys. on Eph. i. 14, Hom. ii. Mor. (p. 119 O. T.) also Hom. x. on the Statutes, p. 186 O. T. and index and St. Gr. Naz. Iamb. xx. (Ben. xxiv.) The practice of swearing seems to have prevailed to such an extent, as to call for the utmost exertions to put it down. St. Jerome on Jer. iv. 2; Ez. xvii. 19, seems however to allow oaths. St. Athanasius speaks strongly against swearing generally, de Pass. et Cruc. §4, 5, 6, t. 2, p. 82-4, and seems to allow it on Ps. lxii. 12 (Eng. lxiii. 11.) t. 1, 1107, b. In Apol. ad Imp. Const. Hist. Tracts, p. 161 O. T. he wishes some one present, "that he might question him by the very Truth" (ep authj thj alhqeiaj) "for what we say as in the presence of God, we Christians hold for an oath."

17 "There is some little sensuality in being tempted." Bp. Taylor on Repentance, c. 5. sect. 6. §4. t. 8, p. 494.

18 An instance of the rhetorical arrangement he admires in the Apostle. His object is of course to make men patient under reproaches even when partly deserved, and he thus takes them by surprise.

19 See on Rom. xii. 20, Hom 22, which illustrates the subsidiary use of inferior motives.

1 Chrys. gives no hint of any controversy as to the interpretation of the passage vii. 14-25. In modern times the question has been greatly disputed: Whom does the apostle represent by the "I" who is waging such an unsuccessful combat with sin? Passing by the views that he refers to himself personally (Hofmann) and that he refers to the Jewish people under the old dispensation (Grotius, Reiche), two opinions have prevailed among interpreters (1) that he is representing the regenerate man. (For the arguments by which this view is supported see Hodge on Romans in loco). (2) That he is here personating the unregenerate man who, however, has become awakened under the law to a sense of his sinful condition. This view is preferred on the following grounds. (1) The connection of 14-25 with the argument of 7-13 which shows the power of the law to awaken the consciousness of sin and can therefore apply only to the Jew aroused by the law. (2) The relation of the passage to chap. viii. In vii. 25 the apostle mounts to the Christian plane and in ch. viii. exults in the liberation from the conflict just described which Christ brings to the soul. (3) Much of the language of vii. 14-25 is inconsistent with the consciousness of a regenerate man and especially with Paul's joyous and triumphant view of the Christian life. (4) The language throughout is appropriate, not, indeed, to the morally indifferent man, but to the unconverted Jew whom the law has awakened to a knowledge of his sin and need, and this is precisely the subject under consideration in the earlier verses of the Chap. So Tholuck, De Wette, Alford, Olshausen, Lange, Meyer, Weiss, Godet). Chrys, rather takes for granted, than states the same view, in saying that it is "a sketch of man as comporting himself in the law and before the law."-G. B. S.

2 The words of the Fathers on this subject become more definite after the Pelagian Controversy. St. Aug. contr. Julianum, i. 2, §32. (Ben. t. 10), speak thus of concupiscence, (not in act, but as an inherited habit). "It is not however called sin in the sense of making one guilty, but in that it is caused by the guilt of the first man, and in that it rebels, and strives to draw us into guilt except grace aid us."

3 So Field from most mss. Sav. lawful marriage.

4 empodismoj taij boulhsesi. Arist. Rhet. ii.

5 This seems to have been Plato's view of free-will. See Tenneman, Plat. Philos. iv. p. 34, oudeij ekwn ponhroj, etc.

6 So the mss. Sav. has thj texnhj, which seems to have been put in to show that it was not the maker, but the user of the instrument, that was meant.

7 Ver. and Sav. Marg. entiqhsi, which makes much the same sense; his conj. and 2 mss. antitiqhsi, "sets in opposition."

8 It is peculiarly interesting to see how vigorously Chrys. combats the idea that the flesh is essentially evil, as if it were a current notion of his time. This view-derived from heathen sources-exerted a powerful influence in the Church from early times and became the fruitful source of ascetic rigors.-G. B. S.

9 paqhton, which may also mean liable to passions.

10 He is speaking of the actual precepts. Men under the Law were encouraged to higher aims, but it was in looking beyond the letter.

11 The typical fitness of this permission is illustrated by the case of Sarah and Hagar; the coincidence of typical with moral fitness is in many cases above our understanding.

12 So Field from 1 Ms.: others "past sins:" Vulg. "our doings."

13 It may be right to consider thj zwhj as forming part of the attribute of nomoj in conformity with the Hebr. idiom; see Lee's Gram. Art. 224, 8.

14 "Thee" most mss., and Edd. before Field.

15 th triadi panta ta par hmwn logizomenoj, or "imputing all things (done) by us to the Trinity."

16 The Fathers lay great stress upon this phrase of the Apostles. August. contr. Faust. xiv. 5, argues, that this likeness consisted in our Lord's flesh being mortal; death being the penalty of sin: vid. also de Nuptiis et Concupisc. 1. 12. vid. also Basil, Ep. 261, where writing against the Apollinarians, he interprets this text to mean, that whereas Christ had all affections of human nature, which implied the reality of His assumption of it, He had not those which infringe our nature, i. e. which arise from sin. Athanasius, writing against the same heretics, observes, that Christ's sinlessness was like Adam's before the fall (In Apoll. ii. 6): or as St. Cyril observes, greater than before the fall because He has a physical inability to sin, arising from His personality being Divine, vid. Cyr. Alex. in Esai. l. i. Orat. 4, fin. At the same time He took the flesh, not of Adam unfallen, but fallen, such as ours. Vid. Leont. contra Nest. et Eutych. lib. 2 apud Canis. vol. i. p. 568. Gall. xii. 681. Fulgent. Ep. ad. Regin. Tertull. de Carn. Christi. xvi.

17 Aristotle defines dikaiwma to be to dikaion otan praxqh: but rather in the sense of correcting wrong than in the more general meaning: Eth. b. v. c. 7, §7. It may mean here what the Law claims of right.

18 St. Chr. evidently used a text which read in v. 1 mh kata sarka perip., but omitted alla kata IIneuma. Most mss. of the N. T. and all recent critical editions, omit both clauses there: here there is no doubt of either.

19 i. e. as exercised in coming to the font. Field proposes to soften the strong expression by reading, "it was by no natural necessity that He put, etc., but by freedom of choice He placed it."

20 to xrhston for ton Xriston Field, with the Catena and the Version of Musculus.

21 hleifen, v. p. 170, n. Sav. eilhfen.

22 See Ernesti in v. paragwgh.

23 The Plutus evidently in his mind.

24 This was not uncommon in warmer climates, Euseb. ii. 17.

25 eggelasetai mss., "he will be laughed at" or rather "she (the supposed spectator) will laugh at him." Field reads egelasate with one or two Mss., and alters the punctuation; so that the passage will run "exposing, etc., even if his wife be there .... or anybody else. Do you laugh heartily? Then let us bring before you," etc.

1 So St. Chrysostom reads, as appears from his Commentary on this passage.

2 Sav. taj men gar allaj apokteinanta, seauton anelein estin; to give this sense we should punctuate taj men gar allaj, apokt. eauton, anelein estin.

3 katecanistatai. The word used in the last Homily for the conduct of the covetous towards the poor. See p. 439.

4 See Gal. v. 25, where "live" means "have life," and is distinguished from "walk."

5 Or the command of it, ecousian.

6 uperbainein means to go beyond as well as to go against. He refers to such things as St. Paul's refusing sustenance from the Achaeans. 1 Cor. ix. 4, etc. The tenses prove this to be St. Chrysostom's meaning.

7 i. e. the Syriac, which the Hebrew means in the N. T. probably in all cases-it being then the language of the Hebrews.

8 Col. iii. 3. Ver. 4. confirms his application of it.

9 Perhaps alluding to Il. xv. 362.

10 Chrysostom's interpretation of h ktisij is undoubtedly correct in principle, although he probably gives to it too general an idea in calling it "this whole world"-reaching "even to things without sense also." It is more likely that the apostle has in mind distinctively the irrational creation. (So Meyer, Godet, Thayer, Dwight). Nature is subject to "vanity"-i. e. the law of decay and death, and is poetically spoken of as awaiting the revelation of the sons of God in the hope of sharing in it. The apostle explains that the ktisij was placed in this condition not of its own accord but on account of the will of God, who, however, subjected it to the forces of decay and death on the ground of hope. Hope was the attendant condition of this subjection which took place in consequence of the fall. Hence this condition is not final and the creation desires and groans to be delivered and to share in the "manifestation of the sons of God"-the revelation of them in their true character in the presence of the universe at the coming of Christ.-G. B. S.

11 fatnwmata, Heb. twry#&a

Amos viii. 3. LXX. Hesych. sanidwmata. See Schleusner, Lex. Gr. Vet. Test. for conjectures to account for the translation.

12 Eng. "shall vanish away like smoke." LXX. render wxlmg

esterewqh, they give the same for h+n

Is. xlv. 12.

13 dia thn. St. Chrysostom does not mean to say that one preposition is used for another, as his illustration shows. For the liberty of the sons of God is both the thing of which the creation partakes, and the cause of its partaking; so that the one is put in a sense which implies the other too.

14 apolutrwsin. In the meaning of this word sometimes the manner, and sometimes the completeness of redemption predominates; see Rom. iii. 24, p. 377.

15 lutrwsij, showing that the completeness is implied in the preposition, which should be observed in the doctrinal use of the term.

16 This blending of faith and hope illustrates the connection of faith and love, the Object of love being now known by faith, and appropriated by hope. The personification which follows is a powerful way of representing that in us which apprehends God as itself His gift.

17 So the mss. and Catena: the old reading was ou proshsetai, "will it not satisfy."

18 Magna est vis Graeci verbi sunantilambanesqai, said Calvin. The word means: "takes hold together with us, as if on the other side or as if instead of us" (Godet). The notion of lifting the other end of a burden, or perhaps, of taking hold of it in our place, seems to lie at the basis of this expressive word. Cf. Luke x. 40.-G. B. S.

19 These words show that St. Chrysostom does not mean that we do any good unaided, however much he insists on the freedom of our will.

20 See Bishop Bull, Serm. V. who discusses what this was.

21 St. Ambrose, Epist. 36, gives the same interpretation.

22 The peculiar position of the negative resembles that in Eur. Hec. 1131 (al. 1149), in alloj mh tij eideih tade.

23 6 mss. with glorying, i. e. with something good done on man's part.

24 entreyai perhaps "to urge him to compassion;" (there is no pronoun with this verb).

25 So all mss. but one, and that is obviously an emendation: both the passages cited are from Isaiah.

26 All mss. read kan di argian kan dia raqumian, which order agrees with the stronger sense here given to raqumia: "listlessness" is generally too little expressive of that readiness to yield to temptations which this word implies. But 1 Ms. reads "rather all through vice," kakian, which tends to give the other word a lighter sense.

27 6 mss. pres., and so all just above.

28 Or lives, but see above, p. 433, where the spirit seems to be considered apart from the soul.

29 See St. Augustine's Confessions, p. 250, Oxf. Tr. Clem. Recog. iii. 75; Aristot. Metaph. p. 997; 15, p. 1071, 23, Bekker.

30 liqokollhta, v. Jungerm. ad Polluc. x. 145, V. l. xrusokollhta.

31 Night being put for the time of our sojourn here. Cf. Rom. xiii. 12.

32 Several mss. "which is more precious than the Heavens themselves."

1 See p. 447, and on 2 Cor. xii. 7, Hom. 26, p. 294 O. T.

2 kai en toutoij dialampei to kalon, Eth. i. 2. "even in these (misfortunes) the noble character shines forth."

3 The word His perhaps rightly inserted in our version, is not in the Greek, and Theodoret seems not have taken it so; he says, "for he calleth not any as it may be (aplwj), but those who have a purpose" (a predisposition), proqesin, and so does St. Chrysostom below, and Oecumenius. See on Eph. i. 11. Hom. ii. p. 112 O. T. and note. St. Augustine rejects this exposition and adopts that of our version, Ad Bonif. l. ii. §22, De Corr. et. Gr. §23.

4 suggeneian, but Mar. and 6 mss. eug. nobility.

5 Gr. Economy, see p. 338, note 3.

6 Or "marked out." protetupwsqai.

7 See Sir Thomas Brown, Rel. Med. pt. i. p. 22.

8 Chrys. apprehends well the practical purpose for which the apostle introduced verses 28-30. Notwithstanding all the imperfections of the Christian's spiritual life (26, 27) and the trials which have been so fully described (1-24) we have the assurance that all these things are working in accordance with God's gracious plan for his ultimate good. In passing over from the idea of believers as those who love God to its counterpart that they are those called according to His purpose (not to be taken of the believer's purpose, as Chrys.) the apostle develops from this idea of purpose a series of conceptions designed to emphasize the believer's security. "You who love God can be sure of the outcome of all suffering in good for you are included in God's purpose which he purposed in Christ Jesus our Lord." (Eph. iii. 11.) You have all the strength and solidity of God's eternal plan on your side. When the divine purpose of redemption was before the mind of God in eternity, you were the prospective participants in it, as truly as you now are the real participants. What you are God from eternity intended you to be. The stability of his immutable counsel is pledged to you."-G. B. S.

9 The argument of vv. 33, 34 which is so condensed in form, may be paraphrased thus: "Who shall lay anything to the charge of God's elect? No one shall. Why? Because their justifier is God himself. No one may accuse whom He acquits. Who, then, can appear against them and condemn them? No one can, for it is no less a person than Christ who died and rose on their behalf."-G. B. S.

10 Theodoret notices the same thing, ad loc. St. Basil, De Sp. S. c. xx. answers a similar argument against the equal Divinity of the Holy Spirit, by showing that it would apply to the Son if at all.

11 Shakespeare, Lear, act ii. sc. iv. "We are not ourselves when nature being oppressed commands the mind to suffer with the body," etc.

12 Intelligible is used in old Platonist writers for invisible, as in German.

1 So Field from one Ms. Vulg. "what has been read to-day, as it reached my ears."

2 Chaps. ix. x. and xi. may be viewed as a kind of appendix to the doctrinal pan of the epistle, in which the apostle considers the problems to which the unbelief and rejection of the Jews gave rise. It is Paul's purpose in these chapters to show that his doctrine does not contradict God's promises to the Jews. Chap. ix. contains strong assertions that the providential dealing of God with the Jews is not to be called in question. It is evident from the gradual approach of the apostle to this theme, how painful it was to him to be compelled to contemplate it.-G. B. S.

3 Thus sacer is used in both senses, and devoted in our own language somewhat similarly.

4 The force of huxomhn here is: "I would wish, if it were a thing which could possibly be realized for the advantage of my brethren." The word anaqema means anything devoted to God and then (as in the N. T.) something devoted to his wrath, i.e. accursed. The expression is to be understood as the language of intense passion and can scarcely mean anything less than a readiness to perish if by so doing he could save his people Israel.-G. B. S.

5 Aug. de Civ. Dei, i. 21. Butler, Anal. p. 262, ii. 3, v. fin.

6 This was sometimes done; but the mss. vary unusually in this word, and three different readings mean, "if ye are not disturbed." See Twining on Arist. Poet. note 22, and Gaisf. on Rhet. p. 46.

7 As galled at the blasphemies against Him for breakings His promise.

8 This passage makes, perhaps, a comment on the words, Luke ix. 24, Whosoever will lose his life (thn yuxhn), the same shall save it.

9 So all copies of St. Chrys. The following words, however, imply that this was not his reading of the text, (which had before been read at length, as the first words of this Homily show, see p. 459), he quotes it as in our text, in Hom. xx. on 1 Cor. viii. 5, p. 266 O. T. and elsewhere. See note in Mill's G. T. All mss. agree with the rec. text.

10 1 Ms. he is aware of their way of thinking, epistatai, this gives a more common sense to dianoian.

11 At v. 6 begins Paul's theodicy in view of the lapse of the Israelites. The argument of vv. 6-13 is: God's promise cannot fail because it applies to the true Israel. This point he illustrates from Old Testatment examples. The argument throughout this chapter is conducted from the point of view of God's sovereign election. In the two subsequent chapters, other considerations drawn from the freedom and disobedience of the people are introduced. It is as if the apostle had said: God has done according to His sovereign good pleasure. We might leave the matter there. To one who should say: why then does he blame me? (v. 19), or: why has he made me thus? (23), we might reply: who art thou to reply against God? The apostle does not rest the consideration of the case with the presentation of this view. In the closing verses of the chap. he shifts the point of view and asks: why did Israel fail? why was she cut off and the Gentiles chosen? (31). He answers, because they did not seek righteousness by faith; they were not trustful and obedient, and hence they found the Messiah a stone of stumbling and failed to realize the ideal of their prophetic history.-G. B. S.

12 i.e. the true Seed of promise.

13 Didymus in Psalm xcvii. 3, and Hesych. ps. lii. 7, ap. Corderium, t. 2.

14 Gr. to them, i.e. to them considered as objections. Compare Matt. xxi. 27. "Neither tell I you by what authority 1 do these things.

15 If this is to be read interrogatively, so as to imply the negative, it must be understood of that time exclusively, as the context shows.

16 He refers to the occasion on which the words next quoted were spoken, viz. when Moses interceded for them after that sin.

17 This expression supports St. Augustine's interpretation of Rom. viii. 28.

18 Perhaps alluding to the supplanting of Esau.

19 Literally under some circumstance, but peristasiz implies. surrounding and assault.

20 One Ms. adds, "Isaac, for his part, wished to bless Esau, he ran to the field (paidion, by a common mistake for pedion) to do his father's bidding, desirous of the blessing. But God brought in Jacob who was worthy, and by a just judgment declared him deserving of the blessing."

21 Such is plainly the sense, but most mss. have to auto furama thj ousiaj esti, it is the same lump in regard of the substance.

22 The Greek word, kathrtismenon, makes this more obvious.

1 In ix. 30-33 Paul had stated that the reason of Israel's rejection was, that they sought after righteousness not by faith but by works, while the Gentiles sought it by faith and attained it. Chap. x. is an illustration and confirmation of this position. Its leading idea is, that the Jews could not be justified by works of the law, because a new system, that of faith, had come in with Christ and had displaced the old. The argument may be summarized thus: (1) Vv. 1, 2. Conciliatory introduction in which the apostle avows his love for his people. (2) Vv. 3, 4. Their method, however, of seeking righteousness by works is an effort to obtain a righteousness of their own, which is impossible. Christ has put an end to the system of works and He is himself the only means of attaining God's righteousness. At v. 5 begins the Scriptural argument concerning the two systems of works an faith. (3) Vv. 5-10. The principle of the system of works as stated by Moses is, keep the law and you will be saved by it. The principle of faith, on the other hand, is, not that of striving to reach something afar off, but of accepting the present truth. It is not struggle but acceptance; not attaining by merit, but receiving by grace. (4) Vv. 11-13. The Scriptures emphasize this principle of faith as the true principle of salvation, speaking of the assurance which it brings and that to all, regardless ot nationality or outward condition. (5) Vv. 14, 15. But in order that men may accept this message, preachers must be sent to proclaim the glad tidings. (6) Vv. 16-21. This has been done in the case of the Jews. They cannot shelter themselves behind the excuse that they have not known God's message. The scriptures of the Old Testament reveal God and require faith in Him and also intimate the larger destination of the gospel for Gentiles as well as Jews.-G. B. S.

2 Referring to the expression, "a zeal of God," see 1 Cor. iii. 3, Gr.

3 2 Gr. "is summed up," anakefalaioutai. See Irenaeus, ...31, 32; iii. 21, 9, 10; xxii. I Massuet pp. 293, 294 O. T. where he says the creation is "recapitulated" in Christ. Also iv. 74, 78, v. 1; iv. 38, 1; 40. 3: v. 1, 2. Mass. pp. 436, 444, 451 O. T. much to the same purpose, and v. 29, p. 518 O. T. of the recapitulation or consummation of iniquity in Antichrist; the word is the same.

4 By the "end of the law," the author seems to understand the ability to secure righteousness to men which was the ideal aim of the law but which it could not do. While this view is correct enough in itself, it seems not to present the full force of teloj nomou which is best taken, with most recent interpreters, (as Meyer, Godet, De Wette, Olshausen, Dwight) to literally the end or termination of the law. Christ end to the law system by fulfilling it. The meaning is well given in Meyer's paraphrase: "For the validity of the law has come to an end in Christ, in order that every believer may be a partaker of righteousness."-G. B. S.

5 He seems to consider the words quoted from Lev. xviii. a sufficient refutation, as the Jews thought to be justified by the Law without fulfilling it. See Rom. ii.

6 2 This term is admissible with respect to the method of attainment; but there are two other readings of the passage; one is "that the easiness may not seem to make it contemptible and cheap."

7 "sinews" Field, from Catena.

8 pasan akolouqian, i. e. the common order of cause and effect.

9 St. Augustine Quaest. in Deut. lib. v. q. 54, discusses this passage and its application, and considers it to refer to the spiritual meaning of the Law.

10 The following analysis of Paul's meaning in vv. 6-10 may be useful in connection with the exposition of Chrys. The apostle quotes Deut. xxx. 11-14 in which God assures the people that his commandments are not beyond their power to obey. He brings truth and duty near to them. These expressions are typical of the principles of the Christian faith. No striving, journeying or climbing are needful to reach Christ and his truth and law. Christian truth and duty are brought near in the apostolic message. After this presentation of the faith-idea in Old Testament language, which all might not grasp, he presents the message of the gospel in vv. 9, 10 in unmistakable terms. It includes two points, (1) confession, (2) faith, and the object of both is stated. It is Christ. Confess Christ; believe heartily in his resurrection (which would carry belief in all the essential facts of his life and person with itself). And then, reversing the order, and throwing kardia and stomati into special prominence, he repeats the assurance that faith and confession conduct to the true goal-eij dikaiosunhn-eij swthrian (10).-G. B. S.

11 Hooker, v. 23, "The higher any cause is, the more it coveteth to impart virtue unto things beneath it."

12 or "confirm" sugkrotein.

13 Vide ad J. Polluc. vii. 201.

14 ecepesomen kai added after xaritoj in 2 mss. and in Ben from mss. "we have fallen from this grace, and the business of Christianity is treacherously given up."

1 Vv. 14, 15 state a threefold objection to Paul's doctrine of the Jews' responsibility. Vv. 16-21 are the reply to this objection. Paul takes up three points which are summarized in the objections. (1) Shall the fact that they have not believed constitute any excuse? (16, 17). The apostle answers that the real fact is that the message of faith and of the Messianic salvation has been proclaimed to the Jews and a large part of them have rejected and disobeyed it. They must therefore have heard, for disobedience, on the one hand, and faith, on the other, depends upon hearing the message and hearing it. depends upon God having spoken it. (2) Then comes the prior question concerning the hearing on which disobedience or hearing is dependent (18). Certainly they have heard, answers Paul, for we might apply to God's message the words of the Psalm (xix. 5) which describe the movements of the heavenly bodies, so plain and wide-spread have been God's messages concerning Christ and the principles on which his Gospel is based. (3) Since Israel has heard, does it not follow that they knew and are therefore inexcusable? (19). Yes. The Jews complain that God's promise has failed; that He has not preserved to them their promised prerogatives. Hence it is excusable for them to fall away from confidence in Him, etc. The apostle answers that this is an entire misunderstanding of their own providential history. The coming of the Gentiles into the kingdom of God was already foreshadowed in the Old Testament, e.g. Moses (Deut. xxxii. 21) speaks oF Israel being made jealous and angry by a "no-people"-"a foolish nation" (heathen). And again, Isaiah (lxv. 1, Isaiah lxv. 2) uses very bold words which the apostle applies to the relation of Jews and Gentiles. The three points placed in close relation are: (1) Israel has heard and (2) hence knows, and (3) is blameworthy for the rejection of the Messiah.-G. B. S.

2 Four mss. The believing and obeying God equally when He speaks and when He works wonders.

3 Ps. xix. 4 (Ps. xviii 4 and Ps. xviii 4). The mystical interpretation of this Psalm here indicated, is acknowledged by the Church in using it on Christmas day. An ancient Latin hymn has this paraphrase on a part of it:

Origen on this passage (t. iv. p. 627), and St. Augustine on the Psalm, enlarge upon its Christian interpretation.

4 "They" "their" i.e. the Jews: "these" i.e. the Gentiles.

5 This of course does not exclude the other interpretation of J. Martyr. Apol. i. 35. p. 27 O. T. Tryph. 97, p. 193 O. T. and others. See, on the contrary, St. John xii. 32, also St. Cyr. Hier. Cat. xiii. 27, and note, p. 157 O. T. add St. Cyprian, Test. ii. 20, p. 56, O. T. and note.

6 As in Cornelius' case. See p. 379, and context.

7 The central thought of chap. xi. is that Israel's rejection is not forever; the nation is to be restored. The or er of thought is as follows: (1) The rejection is partial. The Scriptures furnish analogous examples of partial falls and rejections of the nation, 1-10. (2) The fall of Israel is temporary. Some branches were cut off because of unbelief and Gentile branches inserted in their place, but the natural branches shall yet be restored. 11-24. (3) Reflections upon the wise and gracious purposes of God in all these dispensations, 25-36.-G. B. S.

8 Field with one Ms. reads "What then? Is this the people? is that seed

come to be 3, 5, or 10,000?" and mentions with approval the reading of the Catena "What then? are the people come down to thee and 3, 5, or 10,000?"

9 Referring to his words, 1 Kings xix. 14, and to his sharing in the famine, xvii. 13.

10 4 mss. omit these words: most early mss. and versions of the N. T. omit the whole second half of the verse.

11 All Field's mss. om. "words," which however may mean Offence given by words.

1 Field punctuates so as to give the sense "Why then hath not Israel attained to that which he seeketh after? Nay, but the election hath obtained it;" which seems to be (at all events) St. Chrysostom's view of the passage.

2 The course of thought here may be thus exhibited: God in his gracious promise made simple faith the condition of salvation, but Israel sought it in the line of works and has not attained it. But the election obtained it because the avowed principle of the election was grace, to which corresponds faith. In other words: those who complied with the express principle of the election and who sought salvation by faith, receiving it as a gift of divine grace, were accepted. Those who thought to establish their own righteousness have failed, and this failure corresponds to that judicial hardening with which God through Moses and Isaiah threatens the disobedient Israelites in the Old Testament.-G. B. S.

3 Or "language." He has before remarked on the term election as implying an approved character; see on v. 5, p. 483.

4 So on x. 21. But see on viii. 26, and xi. 22.

5 Accommodated to the A. V. Gr. "to feel compunction": the word is used thus on Rom. viii. 26, p. 447. In Is. xxix. 10, it is for hmrrh

a deep (often supernatural) sleep, as Gen. ii. 21, Gen. xv. 12; 1 Sam. xxvi. 12; Ps. lxxvi. 7. In Ps. xxx. (al. 29), Ps. xxx. 13, the verb is u#&ir#&/md

which signifies stillness (from horror or amazement). We speak of being penetrated with horror; here the notion of piercing is taken, and applied to fixing. See Schleusner on katanussomai.

6 Most mss. "prophecy," which if right must be interpreted "theocracy."

7 The following paraphrase of the apostle's argument in vv. 16-24 by which he would show that the Jews' rejection is but temporary may be serviceable in connection with the exposition of Chrysostom: granting then that the Jews have sadly stumbled, have they done so in order that (ina, according to a providential intention) they may fall (completely away from God and be lost to all hope)? No. There is a providential purpose in this sad lapse. God has overruled it for the salvation of the Gentiles. When the Jews rejected Christianity, then the gospel turned from them and went to the Gentiles, so that the rejection of the Jews facilitated the conversion of the heathen. And the acceptance of the Gentiles reacted again in favor of the Jews because it provoked them to jealousy and so stimulated them to accept the blessings which the Gentiles were receiving. Thus their fall has a twofold beneficial effect, (a) on the Gentiles, (b) through them on themselves. (vv. 11-12) Now, if so much good can come out of their fall, how much more out of their restoration! If their fault, by which they come so far short of their ideal mission, could be such an (indirect) blessing to the Gentiles how much greater a blessing will the repairing of that defect prove? (vv. 13-16.) I say the return of the Jews will be a great blessing to you, my Gentile Christian brethren, and I urge this point with you. It is all to be to your advantage. In hoping and laboring for the conversion of my own people, I am still laboring in the line of my mission as apostle to the Gentiles. If I can save any of the Jews and stimulate their jealousy so that they will be desirous of availing themselves of the blessings of the gospel, I shall be doing the greatest possible good to the Gentile world. Why? (15) Because if their rejection is the "reconciliation of the world"-the means of securing salvation to the Gentiles, their reception back again shall be a veritable "resurrection from the dead,"-from it shall flow streams of spiritual life, compared with which that indirect blessing which sprang from their rejec tion is as nothing (16). And such is the divine, final destination of the Jewish people. They are still holy unto the Lord, a peculiar possession, and cannot be finally and utterly cast away. (vv. 17-24) Hence you Gentiles have no ground of glorying over the Jews, either in the fact that some of them have been cut off or that you have been grafted in. Israel is still the stock. At most you are but branches and that wild-olive branches! If now you seize upon what was said (in vv. 11-12) and maintain that the Jews were rejected to make place for you (19), I reply that there is another to the matter (20). From the point of view of the divine providence this is true, but from the point of view of the Jews' own action, unbelief explains their rejection. You have nothing to do, with God's providential purposes in the case. What you have to do is to be obedient and faithful. If you draw an assurance from the one view, I shall draw a warning from the other and that too from the side with which you have to do and for which you are responsible. "Be not high-minded but fear." God will deal with you on the same principles upon which he has dealt with the Jews (21). These ispensations reveal the two sides of God's nature-his severity toward disobedience and his goodness to all who continue in relation to his goodness (22). Those portions of the nation which have been cut off shall be grafted in again unless they persist in unbelief (23). And if the branches from a wild-olive tree were grafted into the genuine olive tree, contrary to their nature, how much more natural to suppose that the branches which originally belonged to the true olive stock shall be returned and grafted again into that stock to which they naturally belong (24). There is no good ground for the opinion of Chrys. (11) that the salvation of Israel is to occur at the second coming and the end of the world.-G. B. S.

8 So all mss. but one, but we need not suppose a various reading in the text, as there is no authority for it: rec. t. standest.

9 eceklasqhsan. In earlier Greek this use of the passive belongs to the second aorist, but in later times it extends to the first.

10 Most mss. "cut thee not off," which is perhaps the better reading. See on the last verse.

11 There is no authority for the reading of the old edd., "these, if according to nature they be grafted."

12 Ms. "from these that were his by nature by others."

13 Ben. and several mss. fusika for fusei. Savile's reading would be a general position which is not so much to the purpose, such as that of St. Augustine, nullam esse naturam mali. This reading however will also bear that meaning.

14 So LXX. except in when, etc., which the sequel implies. See Jer. xxxi. 31, Jer. xxxi. 34.

15 Field reads, So also Timothy was called Paul's son from goodness.

1 Reasonable is here used for what has been termed super-sensuous, as in the Syriac, and later Latin, see p. 498.

2 Evidently Chrys. understands by logikhn here rational as opposed to material service such as the Jews offered in animal sacrifices. Others have understood of it of spiritual service as opposed to the superstitious service of the heathen (Calvin). Others find in it a contrast with the irrational animals (zwa aloga) offered in sacrifice (Theodoret, Grotius). The first view is preferable. Christianus omnia recte reputat, et ex beneficio Dei miserentis colligit offciurn suum, says Bengel.-G. B. S.

3 qeiaij akroasesin. See Suicer in akroaomai. lit. "divine hearings." The place where those stood who were not yet admitted to Communion, but heard the Scriptures read, was called the akroasij or hearing; here the act of hearing is meant.

4 2 or 3 mss. "boileth" which Heyse prefers.

5 semnoteroj, which implies reverence as well as dignity. The word before probably refers also to dress. See Ex. xxviii. 43, but in this case the outward act so truly represents the inward, that it is difficult to separate them.

6 A. V. conformed to. The translation is altered to express the distinction noticed in the comment.

7 morfh. See Phil. ii. 6, Phil. ii. 7, Phil. ii. 8, and St. Chrysostom on the passage, Hom. vi. pp. 363, sqq. O.T.

8 The two words' here rendered: "be fashioned" and "be transformed" differ as the terms (sxhma and morfh) which underlie them differ. "The term morfh, form, strictly denotes, not an external pose suitable for imitation, like sxhma, attitude, but an organic form, the natural product of a principle of life which manifests itself thus." Godet. "Be not conformed, but be transformed" (A. V.) marks well the distinction.-G. B. S.

9 See the note of Matthiae on the place. Nearly all mss. have and know; it seems a slip of memory; see Rom. ii. 18.

10 oiwnizontai v. Jung. ad J. Poll. v. 163. Dem. adv. Aristog. 1. (794, 5), it means to make a sign of detestation on meeting anything counted unlucky.

11 swzousan thn fronhsin, Aristot. Eth. vi.

12 This word has been sometimes translated haughtiness, but means something more; usually the recklessness of despair, but sometimes that of pride.

1 Or feel they need an effort enagwniouj. See on Rom. xi. 21 p. 349.

2 For h ei mh tonto, E. gives (as emendation) eita palin, and ekeiqen, for apo 'Arabiaj, but retains the h ei mh touto of the preceding clause, which equally needs correction.

3 Near the end of Hom. 19, we have kan adikonmenw perituxh prosthsetai, which proves that he takes the word in the sense here given. "Unless," added by Ben. and 2 mss. "he do it with diligence and zeal."

4 penia here seems distinguished from ptwxeia, as in the Plutus.

5 Viz. in composition.

6 apokaradokia, Rom. viii. 19.

7 apekdexomenoi, Rom. viii. 23.

8 apolutrwsij Rom. viii. 23, see ad loc. Hom. xiv. p. 445.

9 Chrys. evidently takes prohgoqmenoi (10) in the sense of excelling; others understand the word temporally and render anticipating. The word (hapaxl.) is better taken as in our vss. preferring, 1. e. "going before, as guides, namely, with the conduct which incites others to follow," (Meyer).-G. B. S.

10 A.V. not slothful in business; R. V. In diligence not slothful.

11 Here the mss. and vss. vary between tw kuriw and tw kairw (v. 11). The latter text gives the idea of serving the time or adapting one's self to the opportunity. and is adopted by many (as Meyer, Godet) on the ground that the precept: serving the Lord is too general to be in point here among these specific exhortations. The mss. evidence for tw kuriw, however is too strong to be overthrown by a consideration so subjective ()e

12 St. Chrysostom (on 2 Tim. i. 16, p. 189 O. T.) adopts and argues on the reading, mneiaij, for which there is some authority. See Brit. Crit. No. LI. pp. 80, 81.

13 katadiwkein. lit. hunt them down.

14 So Field: the passage is corrupt in the mss. Vulg. "As did Abraham also then with largeness and ready mind. And on this ground he deserves one's admiration most, that when," etc.

15 Some mss. add, "first of all men."

16 Or "dealt kindly with him."

1 toij tapeinoij is best taken here as neuter (Meyer, De Wette, R. V.) corresponding in this respect to ta uyhla. Meyer renders and interprets thus: "being drawn onward by the lowly; i.e. instead of following the impulse to high things. rather yielding to that which is humble, to the claims and tasks which are presented to you by the humbler relations of life, entering into this impulse towards the lower strata and spheres of life which lays claim to you, and following it. The tapeina ought to have for the Christian a force of attraction in virtue of which he yields himself to fellowship with them and allows himself to be guided by them in the determination of his conduct." Those who understand tapeinoij as masculine are divided between the meanings: of low rank and of humble disposition. Chrys.' interpretation combines both ideas.-G. B. S.

2 antidosewj. It means a recompense upon the other.

3 Most mss. omit "he would not. . ...fed."

4 mikroyuxoj, Ed. Ben. quotes St. Bas. Ep. 74 and St. Ath. t. i. p. 142 a and 152 f. Hist. tracts pp. 41 and marg., 55, to show that this word may be used in the sense of "malicious." It sometimes means "niggardly," both being characteristics of a little mind. v. p. 106 and 373.

5 The meaning which is here attached to the expression: thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head, viz.: thou shalt bring the divine vengeance upon him, is very improbable. Such a consideration could not be urged as a motive of Christian love. Augustine well says: "How does any one love the man to whom he gives food and drink for the very purpose of heaping coals of fire upon his head, if `coals of fire 0' in this place dignify some heavy punishment?" The meaning is: thou shalt by returning good for evil, bring the evildoer to shame and remorse. This course will be the dictate of Christian love because it will tend to reveal the man's wrong-doing to himself, induce repentance for it and lead him to forsake it. The repentance of Saul is an example (1 Sam. xxiv. 17). "And Saul lifted up his voice and wept. And he said: thou art more righteous than I: for thou hast rendered unto me good, whereas I have rendered unto thee evil."-G. B. S.

6 It may be objected that St. Paul was not speaking to a person in a rage, but generally to all. However, it is plain that the admonition is meant for those who want it. And there are many people who justify themselves in bearing malice, so as to require such management even in a general admonition.

7 The Fathers generally believed the devils were connected with idol-worship. See Tertullian de Spectac. p. 202 O. W. St. Augustine de Civ. Dei, i. 32, etc. Clem. Al. Protr. c. 3.

1 The distinction which Chrys. carries through his interpretation of this passage on human government, between authority in abstracto and in concreto belongs rather to a philosophical treatment of the subject than to an exposition of the apostle's language. The use of general terms like ecousia and ousia cannot have been designed to leave room for concrete exceptions since the apostle blends general and specific terms throughout the passage [arxontej (3) qeou diakonoj (4)]. The question of obeying unjust rulers and supporting the "powers" in unjust measures, the apostle does not raise.He is stating a general principle and he says nothing of exceptions. His language does not exclude the possibility of exceptions when the reign of rulers becomes clearly subversive of moral order and opposed to the principles of the divine government.-G. B. S

2 See 1 Cor. vii. 21; Col. iii. 22; Tim. vi. 2. Slavery is clearly recognized as a lawful state of life, appointed by Providence, andin Col. iv. 1, is shown to have a typical meaning; this does not necessarily imply the common opinion of the Greeks (Ar. Pol. i. 1), that there is a natural distinction of men into the free and the slavish.

3 Most mss. omit "and honoring."

4 Or Deacon; the Coronation Service illustrates the sacred view of the kingly office; as by the use of the Dalmatic (sect. x.), which belongs also to Deacons; see Palmer, Or. Lit. append. sect. iv.

5 Compare Butler, Analogy 1, 2, and Arist. Eth. v. 1. "The law commands to do the acts of a brave man, such as not quitting one's post, not flying, not throwing away one's arms. And those of a sober man, as not to commit adultery, or to insult any one. And those of a meek person, as not to strike, not to defame; and so with other virtues and vices, ..." Where he means that the law cannot enforce the character but can demand the acts, and is so far drawing man towards what is suitable to his nature. Butler shows that this is a part of God's moral government.

6 Arist. Eth. viii. 8, "The political union of men seems to have been first formed for advantage, and for this it is upheld." See Pol. i. 2, where he says of it, that "it is formed that men may live, but is (in the nature of things) that they may live well."

7 St. Augustine de Civ. Dei, xix. 17, writes, "But the heavenly city, or rather that part of it which sojourneth in this mortal state, and liveth by faith, must likewise make use of this kind of peace, till that mortality, for which such peace is needful, pass away." And xix. 26, he quotes Tim. ii. 2, and Jer. xxix. 7, to the same purpose.

8 tupwqeij, see p. 513, outwj etupwsen. The sense appears to be, "whose precise character in every form of government Himself determines."

9 Or "ye owe," it may seem that this is his sense, from "thou owest," but he would have it look the other way.

10 St. Chrysostom omits "Thou shalt not covet." Many mss. of the New Testament omit "Thou shalt not hear false witness," but all known mss. of St. Chrysostom have it, as well as the printed copies.

11 anakefalaioutai, see p. 472, note 3.

12 Matt. xxii. 39. St. Hilary on the place notices that the second could not be called like unto it, were it not that our Neighbor means Christ, i. e. as present in His members.

13 So most mss. while the old edd. read "added, and the second-"

14 Ms. "be beloved of God," which makes a fair sense with the context.

15 Plato, Phaedr. p. 217, B. o fqonoj ecw Qeiou xorou istatai, Envy standeth without the Divine circle.

16 Gen. ii:18. This plural is in the LXX., not in the Hebrew. See in Gen. c. ii. Hom. xiv.

17 On the Fall, see Hom. xvii. in Gen.

18 Nothing before or beside his sentence. Nothing of admonition. See Ben.

19 See Hom. xix. in Gen. St. Cyr. Al. Glaph. lib. i. §2, p. 20 B. takes this as said to Abel.

20 Alluding to the stenwn kai tremwn of the LXX., v. 12.

1 1 Cor. vii. 29. The stopping only is altered, as in Hom. xix. on the Hebrews (Matthiae) p. 225 ed. Field.

2 =Hmwn is better taken with egguteron: "For now is salvation nearer to us than when we believed." (So R. V.) Both the position of the words and the requirements of emphasis favor this construction. Chrys. is essentially correct in referring h swthria here to the last things. The reference is to the Messianic salvation which is to be ushered in by the Parousia of the Lord from heaven. The period which shall intervene between the time of writing and the advent of Christ is designated as "night" (12), but the "day" which the Messianic swthria shall usher in is near(hggiken).-G. B. S.

3 St. Augustine de Civ. Dei, v. 13-15, discusses this motive, and the temporal good that comes of it, as to the Roman state; quoting Matt. vi. 2.

4 In one of the apostle's favorite figures, that of putting off, or on, as clothing, he states again the essential qualities of the Christian life. The Christian is even now to belong to that sphere of light into whose full glory he shall shortly be raised. The culminating thought is: "put on Christ." Chrys.' application of the apostle's exhortation is one of his most eloquent passages.-G. B. S.

5 On this see St. Augustine, Conf. x. 30, p. 205 O. T. de Gen. ad lit. x. 12, xii. 15. St. Greg. Mor. viii. §42 sq. pp. 449, 450 O. T. Cassian. Collat.

6 This is a good illustration of Aristotle's remark, that "general discourses on moral matters are pretty well useless, while particular ones are more like the truth." Eth. ii. 7.

7 Ora et ibi templum est, D. Bernard.

8 See Arist. Polit. vii. Tertull. Apol. i. 9, p. 22 O. T. and note r.

9 Or poisonings.

10 Lying on the bare ground was a common part of asceticism.

1 Chrys. adopts the view which was common in antiquity as to who the "weak" here mentioned were. He regards them as judaizing Christians who were over-zealous for the Mosaic law and even went beyond its explicit requirements to abstain from swine's flesh and abstained from meat altogether. Another class of interpreters have supposed that the scruples of the "weak" concerning meat had the same ground as in 1 Cor. viii. and 1 Cor. x., viz., the fear of eating flesh and drinking wine that had been used in the heathen sacrificial worship (So Rückert, Philippi, Neander). The chief objection to the former view is that they could not have derived their doctrine of entire abstinence from meat and wine from the Mosaic law, which prohibits only the flesh of certain unclean animals and does not prohibit wine at all except in particular cases. The difficulty with the second view is that the whole passage has no allusion to heathen sacrifices, which could hardly have been the case if they had been the ground of the scruple. On the contrary in v. 14 Paul in correcting these ascetic notions declares his conviction that nothing is "unclean of itself," showing that their view was that flesh and wine possessed in themselves some power of pollution. The difficulties connected with these explanations have led many recent scholars to different explanations. Baur regarded the "weak" as Ebionitic Christians, but the Ebionites abstained from flesh as inherently sinful and it would seem that if this had been the opinion of the "weak" that Paul could hardly have treated it so mildly. Since the Ebionites date from about 70 a.d., these ascetics at Rome could have been Ebionitic only in the sense of having the germs of subsequent Ebionism. An opinion similar to this has been advocated by Ritschl, Meyer and Mangold. In their view the root of this asceticism was Essenic. There was certainly a Judeo-Christian minority in the Roman church. The ideas of the Essenes were widely disseminated among the Jews at the time. It is natural to suppose that among the Roman Jews there were Essenes or those of Essenic tendencies who upon their conversion would associate their rigorous asceticism with the Christian doctrine of the subjugation of the flesh. This view best meets the requirements of the passage. The Essenes abstained wholly from wine and practised a supra-legal regimen in regard to food. They would have no occasion to array themselves against the apostle's doctrine and he therefore treats their scruples not in a polemic but in a cautious and conciliatory spirit.-G. B. S.

2 kenoi, i.e. so as not to have to say anything against them directly. St. Chrysostom turns the passage in that way more than Theodoret. See on v. 4, which Theod. applies directly against the Judaizers. His general remarks on the rhetoric of the passage are independent of this question.

3 Verse 2 counsels receiving to Christian fellowship those affected by these ascetic scruples but mh eij diakriseij dialogismwn. These words have been variously rendered: (1) "not to doubtful disputations" (A. V., R. V.); (2) "for decisions of doubts" (marg. R. V.); (3) not to judgings of thoughts (Meyer); "not to discussions of opinions" (Godet). It is the church against allowing the clear that the apostle exhorts scruples in question to be matter of debate and division but whether he means to place a limitation upon the church's duty to receive the weak brethren or whether he exhorts them to refrain from making the opinions of the weak a matter of discussion and judgment, is a question still unsettled. The following consideration deserve attention in the decision of the question (1) Paul treats the "weak" throughout with great forbearance and tenderness. (2) The church is the party exhorted. (3) It is probably that the diakriseij dialogismwn refer to actions or judgments which the church would be in danger of exercising toward the weak. (4) It is likely that the question of eating meats or herbs only (v. 2) is a specimen of the dialogismoi referred to. (5) Diakrisij means an act of distinguishing things that differ, i.e. a logical or moral judgment. (6) The question remains whether dialogismoj means a doubt, or a thought, an opinion. The latter is the primary meaning and seems preferable here. Then the meaning would be: receive these persons to fellowship and abstain from criticisms and judgments upon their conscientious opinions. The translation of our Eng. vs. "not to doubtful disputations" is as ambiguous as the original phrase is in Greek. and is, therefore, a faithful rendering in respect of ambiguity. These translators seem to take diakriseij as meaning "doubts"-a meaning which that word cannot be shown to bear.-G. B. S.

4 He seems to mean, "are at doubt whether they may acknowledge such." So Oecumenius seems to take it, who paraphrases this comment, and adds kai xwrizesqai, "and separate themselves."

5 exomenouj, here opposed to apexomenouj.

6 xwrij: The construction seems imperfect: the Translator suggests xwrisqeij, "separating Himself from all others." If the passage be not corrupt, xwrij twn allwn apantwn is merely = in primis; and so Field.

7 Some mss. and edd. "with all attesting the subjection to Him." The passage is found Is xlv. 23, probably the reading of the LXX., till it was corrected to suit the Hebrew. See Parsons ad loc.

8 Sav. Mar. and one ms. end the sentence, "having punishment exacted of the for those who have been made by thee to offend."

9 The oil representing especially deeds of mercy. Hil. ad. 1. See St. Chrys. on Rom. xi. 6. p. 483.

10 See Matt. v. 28, and 2 Pet. ii. 14. And with respect to giving cause of offence to others, Mark. ix. 44.

11 Field's punctuation will give the sense, "These then are mere words-the rich man is not punished, nor the foolish virgins cast out, etc., but these are only threats!" which is perhaps more vigorous. Compare Hom. xxxi. p. 496: also Browning's Heretic's Tragedy.

That God is good and the rest is breath."

12 Most mss. have "Charmi" or "Charmin;" one "Achar," one "Achar the son of Charmi."

13 Josephus, B. J. vi., vii. c. 8., Euseb. H. E. iii. 6.

14 So most mss. of St. Chrysostom, and the best of the N. T.

15 proqesmian, lit. a set time. He has used the term before with especial view to the length of the time.

16 i. e. so as to spare all in this.

17 See Butler's Anal. i. 2. "But all this," and i. 3. iii.

18 So mss. lusin. Sav. lhcin, cessation: see 383, note 3.

19 So Field: Vulg. "made thee afraid."

20 St. Chrysostom must not be understood here as making light of the labor of an effectual repentance, nor as excluding the office of the Church in accepting the Penitent. His object is to show that there is no such difficulty in repentance, as need be an objection to our belief in eternal punishment. He is speaking of repentance in the lowest degree, and he certainly held that different degrees of it would obtain different degrees of benefit. As of almsgiving on Rom. xi. 6, p. 485. etc. "It is possible to gain approval by thy last will, not indeed in such way as in thy lifetime," and more generally ad Theodorum Lapsum, t. i. p. 11, 12. Ben. where he represents it as difficult, though not so much so as it might seem to those who did not try it, and know its consolations: and Hom i. de S. Pentec. fin. he says, "It is possible by diligence, prayer, and exceeding watchfulness, to wipe out all our sins that are written down. This then let us make our business all our days, that when we depart thither, we may obtain some forgiveness, and all escape irrevocable punishments." Of confession he speaks strongly, de Cruce et Latrone, Hom. i. t. 2, 407; B. ad Pop. Ant. Hom. 3, p. 42 E. on the Statues, p. 66 O. T. and of the power of the Priesthood to absolve, de Sac., c. 3, §5, t. i. p. 384 E. quoting Ja. v. 14, 15.

21 murian askhsin: the term asceticism is an insufficient translation of ascesis, since its termination takes off the reality. The word "crown" hints at a play on its secular sense, of gymnastic training.

22 This sentence may be read so as to avoid the fault in reasoning; he breaks off the supposition as too absurd, and after a pause gives the true account of the case, which he in fact assumes in the first clause. The whole passage is rhetorical, and the first mention of the devils is introduced with tremendous power, as almost any one must have felt in reading it.

23 Or "undoing the awe," as edd. before Field, and some mss.

1 i. e. "better deprive the strong of his meats, than deeply grieve the weak."

2 In addition to the three possible meanings of "your good" which Chrys. mentions, two other interpretations may be noted: (1) "The good you enjoy," i. e. your Christian liberty (Godet); (2) "The kingdom of God" (v. 17) (Meyer). The connection favors the view that to agaqon is a general reference to the same source of blessing which is more specifically designated as h basileia tou qeou (17).-G. B. S.

3 1 Cor. viii. 8, speaking of things offered to idols.

4 "The work of God" is much more naturally taken as designating the Christian himself-his personality, than as designating his salvation (Chrys.).-G. B. S.

5 Compare St. Ephrem. Serm. xx. vol. iii. adv. Scrutatores. pp. 172, 173, Oxf. Tr.

6 Krinwn should not be rendered "condemning" as if it were katakrinwn (as Chrys. and many mod. interpreters). The meaning is: Happy is he who does not pass judgment upon himself, i.e. who is so confident of the rightness of his course that he has no anxiety or scruple regarding the course of action in such disputed points which he approves and has resolved upon.-G. B. S.

7 Nullum Theatrum virtuti conscientia majus. Cicero, Tusc. ii. 26. Virtue has no field for display more ample than conscience.

8 So rendered, to keep up the play upon the words: it means, not framing himself to a false show.

9 Or, "the systems of the Gentiles been confuted," ta =Ellhnwn elhlegktai.

10 Philo, however, makes Abraham learned in all Chaldaean wisdom. De Nob. §5, also Joseph, Ant. i.c. 8, §2. It is now certain that the art of writing was older than his time, in Mesopotamia as well as Egypt.

11 So Field with most mss. Vulg. "for which thou art to be punished."

12 So Field auton for auton.

1 These three verses are placed here by Theodoret, St. Cyr. Alex., St. John Dam, and some 200 cursive mss. Of the few uncial mss. which have come down to us, the Codex Sinaiticus the Codex Vaticanus and the very ancient C. D. with the chief versions of the New Testament, including the two first made, the Old Latin and the Peschito-syriac. Origen put them where we do, at the end of the Epistle. The fifth century Alexandrian ms. in tire British Museum and two or three other mss. have the passage twice over. (For an elaborate defence both of the genuineness of this doxology and of the view that it belongs at the end of chap. xvi. see Meyer's criti-cat note prefixed to his comments on chap. xvi.-G. B. S.)

2 Mh aposthj, one ms. ou mh, which seems to determine the construction.

3 v. 27, in the Greek reads thus: "To God only wise through Jesus Christ, to Him (or to Whom) be glory," etc.

4 The grammatical form of the doxology presents a noticeable anacoluthon. The dative tw dunamenw is resumed in monw sofw qew and again in the relative w as if the proposition begun with the dative had been competed. Thus the previous datives are left without grammatical government. w, if read (many texts omit it) is to be understood as referring to qew.-G. B. S.

5 Chap. xv. contains conclusions and applications drawn from the principles laid down in regard to the treatment which should be accorded to the weak in chap. xiv. The crowning consideration is that Christ pleased not himself, but bore the burdens of the weak. This is presented as the type of all Christian duty. In v. 6 the construction usually preferred is (as in R. V.) "the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ" (cf. Eph. i. 3, Eph. i. 17).-G. B. S.

6 anw kai katw strefei, see Ast. ad Platon. Phoedr. 127.

7 See St. Chrys. ad loc. Hom. 32, on 1 Cor p. 446 O.T. in some places he seems to speak exclusively of love to one's neighbor in quoting this passage, but he always views this as the carrying out of love toward God, see p. 515.

8 mss. yucin ecebalej. Sav. yuxhn emalacaj, soften any soul.

9 So Field from mss.: old edd. "If my brother hates me, I do not even wish to see him." Perhaps the true reading is, "If my eye hates me, I do not even wish it to see," ean o ofqalmoj mou mish me, oude idein auton boulomai, which seems more proverbial, (if the aorist will bear this construction as Matt. xiii. 14), and agrees with p. 537.

10 So all mss. Sav. "more cruel."

1 See on Rom. viii. 4, supra p. 433.

2 proskekroukenai, not "stumbled," but "struck against" a person, same word as "alienation" just before.

3 The quotations in the passage on which this homily is based are all taken from the LXX. with a few trifling verbal changes. They are designed to show that the prophetic conception of the Messiah's work contemplated salvation for the Gentiles, so that Christ was not to be merely a "minister of the circumcision," but that he is to bring through the Jews salvation to the Gentiles so that they shall "glorify God for his mercy" (9). The passages in the O. T. relate primarily either to the Psalmist himself (v. 9. cf. Ps. xviii. 50) or to the King of Israel (v. 12. cf. Is. xi. 10), or to the relations of the people of Israel to the nations (vv. 10, 11, cf. Deut. xxxii. 43; Ps. cxvii. 1), but are applied to the relations of Christ to the nations in accordance with the prophetico-typical exegesis which regarded the prophets, kings and the history and people of Israel as having their chief significance in the fact that they embodied hopes and ideals which pointed forward to the Messiah and were realized only in the work and principles of His kingdom.-G. B. S.

4 So Field with two or three mss.: others, "and this ruleth:" Vulg. "and life ruleth."

5 2 Sam. xvi. 14, LXX. epnigen, A. V. troubled: see Matt. viii. 32.

6 Such was the case of Stagirius, vit. Chrys. Montf. p. 97. See St. Chrysostom's Exhortation to him, t. 1. Ben. t. vi. Sav. Bingham, art, Energumens ...St. Aug. de Civ. Dei. 19, 4. §2 and 21, 14. "A messenger of Satan" was given to St. Paul Himself, 2 Cor. xii. 7, and it was in hope of their salvation he delivered Hymeneus and Alexander to Satan. 1 Tim. i. 20, and another, 1 Cor. v. 5.

7 Ps. civ. 6. Where Aquila and Theodotion have the feminine, which would be expected in speaking of the sea. See Theodoret on the Psalm.

8 2 mss. "Receive a cure for even this."

9 Orig. in Rom. v. 4. Tribulatio proprie sanctorum est. impiorum autem ...flagella appellantur. "Triulation properly elongs to the saints, the thing the wicked suffer are called scourges."

1 Besides the interpretation adopted by Chrys. which joins apo merouj closely with anamimnhskwn and understands it to mean, in a sort-gently, two other views deserve notice (1) that which joins it to tolmhroteron-in part, or somewhat more oldly (Hodge) and (2) that which joins it to egraya-I have written more oldly in parts of the epistle (De Wette, Meyer, Alford). Both our Eng. vss. seem to understand it as Chrys. viz.: as a conciliatory modification of "more boldly," and connecting with it the explanatory statement that the reason of his more bold writing was the kindly one of putting them in remembrance.-G. B. S.

2 Some mss. "all is spiritual with us" (pneumatika). Savile's marginal reading is unintelligible, but might suggest conjectures.

3 Verse 18 may yield three different meanings according to the word which receives the main emphasis. If it is placed on through me the meaning is: I shall not mention or lay claim to results wrought by others, but only to those secured by my own labors. The desire of the apostle (20) not to uild upon another man's foundation favors this view. (So Alford, Hodge). If the stress is placed on the word wrought the sense is: I shall not dare to mention any of those things which Christ did not actually work, i. e., I shall make no claim to success not actually achieved (Meyer). The emphasis may be placed on Christ. If so, it means: I will mention only what Christ the and he alone) wrought through me for the extension of his kingdom. Chrys. understands the passage thus and, we think, rightly. (So Tholuck, Olshausen, Boise).-G. B. S.

4 This is scarcely historical, except with reference to Arabia. Even St. Jerome on Amos v. 8, implies less.

5 2 mss. add wste deicai filotimiaj to katorqwma on. The filotimia, "zealous striving," is here opposed to mere necessity of duty, "the compulsion of his priesthood." The words thus are a gloss on those next cited, not a proper part of the text.

6 allotrion, which means either "alien," or "another man's."

7 So LXX. Cod. Alex. Theodoret in loc. makes David herein a type of Christ.

8 Prov. xviii. 17, LXX. and Vulg. Our version is, "He that is first in his own cause seemeth just." The text is much quoted by the Fathers, as Hil. in Ps. cxxxv.

9 See a remarkable form in use in China on the occasion of such calamities, Windischman, Philos. im fortgang der Weltgeschichte, i. p. 29.

10 Prov. xii. 10, LXX. Know occurs in Exod. xxiii. 9, for "enter into the feelings of."

11 korufaiw. The common title of St. Peter among the Fathers.

1 "That, as Chrys., Calvin, Grotius, and many, including Rückert and Olshauseu assume, Paul intended `courteously and gently 0' (Luther) to suggest to the Romans that they should likewise bestow alms on those at Jerusalem, is very improbable, inasmuch as no reason is perceivable why he should not have ventured on a direct summons, and seeing, moreover, that he looked upon the work of collection as concluded, ver. 25," Meyer.-G. B. S.

2 leitourgia, in Classical Greek, is performing a public service at one's own expense.

3 2 Cor. ix. 5. Mosheim de Rebus Christianorum ante Const. p. 118, also Diss. ad Hist. Eccl. pert. vol. 2, 1. St. Chrys. speaks at length of wealth on 1 Cor. xiv. 19, Hom. 35, p 499, O. T. He thinks it lawful, but dangerous, and recommends alms almost without limitation.

4 A. V. bounty, but margin, blessing.

5 It is certain that Chrys. is incorrect in his interpretation of the statement: "When I come unto you I shall come in the fulness of the blessing of the Gospel of Christ." (29.) The meaning is not that he shall find them abounding in this blessing, but that he (Paul) will come to them furnished with the fulness of this blessing. The joyful hopes of Paul respecting his journey to Rome and labors there, were not, indeed, wholly thwarted, but how different were the experiences of his journey and life there from what he had expected. He went thither a prisoner and such missionary labors as he was permitted to perform were accomplished while he was kept in ward by the civil authorities of Rome. And, yet, notwithstanding these hardships, who can doubt that his prayer was answered? He found joy in the saints at Rome who came out from the city as far as Appii Forum and the Three Taverns to welcome him (Acts xxviii. 15); he was permitted for two years, at least, to occupy his own hired house and freely to "preach the kingdom of God and teach the things concerning the Lord Jesus Christ with all boldness, none forbidding him" (Acts xxviii. 30, Acts xxviii. 31); this preaching was crowned with signal success extending to the conversion of some of the members of Caesar's household (Phil. iv. 22). It is propable that we owe to this same period of imprisonment at Rome the four epistles to the Colossians, Ephesians, Philemon, and Philippians; if so, we have in them a reflection of the manifold activities and profound spiritual experiences of the apostle during his stay in Rome which constitute a genuine providential fulfilment of his desires, although it proved that as in the case of an earlier visit to Jerusalem, he went not knowing, the things that should befall him there (Acts xx. 22).-G. B. S.

6 2 mss. add, So directing them to do this.

7 See Bingham, b. ii. c. 22, for a full account of the office of the widows, deaconesses, etc., also Cave, Prim. Christ. part i. c. 8. Theodoret thinks it a sign of there being a considerable Church at Cenchrea, that they had a deaconess there.

8 sulleitourgouj. Afterwards the common term by which Bishops spoke of each other. As the Nicene Fathers of Alexander. Ep. Synod. v. fin. Theod. i. 9.

9 By "the church in the house" of Priscilla and Aquila, Chrys. understands the pious family which constituted the household. Such was the view of many of the older interpreters. The more probable view is that the "churches in the houses" (cf. 1 Cor. xvi. 19; Col. iv. 15; Philem. 2) were assemblies of a part of the collective church of the city, formed for the sake of convenience of meeting, especially in the largest towns. There is no reason to believe that all the persons named below were members of the household-church of Priscilla and Aquila.-G. B. S.

10 Omitted by most mss.

11 thn proj ton xorton filoneikian. See Matt. vi. 30; Luke xii. 28; Clem. Al. (Port.) p. 232.

12 katanucai, see p. 487, and p. 448.

13 See the use made of such recollections at the close of the 32d Homily.

14 He seems to have some place at Antioch in his mind, but we do not know that St. Paul was ever hound there.

15 filosofian, he means their simple habits; as in keeping: sheep, and the character perhaps implied in Moses' choice.

16 kataklan, Phryn. ap Bek. Anec. p. 45.

17 The remaining leaves of the Bodl. ms. are lost.

18 periderraiwn thus spelt. Jul. Poll. 5, 56.

1 So mss. Ben. Sav. entolhj.

2 Stallbaum ad Plat. Phileb. 74.

3 See the Introduction to Boyle's Reflections, where this is beautifully applied to the improvement of all fragments of time by meditation.

4 Such as the Manichees, see St. Aug. Conf. p. 340, O. T. note at the end, and Marcion. Tert. adv. M. lib. 4.

5 This was done by his relies. St. Chrys. Hom. 1 ad Pop. Ant. §2, on the Statues, p. 4, O. T.

6 A raised place in which the Clergy were, v. Suicer, and Bingham, b. viii. c. 6, §1, and 9-12.

7 Or "Teaching of the word." tou thj logou thj didaskaliaj, but we have tou logou thj paraklhsewj, Heb. xiii. 22. The word of Exhortation.

8 St. C. does not seem to be here alluding to the former, but to the latter part of this very difficult passage. The most comprehensive view of it, on this interpretation, seems to be, that Christ has so hallowed all pain, that it has a saving influence in it: yet not in such wise saving, that the bearing of the great pain and peril of childbearing will atone for the neglect of the after labors of education. See Marlorate and Corn. a Lapide. in loc. The whole interpretation is questionable. Theoph. mentions some who take the words "the childbearing" of the birth of our Lord, which he rejects as not agreeing with what follows. But Estius justly observes, that the "abiding," etc. may be better applied to the man and wife.

9 St Chrys. takes the word in its literal sense of a captive in war. If so meant it might be figurative, but it most likely refers either to an imprisonment, or to what he speaks of Cor. xi. 26, as perils from robbers.

10 Lit. "far more like a prisoner"-for Field reads aixmalwtotera for xalepwtera.

11 St. Chrys. on 2 Cor. viii. 23, p. 215. O. T. and Phil. ii. 25, p. 104 O. T. takes this word to mean messengers of the Churches. Theodoret, on Phil. ii. 25, takes it to mean "Bishop," as on 1 Tim. ii. 8, he says, "they then called the same persons Bishops and Elders, but those who are now called Bishops they named Apostles." St. Chrys. Hom. in St. Ignat. call him an Apostle.

12 Hammond reads the name Junias, and supposes a man to be intended.

13 It is impossible to determine with certainty whether epiohmoi en toij apostoloij (7) means that the persons referred to were themselves apostles, or merely that they were held in high esteem by the apostles. The interpretation of Chrys. (the former) is possible both in point of language and in view of the fact that apostoloi embraced more than the twelve in N. T. usage, e. g. Paul, Barnabas, and probably, James, the Lord's Brother (Gal. i. 19) (so Tholuck, Rückert, Ewald). The more probable view is that Andronicus and Junias [not Junia as Chrys., certainly not if his interpretation is correct; that a woman should have been an apostle is out of the question] are designated as distinguished, honorably known among (by) the apostles. (So De Wette, Philippi, Holmann, Meyer).-G. B. S.

14 He perhaps means something in the names, as well as in the facts implied; most of them are significant. In several places, as where he refers to Ps. xix. and in his metaphors, he shows that he knew and valued allegorical interpretation, but he makes little public use of it.

15 This is rather an unusual way of taking "pollhj asfaleiaj edei apolauein autoij," but the sequel allows no other.

16 i. e. had he not been so greatly esteemed.

17 autou emou, even of myself.

18 So Field with 4 mss. Vulg. "do,"

19 polloi would bear to be rendered "they often."

20 i. e. Peter, James, and John.

21 See Macarius, Hom. vi. v. fin. "So then many that were taught by Peter, came to repentance, and formed a new world, elect of God. You see how a beginning of judgment was manifested. For then a new world was made manifest. For then was power given them to sit and judge in this world. However, they will sit and give judgment at the coming of the Lord, in the resurrection of the dead."

22 1 Tim. ii. 14, whence it appears that St. C. looked upon the pains of childbirth as a punishment, though they were capable of being turned to good: see Gen. iii. 16.

23 mss. omit "pleasure-loving" and "love of pleasure" in the next line.

24 Joel iii. 2, which is however a type of the last judgment. Isaiah xxx. 33. can hardly be meant, as the LXX. there has not the name Tophet.

25 Ben. and 3 mss. basileiwn.

26 This whole argument is nearly that of the close of Hom. 25. The object of it is clearly to keep their minds to the subject, as well as to convince gainsayers.

27 So Field; others: "more than many."

28 See Bp. Taplor, Serm. on Sir G. Dalston; and Bp. Butler, Anal. 1. 2, note n.

1 Field with most mss. omits poiountaj; of course it is to be supplied from the context.

2 At Rome also there were, as in so many other places, those who, either within or in contact with the church, made divisions and perverted the true Christian teaching. The Epistle to the Romans deals but to a small extent directly with these persons. It is, in the main, constructive. Galatians is a letter on similar lines of teaching but more polemic in character. In the case of how few of the churches to which the apostle wrote could he spare himself the unpleasant task of warning them against heretics or immoral tendencies of life. In Corinth the abuses were chiefly of a moral and practical character. In Colossae and perhaps in Ephesus, there was a Judeo-Gnostic theosophy which threatened the Christian faith of the people. The Roman church was, probably. predominantly Gentile and was a Pauline church, in the sense, that, though not founded by Paul, it had been trained in the Pauline "gospel," the type of doctrine more or less peculiar to that apostle. The extended refutation of Jewish claims to special divine favor in chaps. ii. and iii. as well as the consideration of the problem offered by the lapse of the Jews in chaps. ix., x., and xi., shows that there was an reportant Jewish element in the church, while these concluding warnings (17, 18) intimate the presence of Judaizing heretics who sought to conceal their real wickedness by smooth and plausible language and thus to lead innocent and unsuspecting Christians astray.-G. B. S.

3 uperbainein, see p. 441.

4 The mss. authorities and vss. strongly favor the omission of v. 24 (as, A, B, C, )e

5 Field thinks he points to the Bishop and clergy present.

6 The following passage strongly illustrates what St. Chrysostom says, in the first page of the Introduction, of his affectionate intimacy with the Apostle, through meditation on his writings.

7 The Martyrs were thought to be admitted to the Beatific Vision at once. See Tertullian de Anima, 55, but this is a subject on which the Fathers speak with caution.

8 korufaion, not of the Apostles, but of the Saints in general. The manner in which St. Paul is coupled with St. Peter, is remarkable, as in the Roman Breviary, Vesp. et Laud. Common. Cam. de Apost. "Peter the Apostle, and Paul the Teacher of the Gentiles, these taught us Thy Law, O Lord. R. Thou shalt make them princes over all the earth." In the York Breviary, F. SS. App. Petr. et Paul, ad Vest. Hymn, St. 2. "These are the two olive trees before the Lord (Zech iv. 3), and the candlesticks beaming with light, the two bright luminaries of Heaven." And again, non impar Paulus huic. St. Augustine observes, ad Bonif. cont. du. Ep. Pelag. 1, 3, c. 3, Ben. t. 10. "When one says, `The Apostle, 0' without saying what Apostle, no one understands any but Paul, because he is best known from the number of his Epistles, and because he labored most." St. Maximus, Hom. 5, de Nat. Petr. et Paul, "Therefore the blessed Peter and Paul are eminent among all, and have a kind of peculiar precedency, but between themselves, which is to be preferred to the other, is uncertain. For I think they are equal in merits because they are equal in suffering." He also says in the same Homily, "To Peter, as to a good Steward, He gave the key of the Kingdom of Heaven. On Paul, as on an able Teacher, He enjoined the mastership in the teaching of the Church; that is, that whom the one has instructed unto salvation, the other may receive into rest; that whose hearts Paul hath opened by the teaching of his words, to their souls Peter may open the Kingdom of Heaven. For Paul too did also in a manner receive the key of knowledge from Christ." And St. Gregory, 1, 1 Dial. c. 12. "The Apostle Paul is brother in Apostolical preeminence (principatu) to Peter, the first of the Apostles." See also St. Chrys. on Gal. i. 18, p. 25 O. T. where he says, "equal in dignity with him, for at present I will say no more," and Gal. ii. 8, p. 34 O. T.; Tertull. adv. Marcion. 1, 5, and others. consider him especially intended in Jacob's blessing of Benjamin. St. Cyr. Hier. Cat. vi. p. 68, O. T. speaks of "That goodly pair, Peter and Paul, the Rulers of the Church." Many more passages might be cited, but these may suffice to show in what esteem St. Paul was held among the Fathers, and at the same time that this did not interfere with their view of the prerogatives of St. Peter.

9 Some mss. add, "and they still possess his sacred body."

10 See Macarius, Hom. 1, and Hom. 7, also Schaare Orah. ap. Knorrium, Kabbala Denudata, t. 1. p. 507, where this interpretation is carried farther.

11 Alluding to John xiv. 12; John xvi. 12.

12 St. Augustine de Gen. ad Lit. xii. 35. He has many passages on "seeing God."

13 Acts xx. 19; 2 Cor. ii. 4 cf. Luke xviii. 7, Ps. cxxxiv. 2.

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