¹ tou dhmou thn orgmhj. 'Epei oun thj polewj auton ecebalon, tote afistantai. So Edd. and our mss. but Cat. simply thn orghn. The next sentence, if referred affirmatively to the Jews, would be untrue, for in fact the Jews ouk apesthsan. Possibly the scribes took it to refer to the soldiers: but this is very unsatisfactory. To make sense, it must be read interrogatively: "Well then, at any rate that now, they have got him out of the city, they desist from further attempts? By no means; and in fact the precautions taken for his safety show what was the tribune's view of the matter, both that Paul was innocent and that they were set on murdering him." We read afistantai thj ormhj.

² It has been necessary to rearrange the texts, and also to transpose the parts mark a, b.-Kai mhn umeij, fhsi touto pepoihkate. The fhsi here is hypothetical: "Tertullus wishes to arraign Paul as a seditious person. And yet, Felix might say, it is ye Jews that have been the movers of sedition: in these words ye describe yourselves."-Mod. text "v. 2, 3, 4. And yet ye have done this: then what need of an orator? See how this man, also from the very outset wishes to deliver him up as a revolutionary and seditious person, and with his praises preoccupies the judge. Then as having much to say, he passes it by, and only says this, But that I be not further tedious unto thee."

³ So much was sedition to their taste, they would have been the last to arraign him for that; on the contrary etc.-But Mod. text wj lumewna loipon kai koinon exqron tou eqnouj diaballousi.

⁴ The bracketed passage in vv. 6-8 om. in A. B. G. H. )

⁵ Hence it appears that Chrys. read onta se krithn dikaion in v. 10, though the old text in the citation omits the epithet. Cat. retains it.-See p. 299, note 2.

⁶ As Felix had been many years a judge, he was conversant enough with the habits of the Jews to be aware that the Pentecost which brought Paul to Jerusalem was but twelve days past: so that there had not been time to raise a commotion. Mod. text. "And what did this contribute to the proof? A great point: for he shows that Felix himself knew that Paul had done nothing of all that he was accused of. But if he had ever raised an insurrection, Felix would have known it, being judge, and such an affair would not have scaped his notice."-Below, dia touto entauqa auton elkei, we suppose auton to be Felix: Mod. text substitutes enteuqen afelkwn, referring it to the accuser. The meaning is obscure. but it seems to be, "draws the attention of his judge to this point," viz., of his having come up to worship, and therefore endiatribei toutw tw dikaiw lays the stress upon this point, of Felix being a just judge. Perhaps, however, the true reading here is tw dekaduo, "of its being not more than twelve days."

⁷ #Airesij in v. 14 has the same meaning as in v. 5. The meaning is therefore obscured by rendering it (as A. V.) in the former verse by "sect" and in the latter by "heresy." It is party or sect in both cases, used as a term of reproach. Paul's accusers considered him a member of a sect which they contemptuously called the Nazarenes. In his defence he takes up their own word.-G. B. S.

⁸ Eita kai ekballei autwn to proswpon, rejects their person, repudiates their pretension. They had said, "We found him:" he answers, "There found me, in a condition as far as possible from that of a mover of sedition-not they, `but certain of the Jews from Asia.0' In the Recapitulation, he says, kalwj de oude tonto ekballei referring to v. 21. Hence one might conjecture here, eita ouk ekb., to be placed after v. 20; but see p. 299, note 3.-Mod. text ekb. a. t. pr. legwn adioristwj, 'En oij euron me tinej twn k. t. l. "Saying indefinitely, `In which there found me,0' (and then adding), `certain of the Jews from Asia.0'"

⁹ Vv. 5 and 6 had contained the three charges preferred by Tertullus, viz.: sedition, sectarianism and profanation of the temple. Paul was charged with creating disturbances among the Jews (5). To this he replies (11, 12), that the charge is not sustained by facts; he worshipped in the temple, but neither there, nor in the synagogues, nor in the city, did he create a disturbance or gather a crowd. To the second charge that he is a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes (5), Paul replies by conceding that he worships the God of his fathers after a way which they call a sect, but he denies that this fact involves rejection or contempt of the law or the prophets (14). To the third charge that he had attempted to profane the Temple (6), he replies by alleging that he had, on the contrary, brought offerings to the Temple service and that he had there peaceably taken part in the religious rites of the Nazarites (17, 18). He concludes by insisting that his whole offence consists in having stoutly maintained the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead.-G. B. S.

¹⁰ Old text tauta gar eikotwj peri ekeinou legetai, para de toutou ...We read para ekeinou in the sense, "All that is to be said on those points comes from Lysias: from Paul, not a word." Mod. text tauta gar par ekeinwn legetai genesqai: "these things are said to have been done by those."

¹¹ Here old text has the reading en aij, above it was en oij.- Here the first Redactor has confused the matter, in consequence of his supposing that at the mention of Tertullus (d) Chrys. must have gone into the Recapitulation. Hence he places (c) the formula all' idwmen k. t. l. immediately before this. Accordingly to (d) as being comment on v. 4, he joins (e), and then supposing the epieikeiaj of (f) to refer to epieikeia v. 4, he places this next. The part (b) he keeps in its place, viz. before the Recapitulation: there remained (a), and this he prefixes to b, though its contents clearly show that it belongs to the Recapitulation of v. 31.

¹² ta men ekeinou, evidently the tribune, but Ben. quoe Paulum quidem spectabant.-They made the most of what the tribune had done, of their own violence they make as little as possible.

¹³ See above, p. 197, note 3. The principal authorities for the dikaion are Laud's Cod. Gr. and Cat. of Acts.

¹⁴ kalwj de (B.) oude touto ekballei. i. e. but while he does well to challenge the parties who found him viz. the Jews from Asia, he does well also that he does not cast out or repudiate this particular which he goes on to mention-viz. his exclamation before the Sanhedrim. This may consist with what was said above, ekballei autwn to proswpon: (see p. 297, note 1) viz. though he does this, and deprives them of the credit they took to themselves, for it was not that they found him; and as to his behavior in the temple, he will not admit their testimony, for they were not present: yet even these he challenges to testify to that of which they were cognizant.-Mod. text "from Asia, saying, Who ought to accuse me before thee, if they had aught against me. So confident was he to be clear as to the matters of which he was accused, that he even challenges them. But not only those from Asia, nay, those also from Jerusalem."

¹⁵ Mod. text adds, "by saying, 'Ekekraca: as much as to say, They have it not," etc. But their violence was shown not by his crying out, but by the fact that they had nothing more against him than this exclamation.

¹⁶ Old text ara an hqelhsate outw filosofein dunasqai-; Mod. text ara an outw filosofein dunhsqe-; and so Ben. against grammar and the sense. Savile and Ed. Par. Ben. 2, ara an eqelhshte, . .... dunasqe; But our mss. give it as above: and Savile's reading does not suit the sense: which is, "Would not you have wished-? Well, then, so would he."-Below, wsper oun ekeinoj ouk (B., ekeinoij and om. ouk) apo ecqraj tosouton, oson apo asqeneiaj, touto upomenei: outw kai hmeij ouk apo thj fusewj twn ubrewn kinoumeqa, oson af' hmwn autwn. The scribes have made nonsense of the passage, and the Edd. retain it. If for upomenei we read upomene, this will answer to episxej in the preceding sentence: to touto we supply pasxei: so we read, wsper oun ekeinoi. outw kai outoj ouk apo e oson apo asq touto pasxei: upomene. kai hmeij etc.

¹⁷ b.c. ina eidwj ekeino (mod. text ekeinoj) touto (we read toutw) katastellhtai. Here, as often, ekeino refers to the other world, touto to this life: "knowing what will come of it there, (i. e. the coals of fire) he may," etc.

¹⁸ kai mh ...Mod text kai mhn ..."And yet thou art," etc.

¹ !Anesij better rendered "relaxation" or "indulgence" (R. V.) than "liberty" (A. V.). Meyer understands by this that he was to be allowed rest, "to be spared all annoyance." Others (DeWette, Lange) suppose anesij to refer to release from chains, the so-called custodia libera of the Romans in which the prisoner went free on bail or upon the responsibility of some magistrate. This view is, however, inconsistent with the fact that Felix committed Paul to the keeping of a centurion (23) as well as with his leaving Paul bound (27). The custody was doubtless the custadia militaris and anesij denotes the relaxation of the rigors of his imprisonment.-G.B.S.

² Paul's reasoning "concerning righteousness" was directed against the well-known injustice of a prince of whom Tacitus says that he acted as if there were no penalty for villainy. His reasoning "concerning self-control" (ekrateia) was in opposition to his sensuality. He had unlawfully married Drusilla who was the wife of Azizus, the king of Emesa (Jos. Ant. xx. 7, 2). His references to the judgment to come might well have been directed against the governor's murder of Jonathan, the high priest.-G. B. S.

³ This formula is placed by C and mod. text just before the text "Go thy way," etc., v. 25, as if what is said of the wife also hearing, etc., related to the hearing before Agrippa and his wife Bernice.

⁴ Mod. text "And having gone down in Caesarea, he spends ten days." Which is evidently false, but so Edd. have it.-wste eggenesqai, seemingly, "to give them an opportunity of buying him." Pen., ut prostaret eis qui vellent ipsum corrumpere.

⁵ to, "fulattesqai;" this seems to refer to xxiii. 35: in v. 4, the expression is threisqai. Perhaps Chrys. said, "He was safe in custody, for Felix had ordered him fulattesqai, and there he was still. Then what needs this fresh order that he should threisqai? He is not attempting to escape, is he? It shows the spirit of the governor: `we have him safe; come down and accuse him.0'"

⁶ epeidh hn kai h apofasij. Mod. text and Sav. omit the kai, Ben. epeidh ei hn apofasij, with no authority of mss. We have marked the clause as corrupt. Possibly, kalh profasij is latent in the words, with the sense "since some handsome pretext was necessary" (or the like): or, perhaps, epeidh Kai [saroj] hn h apofasij, as comment upon the clause, 'Epi tou bhmatoj Kaisaroj estwj eimi.

⁷ eij ta 'Ierosoluma all our mss., and so Edd. without remark. Yet the sense plainly requires eij 'Pwmhn, and in fact the Catena has preserved the true reading. In the next sentence, he seems to be commenting upon the pleiouj hmeraj of v. 14 to this effect: "See how his cause is lengthened out by all these delays: the time (ten days) of Festus' stay at Jerusalem; then the second hearing; now again, pleiouj hmeraj: but for all this, his enemies are not able to effect their design.

⁸ Alluding to v. 26, 27 (which mod. text inserts here): i. e. "to this same effect Festus also writes, in his report to the Emperor."

⁹ For kai oi xarizomenoi autoij, mss. and Edd. we restore from the Catena kaitoi xarizomenoj autoij.

¹⁰ 'Alla kai eteron: all ouden aciopiston: mallon de oude mikron, alla kai wflei. So b.c. in A. all this is omitted, Mod. text-"incalculable mischief, but little to another, or rather not even a little does it hurt, nay even benefits. But I have said nothing worthy of belief all ouden aciopiston eirhka. Well then, let there be," etc.

¹¹ xrhmata exwn oliga kai thj anagkaiaj euporwn trofhj, eteroj de plousioj kai euporoj. So the mss. and Edd. without comment. We assume it to be aporwn.

¹² 'Alla to spanion aei toiouton. One would expect 'Alla spanion aei to toiouton.-Mod. text adds, kai oligoi oi kaloi.

¹³ kai podalgia\ ouxi eauton sundiefqeire met ekeinou; h xolh palin euruxwrian zhteitw. Mod. text "is not this dropsy? met ekeinou h xolh k. t. l. and below ean uperbh to metron, ouxi eauton sundiefqeire; outw kai h trofh. adding, "if it be taken beyond what can be digested, it involves the body in diseases. For whence comes the gout? whence the paralyzing and commotion of the body? Is it not from the immediate quantity of aliments? Again in the body," etc.

¹ Old text omits iswj, and puts it as a question, "Who would not have received the saying?"

² This is the comment on "forgiveness of sins:" the epieikej consisting in the not enlarging upon the greatness and aggravation of their sins. In the mss. and Edd. this is placed at the end of v. 18, and then, "God said to me, I have appeared to thee," and the rest repeated to "forgiveness of sins."

³ Mod. text "Whether He (as) first to rise from the dead should declare light: as if he had said, Christ as the first that rose dieth no more." It is manifest from the declaring this to all, that they also (have to) expect it for themselves. Then Festus seeing the boldness, since he all along addressed himself to the king, not once ceasing to look full towards him, was as annoyed (wsper epaqe ti), and says, "Thou art mad, Paul." And that he says this in annoyance (or passion), hear from what follows. "And as he thus discoursed," etc.

⁴ wsper epaqe ti. This is explained in the Recapitulation: "with a loud voice-outw qumou hn kai orghj."

⁵ Old text: "v. 27-29. Eucaimhn an, fhsin, egwge ouk en oligw, ti esti\ para mikron. Kai oux aplwj euxetai alla kai epitetamenwj. From the Recapitulation it appears that Chrys. supposes that Paul, as an idiwthj, i.e. not conversant with the elegancies of Greek style, ouk enohsen ti estin 'En oligw all' enomisen oti ec oligou: did not perceive what Agrippa's phrase meant (viz. as here explained. para mikron), but supposed it to be the same as ec oligou." "With little ado"-i. e. thou makest short work to persuade me, as if this were an easy thing, to be done in brief: therefore Paul answers, Be it in little, or be it in much, I could pray to God, with no brief and hasty prayer, but epitetamenwj, much and earnestly.-For kai oux aplwj, we read kai en pollw: oux a. and transpose ti estin en oligw para mikron, to its fitting place. Mod. text ouk en oligw: toutesti, mikron, omitting para, meaning this as the explanation of St. Paul's euc. en oligw. Of the Edd., Commel. Sav. Ben. give para, and so Par. Ben. 2, who however rejects the ouk.

⁶ The correct interpretation of v. 28, 29 depends upon the ff. points: (1) Whether the remark of Agrippa is sincere or ironical. (2) Whether the true text in v. 29 is en pollw or en meralw. (3) What noun, if any, is to be supplied with the adjectives oligw and megalw (or pollw). Regarding the first question, the considerations in favor of the view that Agrippa's remark is ironical are (a) the frivolous character of the man, (b) the current use of Christian among Jews and Romans as a term of reproach and contempt. Touching the second point, we find that megalw is favored by )

A. B. Syr. Copt. Aram. Vulg., as against G. H. for pollw. The former reading is adopted by Tischendorf, Lachmann, Meyer, Westcott and Hort, and most modern critics, and the evidence in its favor may be considered decisive. Whether any noun is to be supplied to oligw and megalw (as most) or not (as Meyer) is not important. In any case the sense must be completed. What do "in little" and "in great" mean? The sense may be completed by supplying (a) the idea of time-"in a little time," i. e. almost. In this case, en megalw would have to be rendered "wholly" or "altogether," a meaning which en megalw cannot well convey. Another rendering which might be derived from supplying the idea of time-differing but slightly from the foregoing-would be: "in a little time thou art persuading me!" i. e. dost thou think so soon to persuade me? and Paul replies: "Whether in a little time or in a long time-whether soon or late-I could wish," etc. The first interpretation lays emphasis upon the state of Agrippa's mind-persuaded almost-persuaded altogether; the second upon the element of time required to accomplish the persuasion (ironically spoken of). (b) The idea of labor, trouble or argument may be supplied thus: "Easily-with few words-or with little trouble-thou persuaded me!" and Paul's answer is: Whether with little (labor) or with much, I would to God that," etc. This view we prefer, because, (a) it harmonizes best with the natural meaning of en megalw which (if the true reading) requires taking both phrases in a quantitative sense. (b) It is favored by the evidently ironical character of Agrippa's remark. There is no ground for the opinion of Chrys. (followed by Calvin) that en oligw is used in different senses in the language of Agrippa and Paul, much less for the idea that Paul did not understand what en oligw meant!-G. B. S.

⁷ 'Apesthsan loipon oi 'I. th afesei xrhsamenou ekeinou A. B. (C. has lost a leaf here). Mod. text efesei. Cat. 'Epesthsan loipon oi 'I th efesei xrhsamenoi ekeinou. If this be the true reading, it should seem to belong to pan to pl. twn 'Ioud., viz. "`concerning whom all the multitude of the Jews besought me:0' the Jews thereupon had set upon him, using his, Festus' permission." But apest. and efesei give a better sense as comment on v. 23, i. e. "No mention now of the Jews-they had left him, when he had made his appeal."-Then, meta pollhj fant. (mod. text adds o basileuj kai) pan to plhqoj twn 'I. parhsan oux oi men oi de ou. Which is not true, for it could not be said that all the Jews were present at this hearing before Agrippa. We read meta p. f. parhsan. Then from v. 24, "pan to plhqo"" sc. enetuxon moi.

⁸ Ei gar ouden men eixon delnon eipein. i. e. "As far as the matter of accusation was concerned, he knew that he had nothing to fear: ekeinoi de ememhnesan, but the people yonder (at Jerusalem) were mad against him: therefore eikotwj ep ekeinon erxetai, no wonder he is for going to Caesar."

⁹ The apologia is Festus' written report of the hearings before him, which would be sent to Rome, and would at once testify to Paul's innocence, and to the malignity of the Jews.

¹⁰ Panta toinun apodusamenoj, not as Ben. "omnibus ergo relictis, apud quos natus, etc." but in the sense of the phrase apoduesqai (egklhmata) which is frequent in Chrys. That is, "the consequence is that Paul makes his first appearance at Rome, not merely as one who has cleared himself of all charges brought against him at home, but, after these repeated examinations, clear from all suspicion."-Below oiate kuriwn ouk ontwn twn katadikazontwn auton: the sense intended may be, "seeing they were not his judges, even if they wished to condemn him."

¹¹ Mod. text "But not before the tribunal of Lysias alone does he this, but also before Festus, and again here." Ben. cites the old text only to condemn it. Inconsiderately: for it was in the hearing epi Lusiou xxii. 3-5. (Lysias had no "tribunal") and here, that St. Paul thus challenged the testimony of the Jews: not before Felix, which is what is meant by ekei, still less before Festus.

¹² kai touto meson tiqhsi. The innovator not understanding the phrase, and its reference to Ei paqhtoj o Xristoj etc., substitutes, "And puts their (words) in the midst."-The meaning is: "He had greater things to say than what the prophets had said:" he could say, "The Christ whom ye slew is risen, for I have seen Him: but instead of this, he put it as a subject for discussion, Did the prophets teach that the Christ was to suffer and to rise again?"

¹³ See above, p. 310, note 1, and.* Yet some modern commentators assert that en oligw cannot mean, as Chrys. says, para mikron: that this sense requires oligou, or oligou dein, or par oligon: so that, in their view, Chrysostom's remark outwj idiwthj hn would be quite out of place.-In the next sentence ou boulomai, all our mss. and Edd. But Ben. renders it without the negative Et non dixit, Vellem.

¹⁴ He is commenting upon 2 Tim. ii. 9. "I suffer trouble as an evil-doer even unto bonds." To others, this might seem a twofold aggravation: both that he was treated as a malefactor, and that his destruction was intended. For if indeed he was put in bonds wj ep agaqw, the thing bore its comfort with it, and such was the case to him, but not in their intention; which was, that he should be in chains kai wj kakourgoj kai wj epi toij deinoij. Of the mss. A. C. have wj epi toij deinoij allouj: all oudenoj toutwn efrontizen. B. alouj: and so mod. text. But allouj seems to be only the abbreviation of the following all' oudenoj.

¹⁵ Mod. text adds, "To say this, belongs to Paul only: ours it is, who are so far removed from him as the heaven is from the earth, to hide our faces, so that we dare not even to open our mouth."

¹⁶ metewroi twn energeiwn hmin ginontai ai oyeij. Unable to discover any meaning in this, (Ben. sublimes nobis sunt: operationum oculi), we conjecture twn epigeiwn.

¹⁷ mss. and Edd., tria gar tauta esti yuxh (only F. has yuxh): "there are for the soul these three subjects."-Below, mss. and Edd. oikodomein for oikonomein.

¹ Kai toutouj, meaning perhaps those who remained at Myra.

² The fast referred to was that which occurred on the great day of atonement (Lev. xxiii. 27) i. e. on the tenth of the seventh month (Tisri). This would be about the end of September, after the autumnal equinox, when navigation was considered dangerous.-G. B. S.

³ Preponderant authority favors the reading eurakulwn from euroj, the S. E. wind and the Latin Aquilo, a N. wind (so )

, B* A. Vulgate Erasmus Mill, Bengel, Olshausen, Hackett, Tischendorf, Lachmann, Tregelles, Westcott and Hort, R.V.) If eurokaudwn is read, it is disputed whether the first part of the word is euroj (Alford, Gloag, Howson,) or euruj, broad. Meyer defends the latter reading, on the ground that the phrase o kaloumenoj requires that the word eur. denote a name and not merely the direction of the wind and that it is easier to suppose that this reading should be modified into the former than the reverse. Alford supposes that eurakulwn was the name of the wind, which the Greek sailors did not understand and pronounced eurokludwn. Meyer's argument is inadequate, and the probabilities favor the reading eurakludwn with the meaning, N. E. wind, a signification, moreover, which answers all the conditions of the narrative. (See Bib. Dict. sub voce.)-G.B.S.

⁴ Rather, "on the Syrtis" (eij thn Surtin.) There were two shoals on the coast of Africa, called by this name, the Syrtis Major and the Syrtis Minor. The former to the S. W. of Crete is the one here referred to.-G. B. S.

⁵ R. V. "they lowered the gear" (skeuoj). The word skeuoj-utensil, implement-is in itself indefinite and must be understood from the context. It has here been taken to mean "anchor;" "mast" (Olshausen); "sail" (Meyer, Lechler, Hackett, A. V.): "gear," meaning the ropes and topsails in order to set the ship in a direction off shore.-G. B. S.

⁶ Kai episfiggontai autwn ai yuxai. Hom. in Matt. p. 60, A. episf. is applied to the action of salt in stopping corruption; and ib. 167 B. Christians are the salt of the earth, ina episfiggwmen touj diarreontaj. Here in a somewhat similar sense, "the vessel goes to pieces and their (dissolute) souls (which were in danger of going to pieces) are powerfully constricted, held in a close strain, braced to the uttermost." Mod. text omits this, and for ina mh laqwntai-anaisxuntein, substitutes, "That they may not perish, the corn is thrown out and all the rest."-Below, all otan kai ta pleiona legh thj sumforaj: mod. text absurdly substitutes paratrexh: we insert after this the clause tote ta xrhsta prolegei which our mss. have below after kai o foboj marturei.

⁷ Kai episfiggontai autwn ai yuxai. Hom. in Matt. p. 60, A. episf. is applied to the action of salt in stopping corruption; and ib. 167 B. Christians are the salt of the earth, ina episfiggwmen touj diarreontaj. Here in a somewhat similar sense, "the vessel goes to pieces and their (dissolute) souls (which were in danger of going to pieces) are powerfully constricted, held in a close strain, braced to the uttermost." Mod. text omits this, and for ina mh laqwntai-anaisxuntein, substitutes, "That they may not perish, the corn is thrown out and all the rest."-Below, all otan kai ta pleiona legh thj sumforaj: mod. text absurdly substitutes paratrexh: we insert after this the clause tote ta xrhsta prolegei which our mss. have below after kai o foboj marturei.

⁸ poqen ta sithresia eixon; i. e. what were they to subsist upon, having thrown out the rest of the corn? But they trusted Paul's assurance for all.

⁹ xarisasqai i. e. to the holy man, to be saved for his sake, in like manner as "He gave (kexaristai) to Paul them that sailed with him," v. 24.

¹ The Maltese, though undoubtedly civilized, were barbaroi in the Greek and Roman sense of speaking an unintelligible language (cf. 1 Cor. xiv. 11). The word might be appropriately rendered "foreigners." The Maltese were of Phoenician descent and spoke a mixed dialect.-G. B. S.

² amelesterouj genomenouj, i. e. the impression left on their minds by the storm was not suffered to wear out, when the danger was over. What happened on shore, Paul's miracles, the kindness and honors shown them by the barbarians for Paul's sake, all helped to keep them from relapsing into indifference.

³ Or with the sign of the Dioscuri. The reference is to the ships insigne, an image or picture of the divinities Castor and Pollux on the prow of the ship. In the current mythology they were the sons of Jupiter and Leda, and were regarded as the tutelary divinities of sailors.-G. B. S.

⁴ ou gar an en trimhnw tosoutw dielexqhsan mh sfodra autwn pisteusantwn. (Mod. text tosauta dielexqh.) This is evidently corrupt. The context requires (as we have given in the translation), "would not have been so hospitably and liberally entertained, such a number as there were of them, two hundred and seventy-six souls and this for a period of three months:" but in dielexq. perhaps dihlegxqhsan is latent: "they would not have been so honored etc., but rather would have been convicted," etc.-In what follows, the parts had fallen out of their places thus, 2, 4, 6: 3, 5: 1, 7. Mod. text in e, oti fobhqentej ton kindunon echlqon, connecting this with the first clause of f, kai tauta ikana ekeinouj pistwsasqai.

⁵ The dialogue seems to proceed thus. "If the devil was the cause of Adam's fall, at this rate it ought to follow that all whom the devil tempts should perish (edei kata touto pantaj touj peirazomenouj apollusqai): if this be not the case, as certainly it is not, then, the cause (of our perishing) is with ourselves (ei de mh apolluntai, par hmaj h aitia)." Then: 'All' edei, fhsi, pantaj touj peirazomenouj katorqoun: ou: par hmaj gar h aitia: edei, fhsi, kai xwrij tou diabolou apollusqai. "But," say you, "(at this rate) all that are tempted ought to succeed (against the Tempter, to come off victorious from the encounter)." No: for the cause (of our being tempted) is with ourselves. "Then people ought to perish even without the devil:" i. e. `It should follow that those who perish, perish independently of the tempter.0' Yes: in fact many do," etc. In the printed text all' edei-katorqoun, <\=85_edei apollusqai are put interrogatively, and in place of the ou par hmaj gar h aitia of the mss. (which we point Ou. par hmaj g. h. a.) it has h, ei par h. h. a.

⁶ Hom. xxiii. in Gen. §, 6, p. 215, A. "I exhort you never to lay the blame upon Satan, but upon your own remissness. I say not this to exculpate him, for he `goeth about,0' etc. 1 Pet. v. 8, but to put ourselves in more security, that we may not exculpate ourselves when we so easily go over to the evil one, that we may not speak those heartless, senseless words, `Why has God left the evil one so much freedom to seduce men.0' These words betoken the greatest ingratitude. Consider this: God has left him that freedom, to this very end, that by fear of the enemy he may keep us ever watchful and sober."

⁷ The printed text, isxurouj gar hmaj poiei kala kai ta enantia. Ben., fortes enim nos reddunt quoe bona et contraria sunt. But kala kai ta enantia clearly answers to kalon kai luph summetroj, kalon kai frontij, kalon kai endeia. Only it may be doubted whether ta enantia is to be taken here as above, "Good also are adverse things, or, "their opposites," i. e. "freedom from sorrow, and care, and want, if in moderation." But the context speaks for the latter: viz. "(In moderation), for each of them (both these things and of their opposites) being out of measure destroys: and as the one leaves no solidity or stability (kai to men xaunoi, i. e. immoderate joy, ease, comfort), so the other by excessive tension breaks."-So below by tauta we understand "these things and their opposites," which are described as ta men pikra, ta de hmera (mod text hdea).