124 Luke viii. 15.

125 The origin of prayers for the dead dates back probably to the close of the second century. In note 1, p. 90, we have quoted from Tertullian's De Corona Militis, where he says "Oblationes pro defunctis pro natalitiis annua die facimus." In his De Monogamia, he speaks of a widow praying for her departed husband, that "he might have rest, and be a partaker in the first resurrection." From this time a catena of quotations from the Fathers might be given, if space permitted, showing how, beginning with early expressions of hope for the dead, there, in process of time, arose prayers even for the unregenerate, until at last there was developed purgatory on the one side, and creature-worship on the other. That Augustine did not entertain the idea of creature-worship will be seen from his Ep. to Maximus, xvii. 5. In his De Dulcit. Quaest. 2 (where he discusses the whole question), he concludes that prayer must not be made for all, because all have not led the same life in the flesh. Still, in his Enarr. in Ps. cviii. 17, he argues from the case of the rich man in the parable, that the departed do certainly "have a care for us." Aërius, towards the close of the fourth century, objected to prayers for the dead, chiefly on the ground (see Usher's Answer to a Jesuit, iii. 258) of their uselessness. In the Church of England, as will be seen by reference to Keeling's Liturgicae Britannicae, pp. 210, 335, 339, and 341, prayers for the dead were eliminated from the second Prayer Book; and to the prudence of this step Palmer bears testimony in his Origines Liturgicae, iv. 10, justifying it on the ground that the retaining of these prayers implied a belief in her holding the doctrine of purgatory. Reference may be made to Epiphanius, Adv. Haer. 75; Bishop Bull, Sermon 3; and Bingham, xv. 3, secs. 15, 16, and xxiii. 3, sec. 13.

1 I Cor. xiii. 12.

2 Eph. v. 27.

3 Ps. cxvi. 10.

4 Ps. 1i. 6.

5 John iii. 20.

6 Heb. iv. 13.

7 Ps. v. 12.

8 Rom. iv. 5.

9 Ps. ciii. 3.

10 I Cor. ii. 11.

11 1 Cor. xiii. 7.

12 Ps. xxxii. 1.

13 2 Cor. xii. 10.

14 2 Cor. i. 11.

15 Ps. cxliv. 11.

16 In note 9, p. 79, we have seen how God makes man's sin its own punishment. Reference may also be made to Augustine's Con. Advers. Leg. et Proph. i. 14, where he argues that "the punishment of a man's disobedience is found in himself, when he in his turn cannot get obedience even from himself." And again, in his De Lib. Arb. v. 18, he says, God punishes by taking from him that which he does not use well, "et qui recte facere cum possit noluit amittat posse cum velit." See also Serm. clxxi. 4, and Ep. cliii.

17 Rev. viii. 3.

18 Ps. li. l.

19 Ps. xxv. 11.

20 Ps. ii. 11.

21 2 Cor. xii. 9.

22 1Cor. iv. 3.

23 1 Cor. iv. 4.

24 1 Cor. ii. 11.

25 Gen. xviii. 27.

26 1 Cor. xiii. 12.

27 2 Cor. v. 6.

28 See Nebridius' argument against the Manichaeans, as to God's not being violable, in vii. sec. 3, above, and the note thereon.

29 See his Enarr. in Ps. lv. 8 and xciii. 19, where he beautifully describes how the winds and waves of temptation will be stilled if Christ be present in the ship. See also Serm. lxiii.; and Eps. cxxx. 22, and clxxvii. 4.

30 1 Cor. x. 13.

31 Isa. lviii. 10.

32 Rom. i. 20.

33 Rom. ix. 15.

34 Anaximenes of Miletus was born about 520 B.C. According to his philosophy the air was animate, and from it, as from a first principle, all things in heaven, earth, and sea sprung, first by condensation (pukn/wsij), and after that by a process of rarefaction (a0raiwsij). See Ep. cxviii. 23; and Aristotle, Phys. iii. 4. Compare this theory and that of Epicurus (p. 100, above) with those of modern physicists; and see thereon The Unseen Universe, arts. 85, etc., and 117, etc.

35 In Ps. cxliv. 13, the earth he describes as "dumb," but as speaking to us while we meditate upon its beauty-Ipsa inquisitio interrogatio est.

36 Rom. i. 20.

37 See note 2 to previous section.

38 Ps. xxxii. 9.

39 Colligitur.

40 Cogitur.

41 Cogitari.